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MA[^ 1 2 IvO: 

ftarbarli College librars 




WiDow OF CoL. Jamks Warren Seveh 

(CUM of x8x7) 

A fund of $20,ocx>, established in 1878, the income 
of which is used for the purchase of books 

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57.-59 LONG ACRE 1S9-183 WEST 80th STREET 


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B. Thnrneysen, Zur iriflcben Eauonensaminlaiig 1 

B. Thnrneysen, Die Abfiuetmg des FMire von Oengas Jß 

F. N. Robinson, Tbe Irisb Lives of Guy of Warwick and Bevis of 

Hampton 9 

Tbe Irisb Life of Guy of Warwick 24 

Translation 105 

Tbe Irisb Life of Bovis of Hampton 273 

Translation 298 

Gloflsaiy 320 

Index of Proper Names 335 

Additions and Gorrections 337. 555 

H. Gaidoz, La 'crapandine' dans le Boman de P6r4dnr 181 

L. Cbr. Stern, Ceangal nan tri cbaol 188 

H. Gaidoz, Le cnir dlrlande dans les 'Mabinogion' 191 

Die Bamberger Centenarfeier zum Gedächtnis an Johann Kaspar Zenis 

(mit einem Bildnis) 195 

L. Chr. Stern, Davydd ab Gwilyms Gebet zn Dwynwen 228 

K. Meyer, Mitteilnngen ans irischen Handschriften (Foftsetzung) . . . 257 
A. Anscombe, The date of tbe first settlement of tbe Saxons in Britain, 

II. Compntation 'secundnm evangelicam veritatem' . . . 339 

H. Ostboff , Zur keltischen Wortknnde 395 

1. cymr. dir; 2. cymr. rhech; 3. cymr. esgid; 4. cymr. uffam^ ffer, 
fftm\ 5. cymr. taith, mordaith, mordwyf gall. moritex, 

W. Lehmann, Irische Etymologien 433 

1. ir. *clag'y dentsch laichen; 2. ir. fiothalf ahd. wldiUo; 3. zu 
deutsch Mwerg, gr. oiQ<pog, ir. dergnat; 4. ir. acairif ae. hreßer; 
5. ir. ceOf deutsch heiser; 6. ir. bil, mhd. Hier. 
£. W. B. Nicholson, Bemarks on 'The date of tbe first settlement of 

tbe Saxons in Britain, I.' 439 

H. Zimmer, Zn den Würzburger Glossen 454 

L. Chr. Stern, Bemerkungen zu dem Würzburger Glossencodex ... 531 

L. Chr. Stern, Über die irische Handschrift in St. Paul 546 

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1. R. Thomeysen, Strophe 57 in Imram Snedgosa ocus Hie Biagla 234 

2. Wh. Stokes, Notes on the Second Edition of the Hartyrology 

of Oengns, London 1905 235 

3. L. Chr. Stern, Zn Tochmarc Etaine 243 

4. H. Krehs, G2anio 'to land' 243 

5. E.W. B. Nicholson y Znr irischen Eanonensammlang . . . 556 

6. F. N. Bohinson, Corrections 556 

Erschienene Schriften 

E. T. Ahbott, Further notes on Goney*s Irish-English dictionary . 252 

H. R. D. Anders, Ossian 563 

Anecdota from Irish Manuscripts, vol. I 560 

H. d'Arhois de Jahainville, Les dniides et les dienx celtiques k 

forme d'animaox 250 

— , Tain hö Cüalnge, I. liyraison 560 

0. Bergin, Palatalization in Oid Irish 561 

Giac. Boni, Hihemica 563 

A. L. C. Brown, The Enight of the Lion 255 

Erin, Vol. IL 2, HL 1. 2 ... 562 

M. Esposito, An astronomical treatise of Dicoil 563 

Ph. de F^lice, Le Pnrgatoire de St. Patrice 254 

R. H. Fletcher, The Arthnrian Material in the Chronides ... 255 

y. H. Friedel & E. Meyer, La vision de Tondale (tandgal) ... 254 

H. Gaidoz, Pour le centenaire de Qaspar Zeuls 256 

J. yan Ginneken, Principes de Lingoistiqne psychologiqne . . . 563 

E. Gwynn, The Metrical Dindshenchas, Part n 245 

G. Herbig, ' Eeltolignrische ' Inschriften aus Ginbiasco 251 

Jonmal of the Gypsy Lore Society, New Series LI 564 

T. Rice Holmes, Ancient Britain and the invasions of Julins Caesar 559 

M^langes H. d'Arbois de Jubainville 248 

E. Meyer, The Triads of Ireland 252 

— , The Death-tales of the Ulster heroes 252 

R. Priebsch, Die Sonntagsepistel in der irischen Tain Domnaig' . 253 

J. Rh^s, Celtae and GaUi 244 

— , The Celtic Inscriptions of France and Italy 557 

F. N. Robinson, A note on the Sonrces of the Old Saxon Genesis . 253 

A. Schulze, Zur Brendanlegende 253 

Wh. Stokes, The Birth and Life of St Moling 560 

y. Toomenr, Une monnaie de u6cessit6 des Belloyaqnes .... 251 

J. yendryes, MManges italo-celtiques 251 

H. Zimmer, Randglossen eines Eeltisten zum Schulstreik .... 256 

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57-59 LONG ACRE 129-133 WEST aOth STREET 


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Inhalt des 1. Heftes des VI. Bandes. 


B. Thnrneysen, Zur irischen Eanonensammlnng 1 

K. Thnrneysen, Die Abfassung des F^lire von Oengus 6 

F.N.Robinson, The Irish Lives of Guy of Warwick and Bevis of 

Hampton 9 

The Iriflh Life of Guy of Warwick 24 

Translation .• ... 105 

H. Gaidoz, La *crapaudine' dans le Roman de PörMur 181 

L. Chr. Stern, Ceangal nan tri chaol 188 

H. Gaidoz, Le cuir d*Irlande dans les 'Mabinogion' 191 

Die Bamberger Centenarfeier zum Gedächtnis an Johann Kaspar Zeufs 

(mit einem Bildnis) 195 

L. Chr. Stern, Davydd ab Gwilj^ms Gebet zu Dwynwen 228 


1. R. Thumeysen, Strophe 57 in Lnram Snedgusa ocus MicRiagla 234 

2. Wh. Stokes, Notes on the Second Edition of the Martyrology 

of Oengus, London 1905 235 

3. L. Chr. Stern, Zu Tochmarc Emire 243 

4. H. Krebs, ö/anio 'to land' 243 

Erschienene Schriften 

von J. Rhys, E. Gwynn,' J. Loth etc., H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, 
J. Vendryes, G. Herbig, K. Meyer, T. K. Abbott, A. Schulze, 
R. Priebsch, F. N. Robinson, Ph. de Feiice, V. H. Friedel & 

K. Meyer, R. H. Fletcher, A. L. C. Brown, H. Zimmer, H. Gaidoz 244 

Mitteilungen für die Redaktion bittet man an 

Prof. Kuno Meyer, 41 Huskisson Street, Liverpool, England, oder an 

Prof. L. Chr. Stern, Berlin W. 57, Bülowstrafse 45, zu schicken. 

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Da die Frage nach der Entstehung der irischen Kanonen- 
sammlung neuerdings wieder lebhafter erörtert wird,^ möchte 
ich eine Vermutung nicht unterdrücken, die mir beim Lesen von 
Nicholsons Artikel (Zs. m, 99) gekommen ist. Er spricht dort 
von der Unterschrift, die in der Kanonenhandschrift von Paris, 
Bibl. Nat ms. lat. 12021, erhalten ist, und welche lautet: 

Hucvsq; nubeN & cv • cuiminiae* & du rinis. 

Da hierin unverkennbar der Name Cu-Chuimnes steckt, wollte 
Stokes (Academy, 14. Juli 1888, p. 26) dafür lesen: 

Huc usque Rüben et Cü-cummne du [Daijrinis. 

Aber die Änderung ist ziemlich gewaltsam, und zwei m hat der 
Name nicht. Einleuchtender sieht Nicholson in -tce einen Kasus 
des Namens la 'I oder lona' und verbessert: 

Huc usque Rüben et Cu-Cuimni lae et Durinis, 

sodafs den beiden Personennamen zwei Ortsnamen entsprechen. 
Freilich, so leicht die Änderung von cuimin zu Cuimni wäre, so 
ist doch Nicholson eine befriedigende Erklärung dieser Form 
nicht gelungen, da der Name sonst immer, auch im Reim, 
Cu-Chuimne mit -e lautet; auch Cumine in Tigemachs Annalen 
(s. S. 2 Anm. 3) ist Schreibfehler für Cuimne. Es muls also doch 
wohl Cu' Cuimne Icb gelesen werden, und Durinis dürfte in 

^) 8. Hellmann, Sednlins Scottns (München 1906) p. 136 ff.; auch Bnry, 
Life of St. Patrick, p. 235 ff. 

ZdtMtarift f. Mit. Philologie VI. X 

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Daurinis, die ältere Form des allein tiberlieferten Namens Dair- 
inis ('Eicheninser), zu verbessern sein. Unter den verschiedenen 
Klöstern dieses Namens nimmt man wohl mit Recht das öftest- 
genannte, das heutige Molana in der Nähe von Youghal in 
Munster (Co. Waterford) als das gemeinte an.«) In Ice sieht 
Nicholson einen lateinischen Localis; aber da D[a]urini$ kein 
solcher sein kann, falst man beide Formen besser als lateinische 

In Buben (MS. nuben) vermutet Stokes mit grofser Wahr- 
scheinlichkeit den Mann, von dem die Annalen nur melden, dafs 
er scriba Muman ^Schreiber von Munster' war und 725 starb; 
vgl. Annais of Ulster s. a. 724: Rubin mac Connadh scriba 
Mumhan] Tigemach (Rev. Celt. 17, 232): Ruibin filius Connaidh 
scriba Muman,^) 

Nicht viel mehr weiTs man von Cu-Chuimne, s. Todd, 
Leabhar Imuinn p. 145 f. Die Annalen nennen ihn sapiens, was 
die Vier Meister mit eccnaidh togaidhe übersetzen, und melden 
nur seinen Tod im J. 747. 3) Ihm wird im Liber Hymnorum der 
Hymnus auf Maria: Cantemus in omni die — vermutlich mit 
Recht — zugeschrieben. Sonst hielten sein Andenken nur zwei 
anekdotenhafte Strophen aufrecht, die in wechselnder Form über- 
liefert werden. Die Annals of Ulster a. 746 legen sie seiner 
Pflegemutter (muime) in den Mund. Muime Chon-Cuimne 
cecinit : 

Gu-Chnimne ro legh suithe co druimne; 
alleith naül hiaratha, ro leici an caillecha.^) 
An-do Coin-Cuimne ro mboi, im rualaid de, conid soi; 
ro leic caillecha ha faill, ro leig alaill arith mboi. 

* Cu-Chuimne hat Weisheit studiert bis zum First (= bis zur 
Mitte); die andere Hälfte, die übrig ist, hat er gelassen um 
seiner Nonnen (oder * Weiblein'?) willen. 

>) s. FM. a. 742, Anm. d. 

') Die Vier Meister (a. 720) haben die Notiz über ihn und die über 
Mac Broc(c)ain, die in den älteren Annalen darauf folgt, irrtümlich ver- 
bunden; sie nennen ihn Ituibin mac mic Connaid sccrihhneoir Mumhan und 
machen ihn zu Brocans Sohn. 

») Annalfl of Ulster a. 746; Tigemach, Eev. Celt. 17, 248 (wo er Cu 
Cwnine heilst); FM. a. 742. 

*) Diese Zeile ist nach der andern Version (p. 3) zu bessern. 

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Was man Cu-Chuimne vorgeworfen hat (?), ist von ihm ge- 
wichen, sodafs er ein Weiser ist; die Nonnen hat er vernach- 
lässigt und hat den Eest studiert, der ihm übrig war.' 

Eine zweite Version, die uns in der Vorrede zum Maria- 
hymnus bewahrt ist, und der die Vier Meister a. 742 den Vorzug 
gegeben haben, läfst Adamnan, den Abt von I, die erste Strophe 
sprechen. Ädamnamis dixit: 

Cu-Chuimne ro 16g suthe co drumne; 
alleth alle ara ta,0 1*0 leic ara chaillecha. 

Cu-Chuimne antwortet: 

Cu-Chuimne ro 16g s[uthe] co [drumne]; 
a[lleth] a[ile] ara ta,^ le^aid, leicfid caillecha 
oder: alleth naile araid cüi, legfaid huile, corop süi. 

* Cu-Chuimne hat Weisheit studiert bis zum First; die andere 
Hälfte, die übrig ist, wird er studieren, er wird die Nonnen 
lassen' oder 'die andere Hälfte, die ihm voranschreitet (?), wird 
er ganz studieren, bis er ein Weiser ist.' 

Auf Grund dieses Wechselgesprächs läfst ihn die Vorrede 
zum Hymnus zur Zeit Adamnans und Loingsechs, des Königs 
von Irland, leben, die bald nach einander (704 und 703) ge- 
storben sind. Das kann aber höchstens für seine jüngeren Jahre 
passen, da sein Tod ja erst ins Jahr 747 fällt. Sie fügt bei: 
Incertum est uero, in quo loco eum fecit, wufste also nicht mehr, 
wo Cu-Chuimne gelebt hatte. 

Man darf vermuten, dals eben diese Strophen, die eine 
nicht tadelfreie Vergangenheit erschliefsen liefsen, verschuldet 
haben, dafis Cu-Chuimne erst so spät unter die irischen Heiligen 
aufgenommen wurde. Erst üa Gormäin im 12. Jahrhundert 
würdigt ihn eines Platzes in seinem F61ire; er erscheint dort 
am 8. Oktober als Cü Cuimnech.^) 

Also Buben oder Rubin lebte in Munster; Cu-Chuimnes 
Herkunft und Wohnort ist unbekannt, doch setzt ihn eine 
Anekdote in Beziehung zu einem Abt von I. Nicholson las aus 
der Unterschrift der Kanonensammlung heraus, Rüben habe die 

>) Besser ara tha wie oben. 
>) ed. Stokes p. 192. 350. 

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Canones in I abgeschrieben und nach D(a)urinis gebracht, wo 
sie dann von Cu-Chuimne kopiert worden seien, und er gründet 
darauf weitere Hypothesen über ihren Entstehungsort. Und 
gewifs scheint es für einen Leser des 20. Jahrhunderts selbst- 
verständlich/ dafs in dem Ausdruck ^ Rüben und Cu-Chuimne 
von I und Daurinis' I auf den ersten, Daurinis auf den zweiten 
zu beziehen sei. Anders steht es aber im irischen Mittelalter. 
Der Chiasmus ^ JB 6 a ist dort ganz gewöhnlich, indem die Be- 
stimmung zu B unmittelbar von diesem attrahiert wird und die 
Bestimmung zu Ä dann nachträglich angeschlossen werden mufs. 
Ich gebe ein paar Beispiele, wie sie sich mir eben bieten: 

Würzburger Glossen 30 d 19: tonica t lacema .t. sdi t füan. 
Natürlich gehört sdi (sagum) zum Mantel lacerna, füan ^ Leib- 
rock' zu tonica (tunica). 

Fis Adamnäin § 4: Naim thuascirt in domain . . . octis a 
descirt ina ndib nairechtaib dermdraib tess ocus tuaid, 'die 
Heiligen des Nordens und des Südens der Welt in zwei grofsen 
Versammlungen im Süden und im Norden'. Gewifs ist gemeint, 
dafs sie im Himmel dieselbe Himmelsgegend einnehmen wie 
früher auf Erden. 

Serglige Con-Culaind § 3: 'Ni firßdir', ol Cu-Culainn, *co 
ti Conall öcmä Fergus'; fo bith ba haiti do Fergus ocus ba 
comalta Conall Cernach '(die Feier) wird nicht stattfinden', 
sagte Cu-Chulainn, 'bis Conall und Fergus gekommen sind'; denn 
Fergus wai* sein Pflegevater und Conall Cernach sein Milch- 

Auch bei längeren Beihen wird meistens zunächst an das 
letzte Glied angeknüpft. Z. B. Rev. Celt. 13, 269 werden fünf 
irische Sprecharten aufgezählt: berla Fene 7 fasaighe na filed 7 
berla etersgartha 7 berla forttide na filed ... 7 iarmberla und 
daran sofort Beispiele für iarmberla geknüpft; es folgen solche 
von berla edarsgartha, von berla forteidi u. s. w. — Oder in den 
Irischen Verslehren (Ir. T. HI, 1, 54) werden § 99 als Pensum 
des Dichters im 10. Jahre aufgeführt: coic luasca dec 7 uii. 
nena (?) 7 eochraid tri fichet focul cona astib 7 cethri srotha dec 
7 ut. duili feda; dann folgen § 100 die duili feda, § 101 die 
cethri srotha dec, darauf erst § 102 die luasca u. s. w. 

So ist es das Natürlichste, in der Unterschrift der Kanonen- 
sammlung D(a)urinis auf Rüben, den 'Schreiber von Munster' 
zu beziehen, wodurch wir das Kloster kennen lernen, in dem er 

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gelebt hat. Dann ergibt sich aber weiter, daTs Cu-Chuimne 
Sapiens zum Kloster I gehörte, was später vergessen wurde, 
aber wohl demjenigen Erzähler der Anekdote noch bekannt war, 
der ihn ein Wechselgespräch mit dem berühmtesten Abte von 
I, mit Adamnan, führen liefs. Die weiteren Folgerungen Nichol- 
sons sind somit nicht haltbar. Die Kanonensammlung hat sich 
eher vom Süden Irlands nach dem Norden verbreitet als um- 
gekehrt, und ein auf der Hebrideninsel I oder lona geschriebenes 
Manuskript war die Quelle, aus der das erhaltene der Pariser 
Nationalbibliothek (Eedaktion A) geflossen ist. 

Freiburg LB. R Thttenbtsen. 

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In der Neuaasgabe des Heiligenkalenders i) hat Stokes 
seine frühere Meinung aufgegeben, die Angaben der Vorreden 
wiesen ihn einer viel zu frühen Zeit zu; er schliefst sich jetzt 
vielmehr mit Kecht den Beweisgründen Strachans an, dafs die 
Sprache zu einem rund um 800 entstandenen Denkmal sehr 
wohl passe. In den Angaben über Verfasser und Abfassung des 
Werkes p. XXVE gibt er möglichst genau die Notizen der 
irischen Vorreden wieder, ohne zu untersuchen, wie weit sie 
glaubwürdig sind; und doch ist ja nicht zweifelhaft, dafs diese 
erst einer späteren Zeit entstammen. 

Oengus hat aber zum Glück selber genügende Angaben 
gemacht, nach denen die Abfassungszeit annähernd genau 
bestimmt werden kann. Einen Terminus post quem gibt zu- 
nächst der Tod seines Lehrers (aite) Mael-Ruain, des Gründers 
von Tallaght, im J. 792,2) den er sowohl im Prolog 225, als im 
Innern des Kalenders am 7. Juli und wieder im Epilog 64 1 als 
gestorben erwähnt. Schon darum ist die Angabe der Vorrede 
(p. 6) unglaubwürdig, Oengus habe den Anfang in Cuil Bennchuir 
gedichtet, das Hauptstück in Cluain Eidnech und nur das Ende 
in Tamlacht; denn es ist nicht anzunehmen, dafs er erst nach 
dem Tod seines verehrten aite in dessen Gemeinschaft eingetreten 
ist. Die Vorreden lassen ihn zur Zeit des Oberkönigs Aed 
Oirdnide dichten, der 797 — 819 regiert hat; sie geben auch den 
Grund an, weshalb sie das tun: ar is 6 ro gab rige nJEirenn % 
ndiaid Bonnchada, uair ticc Oengus isin hroluch thöisech ind 

*) F61ire Oengnsso C61i DL The Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee, 
Henry Bradshaw Society. London 1905. 

*) Ann. ült. 8. a. 791. Stokes gibt p. XXVI das unrichtige Datum 787, 
dagegen p. 432 das richtige. 

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felire tar hds Donnchada (p. 2 = 8) ^denn er (Aed) ist König 
von Irland geworden nach Donnchad, da Oengus im Prolog des 
Felire Donnchad als gestorben erwähnt.' Das bezieht sich auf 
Vers 221 des Prologs. Nachdem Oengus die vergangenen Gröfsen 
dieser Welt den Frommen und Heiligen gegenübergestellt und 
ausgeführt hat, wie jene spurlos dahin sind, ihre Burgen in 
Trümmern liegen, ihre Gräber zum Teil unbekannt sind, während 
die Stiftungen der Heiligen blähen und ihre Gräber Wunder tun 
und viele Leute anziehen, wendet er sich zur Neuzeit mit 
Vers 217 ff.: 

Tathunn ni as nesa arar söil — salm sobail! — 
de neurt D6 — dian medair! — indiu deud domain. 
Donnchad dric rüad rogdae n6 Bran büadach Berbae, 
ni beir dinn snim lobrae athigid a mmemrae. 
Mael-Buain iarna goiri, grian mär desmaig Mide, 
occa lecht co nglaini icthair cnet cech cridi. 

'Wir haben etwas Näheres vor Augen von Gottes Kraft, heute 
am Ende der Welt. Donnchad, der grimmige, starke, aus- 
erwählte, oder Bran von der Barrow, der siegreiche, — der 
Besuch ihrer Schreine nimmt uns den Kummer der Schwäche 
nicht weg. Mael-Euain nach seiner Frömmigkeit, die grofse 
Sonne auf der Südebene von Mide, — bei seinem reinen Grab 
wird das Seufzen jedes Herzens geheilt.' 

Es wird also dem kürzlich verstorbenen Frommen, Mael- 
Euain, der ebenfalls tote irische König Donnchad (769—797) 
gegenüber gestellt, und mit Recht schliefst der Verfasser der 
Vorrede daraus, dafs das Gedicht unter seinem unmittelbaren 
Nachfolger Aed verfaTst sei. Denn zur Zeit späterer Könige 
hätte es keinen Sinn gehabt, gerade ihn hier zu nennen; es wird 
gewissermafsen auf sein frisches Grab hingewiesen. Der Vers 
ist also nach 797 gedichtet. Ebenso mufs es sich mit * Bran von 
der Barrow' verhalten. Wie schon der Glossator des Lebor 
Brecc gesehen hat, ist der König von Leinster, Bran Ardchenn 
mac Muiredaig, gemeint, der 795 durch seinen Nachfolger Fin- 
finechta ums Leben gebracht wurde; Bran Berba heilst er 

*) Ann. Ult. s. a. 794; Book of Leinster 39 b. Stokes, der ihn gegen 
den Glossator in der ersten Ausgabe CCXXVI mit dem viel früheren Leinster- 
könig Bran-Dub identifiziert hatte , nennt ihn in der nenen p. 404 ^a 
heathen king'. 

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poetisch, weil die Barrow der Hauptfluls von Leinster ist Eben 
unter diesem Nachfolger, Fintoechta Cetharderc mac Cellaig, hat 
also Oengos gedichtet Die Annalen melden von ihm, dals er 
sich 804 dem Oberkönig Aed unterwerfen mulste. Doch scheint 
er keine Treue gehalten zu haben; denn schon 805 veranstaltete 
Aed einen Kriegszug nach Dun-Cuair an der Grenze von Mide 
und Leinster') und teilte Leinster unter zwei andere Prinzen 
des einheimischen Königshauses, die beide Muiredach hielsen, 
während Finsnechta ins Kloster mufste. Aber es gelang ihm 
diese zu besiegen und 806 das Königtum wieder zu gewinnen, 
bis er 808 in Kildare an Hämorrhoiden starb. Man darf vielleicht 
vermuten, daf s die Dichtung vor die Zeit seiner Absetzung (805) 
fällt; aber jedenfalls sind die äuüsersten Zahlen 797 und 808, 
wie ich schon KZ. 37, 54 bemerkt habe. Und mit solch an- 
nähernder Datierung dürfen wir schon zufrieden sein. 

Es erklärt sich nun auch ohne weiteres, wie die Legende 
entstanden ist, Fothad na Canoine und Oengus hätten sich gegen- 
seitig ihre Gedichte gezeigt und gesegnet^) Denn unter dem- 
selben Jahre, wo die Unterwerfung von Bran unter Aed be- 
richtet wird, 3) erzählen die Annalen: Isin hliadain si dana ro 
saeradh (1. saertha) cleirich Herend ar fecht 7 ar sluaiged la 
hAed Oimigi do bhreith Fathaidh na Canoine 4n demselben Jahr 
wurden die Kleiiker Irlands von Kampf und Kriegszug befreit 
durch Aed Oirdnide nach der Entscheidung von Fothad na 
Canoine'. Die Vorrede gebraucht fast dieselben Worte, nur dafs 
sie die beiden Jahre 804 und 805 durcheinander wirft:*) Ocus is 
forin sluagad sin (nämlich nach Dun-Cuair, a. 805) ro saertha 
clerig Erenn ar fecht 7 sluagad; ar is e Fothad na Canoine ruc 
in breiih, dia ro sa^tha eculsa Brenn. Die Quelle der Legende 
ist also nicht zweifelhaft; derselbe Glossator, der den Bran des 
Gedichts an der Hand von Annalen identifizierte, mag der Er- 
finder dieser Begegnung zwischen Oengus und Fothad sein. 

1) Nach O'Donovan wohl Rathcore in der Grafschaft Meath. 

•) Vorrede p. 4 = 10. 

») Ann. ült. 803 (= 804). 

*) Die Vier Meister a. 779 haben ihr das nachgemacht. 

Freiburg i. B. R. Thuenetsen. 

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'Men speke of romances of prys, 
Of Hörn child and of Ypotys, 

Of Beyis and Sir Gy.' 

Since the time of Chaucer's 'Eime of Sir Thopas', and 
earlier, the romantic heroes Sir Bevis of Hampton and Sir Guy 
of Warwick haye been familiarly associated in English literature. 
It is not snrprising, then, that the liyes of the two should be 
found side by side in an Irish mannscript, and it is not in- 
appropriate that they should appear together in the flrst printed 
edition of the Irish texts. 

The onlyi) existing copy of these texts, so far as I know, 
is that preserved in MS. H. 2. 7 in Trinity College Library, a 
vellum folio in yarious hands, probably of the fifteenth Century.^) 
A few passages from both romances were printed by Nettlau in 
the Revue Celtique X, 187 — 191. The language, which was long 
ago characterised by O'Donovan as *pure and of great value to 

^) Two romantic fragments in the Franciscan Monastery at Dublin were 
at one time erroneonsly catalogned as containing portions of the 'Bevis'. 
They are actnally fragments of the story of the Holy Grail, and were reported 
as such by Nettlau, RC. X, 186. They were afterwards printed in füll 
(CZ. IV, 381 ff.). 

^) A fragment of the Trojan story ending on p. 460 is dated 1479, but 
the mannscript consists of several distinct parts. See for its contents the 
Catalogne of MSS. in the Library of Trinity CoUege, pp. 317 ff. Cf. also 
0' DonoTan's manuscript catalogne, p. 167, and his Tribes and Customs of Hy 
Many (Ir. Arch. Soc. 1843), p. 63, n.; 0' Curry, MS. Mat, pp. 193 and 658, with 
facsiiiiiiieB (plate 13); H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Essai d'un Catalogne, 
p. LXYII; and Zimmer, Gtött. Gel. Anz. 1890, p. 502. Stokes used the MS. for 
his editions of the ^Fortibras' (RC. XIX, 14 ff.) and of the *Aidead Muir- 
chertaig maic Erca' (EC. XXIH, 395 ff.). 

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the Irish scholar V) can doubtless be dated with some definiteness 
when the yerbal forms are fully tabulated and compared with 
those in other late Middle Irish texts. The 'Stair Fortibrais', 
a translation in similar style of which a copy exists in the same 
manuscript, is vaguely assigned by Dr. Stokes, its editor, to the 
fourteenth er fifteenth centuries.^) The translation of John 
Mandeville, on the other band, is distinctly stated in the manu- 
script to have been made by Fingin O'Mahoney in 1475,3) and 
a comparison of the grammatical forms of all these pieces with 
it and with the translation of Marco Polo*) ought to help in 
establishing a more precise date for them, and perhaps also to 
shed some light upon the question of their authorship. But the 
investigation of these matters cannot be satisfactorily completed 
while the greater part of the foreign romantic material in Irish, 
to which Nettlau called attention in his articles in the tenth 
volume of the Revue Celtique, still remains unpublished. 

The exact sources of both the 'Guy' and the *Beyis' are 
unknown, though there is good ground for believing that they 
go back to English Originals, as was assumed long ago by 
O'Donovan») and 0' Curry.«) The principal eyidence for this 
opinion is to be found in the proper names. Zimmer, ') arguing 
from those in Nettlau's extracts, pointed this out, and an 
examination of the complete list practically places the matter 
beyond doubt. To be sure, many of the names are indecisive 
and might go back equally well to French or to English. 

O'Donovan's mannscript Catalogue, now in the Trinity College 
Library, p. 167. 

>) RC. XIX, 14. 


*)CZ. 1,245 ff. 

*) ManoBcript catalogue, p. 167. O'Donovan speaks only of the *Bevis\ 

*) MS. Mat., p. 193. 0' Curry calls them ^ translations from ancient 
Anglo-Saxon writen of romance'. 

^ Gott. Gel. Anz. 1890, p. 502. Althongh I agree with Zimmer*s con- 
closion, his argfoment about JBevis, if I nndentand it correctly, appears to me 
to prove too mach. In a foot-note he compares Ir. Bibus (from Engl. Beves) 
with the Welflh Bown (from Fr. Bovon), implying that the Irish form could 
not haye come from the French. Bat Beuves, Bueves, were nominative forms 
in French alongside of the oblique case Bovon. Compare Ote» and Otoun. 
In the latter instance Otun is the form found in the Irish 'Guy*. Conversely, 
in the Norse 'Bevis', which is held to come from a French source, the form 
of the name is Bevers. 

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Others are so distorted — like Äimistir Amundae from Amis de 
la Mountagne^) — that it is difficiüt to draw conclusions from 
them. Bat a number of forms remain which it is easiest to 
explain by assuming an English intermediary between the Irish 
and the French. Thus Heront (JEront), from Fr. Heraut (Herali) 
is very likely to have got its n as a result of the errors of 
English scribes. Compare the way in which Rohand or Böband 
was made out of the French Rohaut (Rohalt) in some English 
versions of the story.^) The Irish üront shows the same devel- 
opment in the last syllable and apparently corresponds to 
Yorauld, a name which I have found in Copland's version alone. 
(The other English versions have Torold, and the Wolfenbfittel 
French text Corraud.) Pani (for French Pauie) and Qincadh 
(for Fr. Guichard) both show the same transformation of u into 
n, and in these instances Copland's 'Guy' has forms with n 
(Pani and Gincharde). The Irish form Sision probably rests 
upon an English modiflcation of Sessoigne,^) Finally the constant 
use of Sir in titles (Sir Gyi, Sir Heronf) is plainly modelled on 
the English, and there are several instances where the English 
word Jcing (Ging o Niubie, Ging Hermeis, Ging Gaulog) has been 
taken over intact into the Irish text. All these indications, 
the last of them practically decisive, point to an English 
source for the 'Guy'. In the Bevis fragment, which is much 
shorter, the evidence is not so clear. There is very little 
difEerence between the French and the English forms of the 
names, but where these disagree the Irish Stands in every case 
nearer to the English unless it departs from both alika The 
Irish name Babilon, too, for the country of Ybor's brother, may 
be due to the English Dabilent (itself a corruption of Fr. 
d'AhiUnt).^) So far as it goes, then, the testimony of the names 
in the 'Bevis' is consistent with that of the 'Guy'. 

^) References for the occurrence of these names may he found in the 
Index of Proper Names. 

') Bohande and EohauU are hoth found in Copland's 'Gruy'. 

^) On the spellings SesyonCy Cesyone, in the English metrical version 
of the fifteenth Century see Zupitza's edition (Early English Text Society, 
Extra Series XXV), p. 367. 

*) It may, however, have been suggested by the personal name Babilent, 
Bibüant, which is given in the Welsh and Norse to the king of Dabilent (in 
French Baligant), and which may have stood in some English version. 

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I have not attempted to draw any conclusion from the 
presence in both texts of a considerable number of loan-words, 
apparently from Engllsh. I haye no doubt that words of English 
origin are more numerous becanse the author was working with 
an English romance. But it is obvions that they proye nothing 
decifiively, for the Irish writer need not have taken them from 
his source. In fact all, or nearly all, of them occur in other 
texts. Sometimes, moreover, it is not easy to decide whether a 
Word is of English or French origin. A critical study of the 
foreign elements in the Middle Irish vocabulary, ascertaining the 
sources of loan-words and the date of their introduction into the 
language, yet remains to be made. 

An analysis of the contents of the Iiish 'Guy' and 'Bevis' 
might be expected to lead much farther toward the determination 
of the sources. But it does little more than confirm the results 
already derived from the study of the proper names. Both 
romances differ in so many features from all the other versions 
I have seen that I must assume their immediate sources to be 
unknown. A brief Statement, however, of their relations to their 
respective cycles is of interest, particularly in the case of the 'Guy'. 

I have been unable to compare in detail the Irish 'Guy' 
with the French versions of the story, since none of these has 
been published except in summaries or extracts.^ But it is 
clear that none of the French texts of which I have suceeded 
in finding a description Stands in any close relation to the Irish, 
and I have already shown it to be probable that the source of 
the latter was English. Of the English versions the most 
important are easily accessible. Zupitza has published metrical 
texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,^) and I have 

^) For the French versions I have nsed Ward, Catalogue of Romances 
I, 471 ff. (a Bummary of the Version in MS. Harl. 3775); Schöuemann, in 
Serapeum m (a snmmary based on the Woifenbttttel text); Herbing, Über 
die Wolfenbüttler Hs. des Guy von Warwick; 0. Winneberger in the Frank- 
furter Neuphil. Beiträge, 1887, pp. 86fF. (a brief outline of the same text); 
A. Tanner, Die Sage von Guy von Warwick (again summarizing the Wolfen- 
büttel MS.); Littr6, Histoire Litteraire XXIT, 841 ff. (a long summary based 
partly on verse and partly on prose versions); and the M^langes tir^s d*une 
Grande Bibliothöque (1780), X, 63ff. (an outline of a prose romance printed 
in 1525). 

*) The fifteentli Century version was published in 1875-6 (E. E. T. S., 
Extra Series, XXV-XXVI); the earlier texta in 1883-87-91 (Extra Series 

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been able to compare with them the rare edition by William 
Copland of which the Harvard University Library possesses a 
copy. I have also examined Rowlands's poem^ and several 
later chap-book versions.^) The Middle English metrical versions, 
which agree with each other essentially in plot, stand dosest to 
the Irish and I haye made them the basis of my comparison. 
A brief Statement with regard to the proper names and the 
principal incidents will show the relation they bear to the Irish. 
More than two-thirds of the Irish names are either the 
natural equiyalents of the English, or can be explained withont 
difficulty as transformations of them.') There are seyen sab- 
stitutions,*) and six names of new persons and places^) occur 
without any eqoiyalent in the English. These additions and 
substitutions are hardly to be regarded as the invention of the 
Irish author, but probably stood in his English source. Some 
of them are of special interest. Eichard in the place of Bohaut, 
the name of Guy's father, may have chronological significance, as 
I shall point out below.<^) Cing Caulog,'') who appears once in 

XLn— XLIX). The Anchinlech version had already been edited by Tnrabull 
for the Abbotsford Club (1840). 

') The Famons History of Guy Earle of Warwicke, by Samuel Rowlands. 
London, n. d. 

^ The Benowned Hifitory of the Life and Death of Guy Earl of 
Warwick, [by John Shirley], London (circa 1700). Also The Noble and 
Benowned History of Guy Earl of Warwick. London 17—; llth edition, 
printed for Stanley Crowder. This was reprinted at Ghiswick in 1821 and at 
Warwick in 1829 and later. 

*) The cases of transfonnation are these: Siccard = Seffwardej Heront 
= HeraucUj ürant = Yorauld(^), CHncadh = Guichardf Ambrail Coscran 
= Amiral Cosdram, Mirabala = Amyrabel, üisin = Ozeüe, Aimiatir 
Amunndae = Amis de la Mountaine, Jonutas — Jonas, Craidhamar 
= Triamour, Eliman o Tiber = Elmadan of Tyre, 

<) The substitutions are the following: Bisderd for Boholde, Anan for 
Mirande(?), Ghreasmont for Arrascoun {Argone), Qibun Marcel for Yon, 
Moduiant for Merof (Medyokf Moderyse), Caulog for Athelstan, and Jarla 
Sdlua for the Duke of Marce (or an unnamed earl). 

^ The additional names in the Lrish are: Bruidisi, larla (ot Diuice) o 
Birri, Diuice o Sdragbom, Qailiard, Seoirse in Oilla, Johannes de Alcino. 

•) See page 17, below. 

') On the general use of Havdok (Fr. Avdoc, Welsh Abloec, Abloyc) 
for Anlaf cf. Skeat, The Lay of Havelok the Dane (1902), p. XXXVI. What 
is still more to the point, the king of Denmark is called Audock in 'Guy 
and Colebrande' (Percy Folio MS., edited by Haies and Furnivall, 11,528), 

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the place of King Athelston, is probably King Havelok, the 
Danish leader (better known as Änlaf Cuaran), whose name 
became somehow confosed with that of bis English Opponent. 
John de Alcino belongs in an episode which will be discussed 
a little laterJ) 

With respect to the narrative itself the Irish translation 
Shows considerable independence. It contains eyery episode of 
importance in the English and has seyeral additional incidents 
besides. Such are the fight between Guy and the doke of 
Lombardy (Chapter 4); the three days' tourney in Brittany 
(Chapter 5); and the toumament in Normandy (Chapter 7). In 
all these cases the English has nothing to correspond except 
general Statements that Guy fought in Normandy, Brittany, 
France and Spain. In Chapter 8 the Irish relates a flght in 
the market-place at Bruidis, instead of which the English and 
French versions seem to have a toumament at Benevento. In 
Chapter 29 the Irish giyes an account of a fight with a Turk, 
not paralleled in English. Änd in Chapter 34 there is a long 
discourse on Christian doctrine, not found in the English, con- 
ceming which I shall speak more particularly below.') These 
chapters, I should add, are lacking not only in the Middle 
English romances but also in every other Version of the story 
I have been able to consult. 

With the few exceptions mentioned — six chapters out of 
forty-three — the general plot of the Irish romance agrees, 
incident for incident, with the Middle English. But there is 
hardly a paragraph in which there are not differences of detail 
In chapter 1, for example, the account of Felice's skill in em- 
broidery is peculiar to the Irish, The description of Siccard's 
rule is much fuller in the English. Nothing is said in the Irish 
of Guy's early training by Heront; and much is made of bis 
piety and of the religious ceremonies at bis knighting — both 
unmentioned in the English. In Guy's Interviews with Feiice 

and Copland's 'Guy*, p. 254, mentions both Hanelocke, King of Denmark, 
and Condocke, Emg of Norway. Perhaps this last form, which corresponds 
to Gunlaff is the real Bource of the Irish Caulog with initial c, though that 
might have arisen in English or Irish from an erroneoos nnderstanding of the« 
spoken words King Havelok, 

>) See p. 15, below. 

*) See p. 15, below. 

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the English, which relates them mach more fuUy, suggests that 
bis proposals were improper, whereas the Irish makes no mention 
of 'folye'. And the conditions in Chapter 1 are by no means 
peculiar. I have noted similar variations in thirty-nine out of 
forty-fiye chapters. Sometimes they concem unimportant details; 
sometimes the plot in the Irish is manifestly improyed; occasionally 
the Irish redaction confuses the story; and in a few cases it 
appears to adjust it to the Conventions of native tales. It is 
impossible to say how many of these modifications are deliberate 
changes on the part of the translator, but when all due allowance 
is made for bis independence I tbink that many of the variations 
in plot as well as in the proper names most be attributed to 
bis source. 

Guy of Warwick was a mediaeval hero of the type of 
St Alexis, and a principal feature of bis story in all its forms 
is the desertion of bis bride. All the versions, therefore, make 
a plea for religion and asceticism. Bat the Irish, as compared 
with the English, is particularly insistent on works of piety and 
cbarity. Tbis has already been pointed out for Chapter 1.*) 
Again in Chapter 39 the pious deeds of Feiice are described in 
Irish, but not in the corresponding portion of the English. In 
Chapters 19 and 35 the Irish makes special mention of prayers 
of which the English says nothing. But the most conspicuous 
addition of a religious nature is Chapter 34, which is otherwise 
of special interest When Guy is overcome by remorse for bis 
sins and decides to abandon Feiice, the Irish romance alone 
represents bim as seeking spiritual counsel and obtaining In- 
struction in Christian doctrine. He sends for a holy f ather, John 
de Alcino, to whom he confesses bis sins and by whom he is 
exhorted to keep the commandments, to avoid the eight^) mortal 
sins, to emulate the sufferings of the saints, and to believe in 
all the articles of the Apostles' Creed. The name of the con- 
fessor, John de Alcino, furnisbes a clue to the source of tbis 
theological chapter. It is a condensation of part of the material 

*) See p. 14, above. 

') The nninber, eight, of the mortal eins is of course not peculiar to 
this text, thongh the sevenfold Classification is more familiär. On this point 
cf. K. Wemer's Alcuin und sein Jahrhundert , pp. 253-4. An early Irish 
instance of the eightfold series is to be fotind in Eriu I, 194. Cf. also 
CZ. m, 24. 

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found in the Middle English ^Speculum Gy de WarewykeV) 
which rests in turn upon the 'Liber de Virtutibus et Vitiis'^) 
of Alcuin. This moral treatise was originally written by Alcuin 
for a different Guy — Count Guido of Tours, a celebrated mili- 
tary leader under Charlemagna But as early as the beginning 
of the thirteenth Century it had become attached in England to 
Guy of Warwick, who is named as the recipient of the ad vice 
in the Auchinleck MS., the earliest copy of the 'Speculum'. On 
the other band, in the romance of Guy contained in the same 
manuscript there is no reference to Alcuin or to the sermon, 
and I haye not found the episode in any version except the 
Irish. The Irish redactor either made the combination himself, 
or had before him a romance into which the substance of the 
'Speculum' had been woven. The latter of these suppositions 
appears to me the more probable. There is nothing eise in the 
Irish text to indicate that the author compiled his work from 
different sources, and the combination in question would Jiave 
been more naturally made by an Englishman than by a foreigner. 
A number of lost yersions may intervene between the Irish 
*Guy' and the known Middle English texts, and the 'Speculum' 
may have been several times abridged in the course of trans- 
mission. Or the source of the Irish chapter may haye been 
derived in some other way from the ^Liber' of Alcuin. As it 
Stands, it is much shorter than the 'Speculum' and does not 
agree with that closely in the arrangement of material. Bat 
the three principal elements in the Irish are to be found in the 
English poem. For the Ust of deadly sins see the ^Speculum*, 
11. 107 ff.; for a description of the sufferings of the saints, U. 176 ff.; 
and for an exposition of portions of the Creed, 11. 200 ff. 

Thus the Irish life of Guy makes probable the existence 
of an English romance which differed in one important feature, 
and may haye departed in many details, from the known English 
yersions of the story. As to the date of the assumed English 
original, a lower limit can perhaps be established by the 
grammatical analysis of the Irish text, Beyond this the Irish 
supplies another bit of possible eyidence. The name of Guy's 

^) Edited by Miss G. L. MorriU for the Early English Text 
Society, 1898. 

*) See Migne, Patrologia Latiua, Vol. CI. 

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father-in-law, as I have already pointed out,0 is changed from 
Behalt (Rohaut, Bohand) to Risderd. The reasons for the Sub- 
stitution are entirely unknown, but it might have arisen from 
confusion with the name of a living Eichard, Earl of Warwick, 
or from a deliberate purpose of complimenting him. There were 
two Earls of Warwick of that name in the fifteenth Century. 2) 
Sichard de Beauchamp, who was born in 1882, was Earl from 
1410 tili his death in 1439, and Richard Neville (the king- 
maker), born in 1428, obtained the title by marriage in 1449, 
and died in 1471. As between the two, I think the general 
probabilities of date are in favor of the earlier. Moreover 
Beauchamp, we are told,^) travelling in the Holy Land in 1410, 
was feastened and given presents by the Lieutenant of the Soldan 
because of his supposed descent from Guy. In 1422 he endowed 
the chantry at Guy's ClifE. In view of his active interest in the 
romantic tradition of the house of Warwick it is quite conceivable 
that his Christian name may have got into some contemporary 
Version of the story. 

The Irish 'Bevis' is only a fragment, though a rather long 
one. The comparison of its contents with other yersions of the 
story is made easy by Eölbing's edition^) of the Middle English 
texts and Stimming's edition^) of the Anglo-French. Both editors 
discuss the relations of the French, the English, the Welsh and 
the Norse redactions.«) Besides these mediaeval versions, I haye 
also examined an English chap-book Beyis, probably of the 
year 1680.7) 

When compared with the French and English romances 
the Irish 'Bevis' shows less new material than the *Guy'. It 

*) See p. 13, above. 

*) See Dngdale's Baronage of England I, 243 ff., 304 ff. 

') The account of Beauchamp in Dngdale's Baronage rests partly upon 
the life of Mm by John Bons. 

«) Early EngÜQh Text Society, Extra Series 46, 48 and 65. 

») In Snchier's Bibliotheca Normannica, Vol. VII (Halle 1899). 

•) The existence of the Irish *Bevis' seems to have been unknown to 
Kölbing and Stimming, and also to R. Zenker, who has more recently in- 
▼estigated the cycle (Boeye-Amletos, Berlin 1905). Attention was called to 
it in Englische Studien XXTV, 463, where some corrections were also made in 
Köibing's account of the Welsh version. 

^ The GaUant History of the Life and Death of that Most Noble Eiiight 
Sir Bevis of Southampton (printed by A. M. for G. Deacon). 

Zeitiohrirt f. Mit Phllolocio VI. 2 

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contains no incident of importance not to be foand in both the 
Middle English and the Anglo-French. But in the matter of 
minor variations it Stands in abont the same relation to them 
that the 'Guy' bears to the texts with which I have compared 
it. Out of 22 namesO of persons and places, 17 are the natural 
equivalents of those in the Middle English, 4 are explicable*) 
as modifications of the English, and only two (that of Para, the 
son of the Emperor, and that of Biroig,^) a stream on the 
borders of Scotland) are new. Ä comparison of the narratives 
Shows constant Variation in details. According to the Irish, 
Bevis's mother is in love with the son of the Emperor; and 
according to the Middle English and the French, with the 
Emperor himself. (In the chap-book of 1680 it is the Emperor's 
brother.) In the Irish account, her determination to marry her 
lover is awakened by seeing her own beauty in a bath. No 
such Situation is mentioned in the French or the English. In 
both the French and the English the little Bevis is set to tend 
sheep, not swine; and there is no conversation parallel to that 
by which in the Irish version he is impelled to avenge his 
father's murder. In chapter 8 the Irish represents Bevis as 
joumeying to India and Bhodes, while the Middle English takes 
him to Jerusalem, and the French to Jerusalem and Egypt. (The 
chap-book has no eastem travels at this point) The episode of 
Sisian and Yvor in chapter 9 is introduced considerably earlier 
in the English and the French (and in the chap-book as well). 
The dragon-fight in chapter 11 contains some vivid details 
about four waves of vomit which are very likely the Irish 
redactor's own invention. From most of these features of the 
Irish narrative I am led to conclude that it had its source in a 
lost Version. That this was probably English I infer from the 

In these statistics I refer only to names of penonB ajid places 
significant for the plot. No acconnt is taken of general geographica! re- 
ferences, religions aUnsions and the like. 

*) The cases are: Mermidonia = Ermonie, Amwny\ Sisian = Josiane; 
Memraine (Memrointe) «a Mombraunt; BabUon = Babümt or Dabüeni. In 
the first instance it looks as if we had, on the part of the Iriih translator 
or a predecessor, a reminiscence of the ancient Myrmidons. 

') Biroig I nnderstand to he Berwick, thongh I do not find it mentioned 
in other yersions, and thongh it appears in the Irish to be the name of a 

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proper names, as already pointed out,*) and also from the fact 
that where the French and English versions differ with regard 
to the detaüs of the story, the Irish, if it does not depart from 
hoth, üsnally resembles the English. 2) In a few cases where 
the Irish agrees with the French as against the Middle English 
metrical versions the English prose yersion of 1680 is like 
the Irish« 

The result, then, of this comparison of both the 'Guy' and 
the 'Beyis' with the corresponding stories in other languages is 
to make it probable that the Irish lives are free redactions of 
lost English versions. The assomed original of the 'Bevis' 
appears not to have differed in any important particnlars from 
the other existing forms of the story. In the case of the 'Guy', 
on the other band, the Irish text points to the existence in 
English of a combination, hitherto unknown, of the romantic 
material proper with the religious material, originally distinct, 
of the ' Speculum Gy de Warewyke '. 

Stylistically regarded, the Irish texts are clearly very free 
renderings of their Originals. Though the number of foreign 
words in them may be somewhat larger because of their foreign 
soorces, the manner of the narrative is thoroughly Irish, and 
they read in general like the native stories in the somewhat 
omate prose of the period. The accumulation of adjectives and 
adverbs, often in alliterating groups of three, is characteristic 
of late Middle Irish, and the 'Guy' and 'Bevis' are by no 
means extreme examples of the practice. In this matter, and 
in the general structure of sentences, I have adhered in my 
translation very closely to the original, though the traditions of 
English prose are so different from those of Irish that the 

*) See p. 11, above. 

') In Kölbing's notes yariations between the English and other versions 
are carefnlly registered. Many of the differences are matters of detail which 
do not appear in the Irish, bat in nearly every significant point the Irish 
ag^rees with the English. Thns in both the Irish and the English acconnts 
Beyis after wonnding the Fmperor, meets Saber on the way, not at bis home; 
in both the servant who goes fh)m Sisian to Beyis is identified with Böne- 
fsce; in both there is a description of the ditch or bridge outside Damascns; 
in both Beyis demands armor and fair play, when he is in Bradmond's power; 
in both Anmdel nins away with Tbor instead of kicking him in the stable; 
and in both Beyis fights Grander, and not Bradmond as in the French. 


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20 F. K. BOBmSOK, 

resulting style will sound sometimes monotonous, and sometimes 
redundant and artiflcial. 

It is now nine years since I flrst copied and collated these 
texts at Dublin. During the interval I have proflted seyeral 
times by the courtesy and liberality of the Librarian and staff 
of Trinity College, and I now desire to express my grateful 
acknowledgements. I am also under much Obligation to both 
the editors of the Zeitschrift for reading my proofs and giving 
me the benefit of their counsel. Wherever it is possible, parti- 
cular acknowledgment will be made of their suggestions and 

The Cranberry Isles, 

Maine, U.S.A. F. N. Robinson. 

Autumn 1905. 

Additional Note. 

Since only one manuscript of these romances is known to 
me, I have simply tried to print its readings as accurately as 
possible. Obvious errors or omissions are occasionally corrected 
in the text or in foot-notes in order that the narrative may be 
readable. A certain amount of normalization is also involyed in 
the punctuation and the Separation of words and the expansion 
of contractions. But I have made no attempt to correct the 
grammar or orthography of the scribe. His errors and in- 
consistencies, for example, in initial mutations and in the general 
treatment of spirants have all been allowed to stand. 

In the form in which my text was sent to press all ex- 
panded contractions were indicated by italics, so that the reading 
of the manuscript could be instantly ascertained in every case 
from the printed page. But out of regard for the strong 
preference of Professor Stern I have abandoned that plan and 
used italics only in cases which are in some respect doubtful or 
exceptional. The typographical appearance of the text is much 
improved by the change, and I think there has been no loss in 
accuracy. The work of the editor, however, has become less 
easy to control, and it is important for me to make an exact 
Statement of the method I have pursued and the liberties I 
have allowed myself. Short specimens of the text with all the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


abbreyiatioDS indicated are fornished by the passages which 
NetÜau printed in the Revue Cdtique X, 187 ff. 

I have silently expanded all the ordinary 'compendia 
scribendi' nnless their ose appeared to be in a given case 
irregulär. The scribe freely employed the signs for (uM (cht, 
8ed)j air, ar, cet, con, cu, ec, er (tr), est, et (ed), eth (edh), m, n, 
nem, or^ ra, re, ri, ro, ru, aath, ur, tis\ and certain extensions 
of their nse are also so common in the mannscript that I have 
adopted them without resorting to italics. Thus the sign for 
ur clearly means sometimes s (as in anoir, senoir) and often uir 
(as in docuir 3 sg. pret), thongh in a few cases the latter com- 
bination is indicated by an i with the sign for ur above it. 
The sign for us also sometimes Stands for uis. I have inserted 
the i in cases where its Omission wonld be grammatically mis- 
leading (as in romarbuis, 2 sg. pret., or fochiuis, 3 sg. pret. 
absol.), but I have allowed spellings like eglus, fiadhnuse, to 
stand; since the scribe does not consistently observe the principle 
of cool le cool when he spells out words in fall. In the same 
way I have some times expanded the sign for er as eir (ci 
dobeir, 3 sg. pres., of frequent occurrence), but I have left forms 
like derc^ serc (dat. and acc.) without trying to introduce uniform 
indication of the i-infection. The abbreviation for eth (7) occurs 
a number of times in the ending of the preterite passive where 
I have expanded it as edh (docuiredh). 

Besides silently expanding the abbreviations which stand 
for definite letters, I have also made no use of italics in supplying 
obvious vowels before 6, c, d, g, written above the line (as in 
rog^, f, daw^); and in cases where there could be no doubt 
about the construction I have added the endings of nouns and 
adjectives in -ach, -ech {-aigh, -igh), of preterites in -aigh, -igh, 
and of preterite passives and verbal nouns. All these are 
frequently indicated by a simple dash. In the case of verbal 
nouns in -dh and of preterite passives two abbreviations are 
usual with the scribe, — a dash {rofer-), and a d above the 
line (rofoer^), For the former cases I have used the spirant dh, 
and for the latter the unaspirated d, Both forms occur in 
words which the scribe has spelled out in füll, and the distinction 
between them was of no importance. 

In addition to the contractions thus far provided for, there 
are a considerable number of words habituaJly abbreviated by 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



the scribe in accordance with the practice of Middle Irish 
manuscripts. Those which occnr oftenest^ and about which 
there can be no real doubt, I have expanded without italics, 
using the grammatical form required by the context A list of 
them is given here. In all other words italics are used unless 
the manuscript abbreviations represent deflnite letters or the 
syllables provided for above. 

1) Many proper names, such ss S. G. o B., Sir Gyi o 
Berbuic; S. JB., Sir Bibus. 

2) Numerals, 

3) The 

tollowing words: 

adbert, adubairt, adubradar. 








amail (and 

its Gomponnds) 




















Grist, Cristaidhe 







slan, slainte 



















gabail (and 

its Compounds) 



Digitized by 



In the matter of accents I have endeavored to foUow the 
manuscript^ disregarding those, however, which obyioosly do not 
mean qnantity but serve only to distinguish the letter i. Pro- 
bably some of the scribe's accents have been overlooked because 
of their faintness, bat I have not intentionally inserted any of 
my own. I ooght to explain that Professor Stern woold have 
preferred the consistent marking of all long vowels, but I did 
not wish to go quite so far in the normalization of the text. I 
am therefore alone responsible for the method adopted. In some 
other respects, too, my text follows the manoscript rather than 
the nsnal practice of modern Irish writers. The preterital pre- 
fixes do and ro, for example, I have regnlarly combined with 
their verbs, and certain, enclitics which are commonly written 
separately I have set off by hyphens. These are not matters 
of importance. I cannot claim theoretic consistency in my ose 
of hyphens, bat I hope none of them will prove misleading. 
My general porpose has been to adhere closely to the manoscript) 
and at the same time to make the printed text easily intelligible. 

There are of coorse endless opportunities for error in re- 
prodacing a text of sach irregulär orthography, and I regret 
that I cannot compare the proofs with the original. But in 
Order to make the mistakes as few as possible I had the manu- 
script photographed after copying and coUating it. 

In the Glossary I have meant to register only such words 
as are not fnlly accounted for in Windisch's Wörterbttdi. Both 
there and in the foot-notes references by number and letter 
(306a, 315b, etc.) are to the pages and columns of the manu- 
script, which are indicated in the Irish text Some of the foot- 
notes which accompany the translation will be found to contain 
comment of a textual nature. I expected at flrst to have the 
Irish and English printed on opposite pages, but that method 
proyed to be too wasteful of space. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


[300a] Beathadh Sir Gui [o Bhar]bhmo. 

1. Bui iarla soim saidhbir a Saxanaib doshindrudh, diarba 
comainm Eisderd o Bharbhaicc, 7 robüi da iarlacht aigi .i 
iarlacht Bharbhuicc 7 iarlacht Bocigam, 7 dob fer saidhbir, 
sochinelach in t-iarla co n-ilimud gacha maithusa.^ 7 ßobui 
ingen cruthach, caemhaloind a dingmala aigi .L Feilis a hainm- 
sidhe, 7 ni roibhi ina haimsir ben dob ferr delbh 7 denum, modh 
7 münndh, droine 7 dethbes, na'n ingin-sin. Docuiredh immorro 
ardmaigistir dia munud annsna ]ie\[adhnaibh] säera, 7 nir cian 
iarum disi co meüadh a maigistir i ngach ealathain, co tucc in 
maigistir slat a muinti^) di budhein iama sharugudh di i ngach 
egna a cinn a secht^) mbliadhna dec dosinnrud. Co clos fon 
uili domhun a dethclü itir egna 7 ordan 7 einech, etir cradhbudh 
7 ciunus 7 cunnlacht, itir gloine 7 gais 7 glicus, gur bo l&n da 
serc 7 da sirgradh uaisli 7 ardmaithi na cruinne co comcoitcenn. 
Robüi didiu sdibard nasal, oirbindech ag iarla Barbuicc an 
inbuidh sin i. Siccard a ainm sidhe, 7 dob fer furtill, firchalma 
e, CO mbuaidh coscuir 7 commaidhmi i ngach gnim robo dir do 
neoch dobeth aigi. Gemad nathadh don iarla, nir ba homhun 
lais nert sluaigh na sochraiti acht co mbeth in t-uasal barnn-sin 
aga imcoim^t. 7 Is 6 robidh ac tabhach a cissa 7 a chana don 
iarla, 7 gidbe donidh dogra no doible fris im eis in iarla, 
doberadh san achar 7 innarba asa flaithus fein forra. Bobui 
mac a dingmala agan sdibard-sin, 6yi a ainm-side, 7 roshäraigh 
na hnili macn a aimsiri ar m6t ar maisi ar macantacht, ar nos 
ar nert ar nidechus, ar naill ar aicnedh ar arachtns, gor ba lan 
na cricha co comlän 7 na cennacha comfocniss dia clä 7 dia 
allndh, 7 gach inadh ina clnineadh Gyi clnithighi aonaig 7 
ibhnis 7 oirechtais ar fedh 7 ar flarlaidh crichi«) saeruaisli Saxan, 
[300 b] dofreagradh iat 7 doberadh buaidh gacha buidhni co 
barr uil[e]. 7 Dosharuighedh lucht gacha lamaigh co lanaibeil, 7 
doberedh almsa 7 othrala^) minca dona heglasaibh, 7 doberedh 

^) Perhaps rather to be expanded tnaithiusa, Here and in flaithuSf 
below, I have giyen the abbreviation its nsnal value of us. 

*) Clearly muinti and not muinci, as Nettlan printed it (HC. X, 187). 

') Here and in many other cases where the MS. has the sign of the 
nnmeral, I have regnlarly expanded these abbreTiations in my text. 

*) MS. crici? In many cases the marks of aspiration are indistinct. 

B) Perhaps otrala-, aspiration again doubtful. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


dercinna 7 dethcealta do deb[l]eiiaibh D6, 7 roannluiccedh na 
mairbh gan murmur gan mainnechtnaighi, 7 doberedh fisrngudh 
don lucht nobidh a carcair 7 a cumgach^ 7 donidh na h-uili 
obuir trocnire diar-mol in eglus ina aimsir, 7 robui co daingen, 
dnthrachtach isin creidem cathoilic[d]a. Dorinne iarla Berbnicc 
sgniger do Gy in tan sin. Is ann sin rohnllmuigedh flegh 7 
festa na cingcisi d'iarla Berbuicc 7 docniinnigh maithi a 
moindteri cuigi dia tochaithem. 7 Bogair in t-iarla Gyi ina 
docum, 7 rofer failti fris, 7 adubairt: *A Gyi', ar-se, 'cuirim 
freastal 7 fritholmn Feilisi fort re fedh na fledhi-so do chaitem, 
7 dena h6 co suilbir, sogradhach'. Adubairt Gyi: ^A tigema', 
ar-se, 'doden-sa mo dichill don dethrighain-sin\ Dala Gyi im- 
morro docnir s6 l^ine sremnaighi sroill re grian a geilchnis, 7 
inar ingnathach orsnaith 7 güdna sgiamach sgarloide air 
arnuigb anechtair. 7 Docuaidh roime fon maisi-sin co grianan 
na h-ingine, 7 robennaigh di, 7 dolig ara gloinib ina fiadhnuse 
e, 7 roinnis di curob de f6in rohaithnighedh a cuid don fleigh 
do fritholudh uirre cona banntracht. Fochtuis Feilis scela de, 
ce he budein 7 ca crich no cinel do. Adubairt Gyir *Mac 
baruin uasail me do muindtir h'athar-sa, 7 is se m'athair is 
[sjdibard 7 is marusgal tigi ag iarla Berbuicc, 7 Gyi m'ainm', 
ar-se, 'Docuala h'airem 7 h'ardnos', ar an ingen, ^7 is e mocen 
dorn thecht*) [7] dorn serbis\ Roeirigh an righan, 7 ronigb 7 
ronnacorigh a gnuis 7 a gelaghaid, 7 doronsad an banntracht an 
cetna. Dala Gyi ann, rothoirbir nua bidh 7 sen corma gan coigilt 
don righain 7 da banntracht re re teora la 7 teora n-aidchi, 
CO mba bu[dech], bennachtach Feilis cona banntracht don freastal 
[301a] dotug Gyi forra ar fedh na fleidhe-sin. Agus tug an 
banntracht serc siradhbul do Gyi asa gnimartaibh. 7 Tug Gyi 
gradh dichra, dofuluing don rigain, innus gur ba modurdha, 
mesgaigthi, mimenm[n]ach Gyi dia serc 7 dia sirgradh. 7 Imtusa 
Gyi iarum, doroine ümla 7 aidid 7 umaloid don righain, 7 rocei- 
leboir di asa h-aithli 7 docuaidh roime da seomra, 7 rob&i ar 
serg shirghalaVr^) and, 7 fochtuid a muindter cred tainicc ris. 
Adubairt Gyi nar fhitir cred tanicc ris, 7 *is doigh', ar s6, *is gar 
bas damh', 7 doclos fon cathraigh uili Gyi do beith gallrach, 
guasachtach, 7 is m6r dogoill sin ar cäch a coitcinne. 7 Docuir 

^) Poflsibly thimthirecht? The word ifl obscored by an erasure. 
') Expansion uncertain. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


immorro in t-iarla fisigh fireolach docum Gyi, 7 fochtnis cred 
tamicc ris. Adnbairt Gyi ba tes teinntemail, tromadhbiil 7 foacht 
frithir, flrdomhnin. Doraidh in flssi ba flabras combuider^d ^ 
cansdin boi fair. Cäicis do Gyi mur sin gan tsloaigh, gan 
tsuilberacht, gan s61as. 7 Docuaidh Gyi a cinn na ree-sin mar 
a roibhi Feilis co firaibeil, 7 doroine omla 7 anoir dl 7 Adn- 
bairt: 'A maighden milla, malachdabb, 7 a ainner alnind, il- 
crothach', ar-s6, 'tabnr furtacht co firaibheil form a n-anoir na 
trinoidi co tairisi, uair ni fheduim rdn na riaghail ar mo ghalnr 
bndesta. Uair ata a lan am cnrp 7 am com dot sherc^si') 7 
dot sirgradh ar adhnadh 7 ar fhadndh, 7 ni ba bnan mo beth 
gan bas 7 gan bith6g^ muna fagar cnman mo gradha naid-si, a 
rigan nasal', ar-sa Doraidh Feilis: 'Is ainndiuid, amnaireach, 
econd tosach h'uraghaill, a Gyi', ar-si, 'uair is trom in tär 7 in 
tarcaisne tngaisi form-sa .L m'iaraidh-si do bhancheile led 
bogbhriathraib begnaracha, uair ni fnil mac ngh nasail, na 
diuice dainnech, detbarrachta, na iarla nasal, un*unta, [301b] na 
triath toicthech, tromthalmach a n-iartor na hEorpa, nach tag 
gradh adhbnl dam-sa in met ata a n-oghacht no a n-sentama 
dibh, 7 ni tngasa camain a gradha d'aendnine acu; 7 a fir 
mo freastail [7] mo fritholma, is ecoir do sailisi misi d'faghail 
do bainseitci'. Adnbairt Feilis: 'A Gyi', ar-si, 'fagaibh co 
firaibel mh6, 7 bidh fo pein t'anma ort gan techt mar a mber 
CO crich do bais'. Docaaidh Gyi iar-sin dia seomra, 7 rofäs 
bisech bnanaibhsech galair 7 gnasachta fair re freagra na 
flnnmna, 7 robäi ag achlan 7 ac imdergadh 7 ag [gjreannugadh 
in b&is, nar rob ferr lais bis d'fhaghail na betha, 7 robni ag 
imdergadh 7 ag athaisiogudh an gradha. Is ann-sin rofhech 
Gyi aran tor comhdaingin cloichi ina roibhi in rigan, 7 adnbairt 
CO himnedach, athmath: 'Is aibind duit a thair', ar-s6, 'da 
mbeth resan agnd, uair is aibinn in radarc fnil innnd, 7 is 
trnagh nach faicim bnilli dorn shail di'. 7 Dobi in baron nasal 
X ath[air] Gyi co himnedach tri Gyi do beth sa gnasacht ana 
roibhi se, 7 dobi a mathair mar an cetna. 7 Dala iarla 
Berbaicc, robui fein cona teghlach lan do bron 7 do doilghis tri 
Gyi do beth co gallrach. Araile la iarsin adnbairt Gyi co 
geranach: 'Dogebh bas co prap gere mo gradha don righain. 

^) The last letten are not clear. 
*) MS. dot aer^. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


da n-anar mar so co fada; 7 is ferr lium bas d'f alang on iarla 
iar faicsin a ingine na'n gradh dorn marbadh'. Docaaidh Gyi 
iarsin docom an toir ina roibi in rigan, 7 dosmaain fairri, 7 
dothoit a n-amnaüme iar-sin, 7 roeirigh co prap asa neoll 7 ni 
roairigh nach 6 mar sin. 7 Dohinnsed do Gyi co roibi in righan 
[....]>) a n-erber«) aaingech re teebh in tair. 7 Docaaidh Gyi 
astegh isin n-erber, 7 rocrom fo cosuibh na righna, 7 dosMr 
grasa fairre. 7 Adabairt Gyi: 'Tanag cagad, a banntigema\ 
ar-se, 'tar do crois, 7 rotaillis bas d'fagail, 7 dena trocaire 
oram'. Tag in rigan dialtadh do, 7 robagair fair, 7 adabairt: 
'Da dained in t-iarla in t-airigill-sin, a Gyi', [302a] ar-si, 
'roimeoradh bäs ort'. lama clos-sin do Gyi rothoit a taisi 7 a 
taimneoU, 7 dotincfadh da^) hannlacadh nach badh ferr crath 
7 csemgne na s6. Doraidh camal coimidechta ingine in iarla: 
'Traagh sin, a baindtigerna', ar-si, 'aair is naimdighi, niata, 
nemtrocaireach atai risin sgaiger saairc, socharthanach. 7 
Doberim mo briathar',^) ar-si, 'damad ingen don imper me, 7 
airdrighnacht na crainne dom chamas, ni licfind sad d'f agail bais 
dorn gradh gan a cabar do briathraib blasta, binngloracha'. 
Doraidh Feilis risin camhail: 'Togaibh Gyi', ar-si, 4na shaidhi 
7 cannaibh re facht e 7 re t'[f]ormna'; 7 dorinde in camal sin, 
7 Eoeirigh Gyi asa neoll iaram, 7 roaigill in righan aris, 7 
rodialt si dö, 7 dorindi bagar air a hacht a hathar 7 adabairt 
CO faigedh s6 bas arson a comraidh. Doraidh Gyi: 'A rigan', 
ar-se, 'at& ar camas daid-si bas coir no ecoir do thabairt damh, 
uair is naid-si is ferr liam has d'fhaghail', ar-se; 7 dothoit taisi ^) 
7 tromanmfainne a haithle na mbriathar-sin. Doglacc in righan 
ar laim 6, 7 adabairt: * A Gyi', ar-si, 'ni thiar-sa mo gradh d'fir 
acht do ridiri co mbaaidh crotha 7 caBmdhenmasa, co mbaaid 
n-indsgni 7 n-arlabra, co mbaaidh n-einigh [7] n-engnama, co 
mbaaidh ngnima 7 ngaiscidh. 7 Gidhbe robeth mar sin rof aidh- 
finn-si lais'. Ba binn la Gyi na briathra-sin, 7 roimigh co 
lathairech asin n-erber, 7 dochaaidh ina seomra, 7 docair a deisi 
aenaigh 7 oirechtais aime, 7 docaaidh mar a roibh iarla 

This Word is written indifltmctly aboye the line. 
•) Cf. asin n-erber, below. It is from the English erber, herber. 
*) da is not dear, and there appears to be an erasnre before it. 
') mo briathar is omitted in the HS. and written in at the top of 
the page. 

») 1. [%\tai9i? 


Digitized by VjOOQ 


Berbuicc, 7 roferadh failti fris ann. Doraidh Gyi: *A tigerna 
gradhach', ar-se, 'gach a nderna fein do maith riam is duid-si 
dorindus he, 7 gach maith da n-ingen is duid rob [302 b] ail 
lium do dennm, 7 tabur gradha ridirechta damh budesta'. Do- 
raidh in t-iarla: 'Dober co craidhi maith sin dnit maille^ tabortus 
mör'. Is ann-sin dorindi in t-iarla ridiri do Gyi iar n-estecht 
nan aimfrinn domnach in spiruta naeim dotsinnrud, 7 dohoird^edh 
flehe an la-soin a ngradhaibh ridirechta mur anoir do GyL 7 
Boguidh in t-iarla cona teglach in t-sendia rocum nem 7 talmam 
fa buaidh ratha 7 ridirechta do beth für Gy. Is ann-sin do- 
cuaidh Sir Gy co suilbir, sogradhach ina deisi ridiri mar a roibhi 
ingen in iarla 7 rothaiselbh 6 f6in dL 7 Adnbairt: ^A righan', 
ar-se, Huicid gur mor in cradh 7 in cunntabart ina rabhosa 
dod grad coruigi so, 7 is duid rogabusa gradha ridirechta re 
m'ais'. Doraidh Feilis: *A Sir Gyi', ar-si, *na bith athus ort 
tri beth ad ridiri a ndöigh mo gradha-sa d'faghail, nair atäi ad 
ridiri ogh gan derbadh gaisgidh na gnimechta fos. 7 Da 
nderbair do lamh a cein 7 a fogus, a cathaibh 7 a comlannaibh, 
dodhen-sa do thoil'. 7 Dorne Gyi buidechus na freagurtha-sin 
risin rigain, 7 roimigh roime asa haithli mar a roibi a athair 
7 a mathair, 7 roinnis doibh gar gabh se gradha ridirechta, 7 
'rachad romam do caartugadh crich 7 cinel do derbadh mo 
gnima 7 mo gaiscidh'. Adnbairt in baran: 'Curob ar s6ii 
amhanntair 7 edala daid-si sin', ar-se, 7 adnbairt a mathair in 
cetna. 7 Tue iarum Sicart Sir Eront cuigi 1 ridiri croda, cos- 
gurthach, 7 Sir Uront 7 Sir Uri, 7 adnbairt riu beth ina tri 
trenferuib tailci, togaidhi, 7 ina tri postaighibh feramla, flrar- 
rachta a timcill Sir Gyi da caemna 7 da coimet isna crichaib 
ciana, coimigthi ina triallann dal, 7 'coim^taidh co maith 6'; 7 
rogabsud re n'ais coidingendais a n [303 a] dicill dö. 7 Docuir 
an t-uasal barun a lordaethain bidh 7 loin leo ina luing. Conidli 
i eslainti 7 guasacht Sir Gyi Berbuicc tri gradh ingine in 
iarla connicci sin, et reliqua. 

2. Dala Sir Gyi iarum, docuaidh ina luing cona triar ridiri, 
7 tucsud sraccudh sanntach, sirlaidir, sruthluaimnech isin 
senfhairrgi, 7 rogabhsat cuan cobhsaidh, cluthardaingen isin 
nOrmoint.^) 7 Docuadur iarsin co cathraigh m6ir nahOrmointi,*) 

1. mailU U (or re)? 

«) With Ormoint * Normandy' cf. Orbuaid ^Norway», CZ. ü, 308, and 
the parallels cited by Stokes. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


7 dogabador tegh osta in aidchi-sin 7 rocaithsit biadh 7 deoch. 
7 Doraidh Gyi re fer in tighi 6sta. *Dochunnuc', ar-se, 4uirecha 
aga roludh 7 slega aca slibudh 7 cloidhme aca cretglanudh 7 
sgeith aca sgiamcorugudh 7 craidhthi aga cur fo chursunaibh 7 
fo caomechaibh 7 dilata aga ndaingniügudh 7 glsedM aga 
ngormudh 7 na huili trealma gaisgidh aga corugndh, 7 ni fedar 
crM is adbur do'. Doraidh fer in tigi osta: ^ Ingen alaind, sen- 
tomha ata agan imper, 7 ni hau le fer acht ant6 berus gell 
gaisgidh 7 gnimechta na croinne co comcoitcenn, 7 is doigh 
leisin n-impiri nach foil deichnemhar^) laech lancalma isin domun 
nach coiscfedh f6in ina aenar. 7 Tangadur anois mic righ na 
hEspaine 7 na hAfraice 7 na Greige 7 na Fraingce 7 na Sisaile 
7 na Hnngaire 7 na Fnardachta 7 na Deolainne 7 na cethra 
treabh Lochlann 7 in domun uili archena co cathair an imperi 
cum na ginstala-sin, 7 is do dul cnici atait cuingedha cnradh- 
cüisecha na catrach-so a[c] corughndh a n-arm 7 a n-ilfsebur. 
7 Gidh doberedh boaidh na giustala-sin, dogebha se da fäubhcun 
glegeala, 7 da sd6t sdimleabhra, 7 da fercoin firarrachta für an 
dath cetna. 7 An righan amra, oireghdhs.^) .i. ingen an imper 
d'aenmai, 7 oidhrecht an imperi iar mbas do'. Tug immorro Sir 
Gyi sdet fosaidh, flrlaidir d'fer an tighi 6sta do luagh na sceol- 
sin, 7 adabairt rena moinntir [303 b] menma 7 meisnech maith 
do beth acu, 7 co rachdis co dunad an imperi do d'fechain an 
cathaighthi 7 in cmadhcomruicc sin. Gonidh i cuairt Sir Gy sa 
nOrmoint sin. 

3. Dala Sir Gyi, ar maidin ^) iamamarach rogluais roime 
cona triar ridiri, 7 nir an, 7 nir fhosaidh, noco rainig co dunad 
an imper; 7 dochunnaic na sluaigh für in faithchi, 7 aenridiri 
leidmech, lanchalma ina dheisi comdhaingin catha a n-inadh na 
graibhfne 7 na giustala, 7 fochtuis Sir Gy scela an ridiri-sin; 7 
adubairt: *Aroile mac don imper sud', ar-se, *leis nach doigh ifer 
a choisc da faghail a cath na a comlann 7 Sir Gayer a ainm'. 
lama chlos sin do Sir Gyi, docuaidh ina comdail co cetfadach, 
7 roferudar comrac fuilech, fimeimnech re hedh 7 re hathaig, 7 
docuir Sir Gayer slegh tri sgiath 7 tri luirigh Sir Gyi, 7 
roeirigh an slegh as, 7 ni dema si dith dia curp; 7 tue Sir Gyi 
builli brighmur, buanarrachta do mac an imperi, 7 rothilg teora 

^) MS. jc. nemhar. 

«) MS. oira. 

^ An erasme in the MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

30 F. K. B0BIK80H, 

ceimenn asa dilait 6, 7 roboin an t-ech de, 7 tue do sguiger 
robfti faris hi Tanicc iar-sin Otun .i. Dioici na Pani do comrac 
re Gyi co seitreach, sircalma, 7 docnir Sir Gyi slegh trina sciath 
7 trina slinnen, 7 rotrascair k, 7 roben a ech de. Tanicc der- 
brathair athar Diuice Otun co poinnighi, primarrachta co lathair 
in comruic, 7 adubairt co dasachtach: 'Komarbhns mac mo der- 
brathar', ar-se, '7 is olc in lesugndh 7 in lanemic tä f6in ann'. 
7 Docuaidh Sir Gyi ina coinne, 7 dotrascrad in diuice le Sir Gyi, 
7 roglac Sir Gyi in t-ech ar aradhain, 7 iar n-ergi don dinice 
asa nell tue Sir Gyi a ech f^in do. 7 Adubairt Sir Gyi: ^Ber 
buidechus rium-sa, a diuice Rener', ar-se, 'd'faghafl duid, uair 
ni do marbudh dliaine tanag-sa ann so acht dia cengul 7 dia 
cuibhrech gan marbadh'. Docuaid Diuice Rener fura sd6t iarum, 
7 adubairt: 'A ridiri leidmigh, lancalma', ar-se, Munis h'athair- 
thir duind'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Do crichaib saBruaisli Saxan 
damh', ar-se, '7 Ser Gyi Berbuic m'ainm 7 m'fls 7 m'eolns 
ag sluaghaibh saeruaisli Saxan'. [304a] Tanicc iarom Diui[c]e 
Anan a comdhail Gyi, 7 dorindedur comhrug disdr, dasachtach 
reroile, 7 fa crechtach, crolinntech na ter^) on afurgaib co firaibeiL 
lama fliaiccsin-sin do Sir Eront, tanicc s6 do chabur Sir Gyi 
on anfurlann-sin, 7 tue builli buanarrachta don diuice, gur cuir 
sieg trina sciath 7 trina craidhi, co torcuir marb gan [anjmain. 
Tanic Diuice Uadiner a comhdail Gyi, 7 cloidheam claslethan, 
coinnlenach, cruadhach ina laim, 7 romaigh bäs co bithurrlum 
ar Gyi. Teitt iarum Gyi co grennmur, gnimechtach a comdail 
in diuice, 7 doronsud comrucc curata, cruadhcuisech re hedh 
dan, 7 tangadur drechta däna, deththapaidh d'uaislibh 7 d'ard- 
maithibh na sluagh do chumnum do Diuice üadiner anaigtVZA Sir 
Gyi lama fhaicsin-sin do Sir Heront 7 don da ridiri leid- 
mecha, lancalma ele i. Sir Turont 7 Sir üri, tangadur nath- 
fuaithnedhaibh(?)2) ferrdha, feramla, fumiata a timcill Sir Gyi 
aga imcoimöt ar armaibh a escamamat. 7 Tucsat cath flch[d]a^ 
ferdha, fuilech, fimeimnech di aroile, gunar ba tana silchur na 
faithci na feruib na fsenluighi beimeannuibh gaibhthecha^ 
greannmura Gyi cona triar ridiri; 7 is m6r dothoit leo na 
cethrar in la-sin, 7 co hairighthi le Gyi. Is edh») fuil für 
cuimne de 1 se cet^) ridiri dothoit la Sir Gyi 'na senar an la-sin 

^) an /Ir? *) Beading oncertain. 

») MS. IS. *) MS. .c. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


isin cathgleo-sin. Is ann-sin doteithedur na sluaigh i ngach 
aird la hnaman Sir Gyi, 7 dofagadh in faidhchi folom fai, 7 
dodinltad comhrac no cathnghudh fris. Docnaidh Sir Gyi sin 
cathraigh iarsin cona mhnintir, 7 rogabsat tegh osta innti, 7 
roben Sir Gyi a 6ideth de, 7 robadnr foindeoga fairsingi, fir- 
doimni fora cnrp. Is ann sin dorainic in t-imper ina cuirt fein, 
7 adnbairt an t-imper a fiadnosi na slnagb: ^Robnadhaigh in 
ridiri seitreach, sircalma Saxanach omind ml,0 7 i^ ^^ ^^ 
cndroma na cathaighti ris isin domnn. 7 Coirter techta cnigi 
leis na seodnibh dogelladh d'fer bnadhaighti na ginstala .L co 
Gyi o Berbnic'. Docuiredh iarnm sgniger [804 b] lesna seoduib 
CO Sir Gyi, 7 tng dö iat J. da fhabcnn flraille, 7 da ferchoin 
arrachta, oiregdha,^) 7 da sd6t sdimleabla,') sduaghbraighdecha; 
7 robadnr na se seoid-sin ar aendath nie, ar dath alainn eala. 
7 Sofer in sgniger docnaidh leis firc&in failti re Sir Gyi, 7 
adnbairt: ^Gn fairsingidhi in firdia farbarach romnd i ngach 
cumgach 7 i ngach tennta ina mbeir, nair is lin cuirtenna 7 
cathracha na cndnne co comcoitcenn do scelaibh do gnima 7 do 
gaisgid. 7 Docnir Bloinsiflngar 1 ingen an imperi betha 7 
slainti cngnd, 7 is tö a rogha nnachair, ma tai gan ceile cnesta 
ara dnd agnd.' Domg Sir Gyi buidechüs risin riagain rathma[i]r, 
ronasail arson a tinnlaic[th]i 7 a tabnrtnis, 7 dothairg Sir Gyi 
ridiri do dennm do^) sgniger tainic lesna seoduibh cnigi ingin 
an imperi, 7 dodinlt nn sgniger sin, nair adnbairt nach rainic 
se ais inme na tabnrtns d'faghail. Tng Sir Gy ör alainn gan 
niresbadh 7 airged don sgniger, 7 roimigh nadha asa haithlL 
Dala Sir Gyi dono, docnir se techta lesna seodaibh sin a 
crichaibh Saxan docnm larla Berbnic, 7 tncadh d6 iad, 7 
roindsidnr na techta scela gaibhtecha, greannmnra^) Gyi 
rofhagaibh cricha Saxan co haes na hnaire-sin, 7 docnirednr na 
scela-sin menma 7 moraicned isin n-iarla cona mnindtir. 7 Ba 
Inthairech le righ Saxan co maithibh a morteghlaigh gaiscedh 
gnimechtach Gyi iar clos na scel-sin doibh. Conidh e cetgnim 
gaisgidh Sir Gyi iar fagbail Saxan do conicd sin. 

^) 1. uüi. Cf. uU aboye p. 24. 

») MS. olfo. 

^ 1. sdimUabra. Gf. SOSft, aboye. 

*) 1. Am? 

f) Something seems to be omitted. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

32 F. H. B0BIN80K, 

4. Dala Sir Gyi iarum doc[a]aidh se a crichaibli fairsinge, 
firaille na Fraingci 7 a cricliuibh leidmecha, länarrachta na Lum- 
barde, 7 fuair ilimnd cathaigthi 7 cruadhcomraic isna crichuibh 
sin, 7 docuir a n-ar, 7 dochuaidh tar comairem ar thuit la Gyi 
isna crichaibh sin, 7 fuair ilimud oir 7 airgit 7 ilmaine [305a] 
isna mörthirtibh-sin. 7 Tue Sir Gyi cath iar-sin do diuici na 
Lumbairdi, 7 robris forra co bithnertmur, borbaicenntach, 7 rocuir 
a n-&r, 7 robui se caicis on callaind co 'cheile ag ledairt 7 ag 
lanmarbudh na Lumbardhach, 7 roben a n-or 7 a n-indmus 7 
a n-uili maithus dibh. Is ann-sin doconnuic Sir Gy deich cet^ 
laBch leidmech, lanehalma, do Lumbardachaibh ac techt ina 
ndhochum, 7 trealaighi comdaingne catha impu, 7 aBuridiri mer- 
nienm[n]ach, möraicentach rompa, 7 sd^t faitech, foluaimnech fai. 
7 Adubairt co fergach, furniata re Gyi: 'A ridiri rechtaigenntaigh, 
roaingidhi, lig roind gaiscidh 7 gnimechta duinne budhesta, 7 
tabur pairt 6dala cricM na Lumbairdi duinn'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 
'Dogebuir-si roinn edala 7 amhanntair buaim-si', ar-se, ^mastre 
caines 7 cumann iaraidh 6; 7 mas tre bagur 7 borbaicnedh 
adubrais na briathra-sin, dogebuir bas 7 buan^g co prap'. Is 
amlaidh robäi in ridiri-sin, 7 ga leabur, lanfada ina laim, 7 ga 
gerr, greannmur giustala ina laim. 7 Docuiredur in da sd6t a 
n-arrthaisc a cheile, 7 docuaidh Sir Gyi fan sleigh slinnger, sith- 
fhada robui agan ridiri, 7 docuir sleigh trina thsebh, 7 dochun- 
naibh aran slegh e. Rotuirrling Sir Gyi-, 7 roglac in ridiri, 7 
adubairt ris: 'lar grasa budesta no dogebuir bäs co bithurrlum'. 
Is ann-sin dorindi in ridiri bagar 7 becni do briathraibh Sir 
Gyi. 7 Tucc an ridiri builli borb, bithner[t]mur furan mbarr 
mbuabuill robäi fo braigid, 7 tangadur a muinnter ina dochum. 
Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Tuicim', ar-s6, * cur ob fer All 7 flngaile thu, 
a ridiri', ar-s6, ^7 coimed thü f6in budesta'. 7 Is amlaidh 
adubairt 7 ronocht an cloidhemh claslethan, comurtharach,^) 7 tug 
sathadh sanntach, sircalma san ridiri gur cuir in cloideam trina 
craidhi co cudruma, 7 torcuir marbh gan anmain. Tangadar na 
deich cet!^) ridiri rochalma [305 b] ele co lathair fo guth an barr 
buabhuill, 7 tugadar cath dian, dasachtac d'aroile 7 torcair se 
cet^) dibh fo medhon lae le laim Gyi, 7 dothorcair da cet*) ele 

^) MS. ,x. c. . >) 1. comurthach, 

•) MS. .X. c. *) MS. S, c 

«0 MS. <ia X. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



leis dib tareis medoin Ise, 7 roimgedur da cet as dibh le Inas a 
n-ech. Gonidh i digbail na Lnmbardach 6yi connici sin. 

5. Dala iaromO 7 docuaidh roime a crichaibh naBritaine, 
7 roboi iarla isin Britain in tan darb ainm larla Birri, 7 robui 
ingen alainn, sentuma aigi, 7 nirb ail le fer na ferceUe acht 
rogha gaiscedhach na cruinne co comcoitcenn. 7 Tug an t-iarla 
craidhail giustail teora la do beth ag ridiribh crodha in domhon 
a timcill na hingine, 7 robadur tri cet 2) ridiri feramla, furniata, 
frangcach ar techt cum na giustal[a]-sin. Dala Sir Gyi immorro, 
rodrrbad 7 rocrechtnaigedh se cet 3) laech leidmech, lancalma co 
lannrrlum leis an cetla, 7 drong dibh für echuib 7 aroile dia 
cois. Tanic Gry! iarom andara la san ngiustail, 7 nir freaguir 
8enduin[e] he, 7 adubhairt*) drong dibh: *Is 6 in ridiri üd domarbh 
se [cetj^) laech sa Lumbaird a n-senlo'; 7 rogabsad ag innisin 7 
ag adhmoladh a gnim 7 a gaisgid, 7 dolocsat cach a coitcinne 
comrac re Sir Gyi an la-sin. 7 Tanic Sir Gyi in treas la docum 
na giustala, 7 rogreannaigh na slaaigh uile dia cois do cathugudh 
fris, 7 dodiultadur uili dö, 7 roimpoighedur rompa dia n-amsaibh 
budhein asa haithli. Dala Iarla Birri immorro, docnir techta 
co Sir Gyi le da cursun glegeala gnimorrlama, 7 rothairg a ingen 
mar mnai dö gun a nili maithus le, 7 adubairt nach roibi sa 
cruinde co comlan fer rob ferr leis do beth aga ingin na Sir 
Gyi. Dorug Sir Gyi boidechns a anora risin iarla arson a tha- 
burtuis, 7 rodiult don ingin arson ingine Iarla Berbuic, 7 
adubairt co n[d]ingned les 7 lanmaithus in iarla i ngach tennta 
ina mbeth a cumain a thaburtuis. 7 Tug Gyi da fichit«) nobla 
dergoir do thechtaire in iarla. Gonidh i cuairt Sir Gyi Berbuic 
a cribuib') brighmura na Britainne conigi sin, et reliqua. 

6. [806 a] Dala Gyi iarum tainic tarais a crichaib Saxan, 
7 docuaidh mur a roibh in ri, 7 rofer in ri 7 maithi fircain f ailti 
fri Gyi ar rom^t a clua 7 a allaidh annsn|a] tirthaibh ciana ina 
ndechaidh. Is ann-sin tug righ Saxan ör 7 airged 7 na huili 
maith archena do Gyi. Docuaidh Sir Gyi iarsin a cenn Iarla 

^) Seyeral words apparently omitted. 

«) MS. «ri .c. 

*) MS. 8e X. 

MS. a .1 

^ MS. ^, Imeh. cet is obrioiisly to be supplied. 

•) MS. .ajl. 

^ 1. crichuib. 

ZaitMhrift f. c«lt. PhUologle Vi. 3 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

d4 t. K. iHOBtKSOK, 

Berbuic, 7 dorinne in t-iarla cona rnuindtir anoir do Sir Gyl 
7 Docuaidh Sir Gyi iarsin co grianan flralainn Feiliai, 7 adubairt 
re: 'Doronüsa ilimud gaisgidh 7 gnimechta ar do gradh-so 7 ar 
h'onoir, a righan', ar-se, '7 comuill do ghelladh dam-sabudesta'. 
'Da ndemaind-si sin', ar-si, 'nl dingenta-sa ni budh uilli do goil 
na do gaiscedh, 7 co d6inini) ni ba fer dam-sa co brach thü, 
acht ni na^) beroir gell gaiscidh 7 gnimechta ridiribh na 
cruinne co comlan.' Doriidh Sir Gyi: 'ni cusmail co mberuind-si 
an gell-sin', ar-se, 'uair is imdha ridiri dana, dethclnach isin 
domun, 7 is docair an geall do breith. 7 Gideth toitfet-sa leo 
no buaidheochad forra'. 7 Docuaidh iar-sin a cenn a tTismigh- 
thora,^) 7 rocheileabhair doibh, 7 robadur idir ög 7 sen ag 
diuatre^) ina diaigh. Conidh i coairt Gyi a crichaibh Saxan 

7. Imthusa Sir Gyi iarsin docuaidh roime 'san Ormon, 
7 robui ingen ög a n-sentuma in inbaid-sin ag righ Frangc co 
mbnaidh ndeilbhe 7 ndenmusa; 7 tug ri Frangc a minna fon 
aendia cumachtach nach tibradh d'fer i acht an fer doberedh gell 
gaiscidh in domnn^) co himlan. Tug immorro ri Frangc craidhail 
giustail teora [la] ar faidhchi dünaidh remuis na righ a timcill 
na hingine, 7 gibe acu fa treisi, co fuighedh in n-ingen d'oennmai 
cona huili maithes. Tanicc immorro mac do Diuici Birri an 
ceüa San ngiustail-sin, 7 rotrascrad seiser ridiri rochalma co 
rourrlum lais. IS ann-sin tanicc Sir Gyi co lathair, 7 rotrasgair 
se mac Diuice Birri cona each don cet- [306 b] sraccud, 7 
rothögsud a muindtir co hathlnm, urmaisnech mac an diuice, 7 
docuirait ar sd6t ele 6, 7 docuaidh aris co dana, dochusach a 
comdhail Sir Gyi isin cathirghail. Dala in da ridiri rathmura, 
rouaisli-sin, dobrisidur a slegha slinngera, sithfada für aroile, 7 
tue Sir Gyi sathudh sanntach s}eghi a mullach a ochta 7 a 
urbruinne ar mac diuice Birri, gur chlaen siar fura dilait 6, 
7 gur bris a droim segha, seimighi, slisgl^el don t-sh&thudh 

L demin. 

^ L acM mina? 

^ üsed coUectivelj for both? 

*) 1. diueaire, 

*) 1. domuin? Bnt in a nnmber of places in the MS. fhe form domun, 
with the ending written out u here, appears in the gen. ng, Cf. pp. Sd4b, 
335b, 337b, 340b, 358a. On the other band domuin is written oat on 
p. 359 b. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

*rÜE tKtSB Llt^ Ot Gut OF WABWICE. 35 

sin, 7 fuair bis co bithnrrlmn. 7 Ro[thairg]i) Sir Gyi comrac 
a haithli in echta-sin, 7 ro diultadur uili 6, 7 roimgedur na 
sloaigh rompa 1 ngach aird iar mbreith buaidh na ginstala do 
Gyi Dothaii^ ri Frangc a ingen mur bancheile do Gyi, 7 
rodinlt Gyi sin. 

8. Dala Sir Gyi iamm dochuaidh se roime san Almain, 7 
dochnnaic in cathair coitcend, congairech ara cinn 1 Brnidis a 
hainm-side, 7 robui triath toictech, tromconaich na crich-sin 
amesc a mortheglaigh ar or na ceidhe co cath limnur. Doraidh 
triath borbnertmur Bruidisi: *A Sir Gyi', ar-s6, 'romarbnis mo 
brathair gan fhocuin, 7 toitfir fein ann'. AdubairtGyi: 'Nigan 
focbain romarbos 6, acht a faghail a ngliaidh 7 a ngiostail, 7 
damad treisi do-san domuirbfed misi, 7 togusa a cumain-sin do- 
san CO torcair lium'. Dala righ Bmidisi iarum docuir se secht 
cet laech leidmech, lancahna do cathngndh re Gyi cona triar ridiri. 
Cid tracht rocathaigh Gyi co gsesmur, greannmur, gerarmach 
nsna curadaibh-sin, 7 torcradar nili fo medon lae, 7 tucudh a 
forcend in catha-sin aludh domuin, doleigis sleghi a tsebh Sir 
Gyi, conar ba tualaing 6 cmnnad na cosaint [307 a] do denam 
dia eis in anam-sin. Conidh i cuairt Gyi co Brnidis coniigi sin. 

9. Iar forbha an morgnima-sin la Gyi roghluais roime tri 
fasaib leathna, lanmora na Lombnirde. lama clos sin do Otton 
.i. dince na Lumbairde, docnir se coic^) ridire dheg ama nderbadh 
CO minie ar cinn Gyi ina ndesib comdaingni catha. 7 Robui 
iarla nasal, oireghdhf^ orrtha sin, 7 in drong ele do baronaibh 7 
do ridirib. 7 Eobadur a n-ednmaighi arcinn Gyi a mbealach 
emnang coill^.') 7 Is amlaidh adubairt na Lumbairdi rena 
mnindtir: in triar ridiri robM a fochair Gyi do marbndh co 
mitrocar, 7 Gyi fein do thabairt a laim leo dia pianudh. Dala 
Sir Gyi dno, ni roibi sechna na sligedh-sin aigi, 7 nir cian d6 
ag cnartugadh na conoire, co cualaidh sitreach na n-ech isin 
cailli^, 7 CO facaidh cira na ceinnberta. Adubairt Gyi: 'A 
ridiri uaisle', ar-se, 'cosnaidh sib fein co calma, cruadhchosrach,^) 
nair rofelladh fumibh 7 ata celg romhuib isin coillidA-so'. 

>) The yerb is omitted and I have snpplied it coigectnraUy. 
«) MS. .!♦. 

^ PerhapB to be expanded eaiüedh, The form is nowhere written out 
in this text. 

*) 1. cruadhehotcracK 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 

36 f. it. EofiiNSoK, 

'Fagaibh sinne', ar siat, 'or nach fuilidh incomruicc. 7 Otasdfet 
firluath fud, gabh fairsinge 7 flreitech na fernnn, 7 lig edruind 
e 7 cach'. Doraid Qyi: *Ar maithes na cruinne co comlan, nl 
dingennind-si sin', ar-s6. Cid tracht is ann-sin roeirigh in celg 
ina ndocom, 7 rocomraicsit co ferrda, feramail, forniata reroile, 
7 romarb Gyi dias ridiri co prap, 7 romarb Ei'ont ridiri, 7 ro- 
trascair ridiri ele, 7 romarbh Uront ridiri, 7 torcair ridire la 
hüri. . 7 Romarbadh Uron 7 üri isin cathgleo-sin. Is ann-sin 
[docuaidh] >) Sir Gincadh co Gyi i. mac derbrathar diuice Otun, 
7 adubairt: 'A Gyi', ar-se, *tabur tu fein, 7 berud-sa tu a laim co 
hOtnn; 7 domarbadh do triar ridiri, 7^) [307b] ni hincomhluind tfi 
fein rium-sa, uair dochim fml do cutVp ac [cjomsiludh, 7 mina faemair 
do gabail moirbfed co firaibeil tu'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Is ferr lium 
mo marbud', ar-se, 'na beth a laim ag na Lumbardachaib'. Is 
ann-sin robuail Gyi builli cruaidnertmar cloidhim ar Sir Ginchadh, 
gur ben leth na feilmi firaille co furtill de, 7 gur gerr in luirech 
fura gualaind, 7 nir derg ara curp na fora csemcoluinn. Tug 
immorro Gyi builli ele d6, gur ben in lamh des aga gualaind de, 
7 rotheith roime asa haithli iama cirrbudh co comurthach, 7 
rolen Gyi e, 7 ni mg air, 7 roinnis in ridiri-sin scela do diuice 
Otun. Tanicc Qji tarais amesc a muindtiri co mormenmac, 7 
fuair marb iad aran conair cetna, 7 nir imigh beo tarais dona 
coic') ridiri dec-sin acht aenridiri ar letlaim. Dothuirrling Gyi, 
7 fuair se Sir Uri 7 Sir üront marb ara cinn, 7 Sir Eront, 7 

becan betha ann. Docuir Gyi Sir Eront tarsna [ ] *) ara 

belaib, 7 rof agaib in coiRidh co firaibeil, 7 robui fasach firdomuin 
aga imteacht aigi. 7 Tarria ditreabhach fair, 7 robennaigh d6, 
7 fochtuis scela de, ca mbid s6. Doraidh in ditreabhach: 'A 
n-uainges in fasaigh-so bim', ar-se. Doraidh Gyi: 'Annlaicter 
let in dias ridiri dorn muindtir ata marbh aran coilln2A-so re da 
taebh, 7 dober sd6t furtill, firarrachta duid arson do saethair'. 
*Doden-sa sin co duthrachtach ', ar modh D6; 7 docuadur araen 
man coülidh, 7 tucadur cuirp na ridiri leo, 7 roannlaicedur co 
hanorach iat. Roimigh Sir Gyi iarum, 7 Sir Eront ara beluib, 
7 nir cian do iarum co facaidh in mainistir moradhbul 7 ab 7 
comtinol cananach ina dorus. Roiar Sir Gyi a n-anoir Dia 

Verb of motion omitted. 

>) 7 repeated m MS. 

•) MS. .!♦. 

*) One or more wordB omitted. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


anoir*) aniilaicc[th]i do tabairt don ridiri marbh robui fura beluib, 
7 roghell co tibradh laagh a ssethair doibh. 7 Boinnis mar dofhell 
diuice na Lmnbairdhi air, 7 mur domarbadh a muindter. Bogabh 
[308 a] truaighi in comhthinol dö, 7 dogabudur Sir Heront uadha. 
Conidh amlaidh-sin rofhell Diuici Otun ar Gyi. 

10. Dala Sir Gyi iarsin rogluais roime on mainistir, 7 nir 
cian do con faca modh dilus [do]^) Dia ara cinn ara raen, 7 
roleig ara gluinib do Gyi e, 7 roiar derc fair. Tue immorro 
Gyi fichit») nobla d6 do cinn guidhi fair fein con[ei] triar ridiri, 
uair ba doigh lais co roibhi fein marbh ona gonnibh. Dorug 
mod De buidechns ara derc Gyi,*) 7 adubairt an sruith: 'A 
Gyi', ar-se, ^an agom-sa gad leigus 7 do cabar do crecht, uair 
ni fuil isin domhun co himlan liaig cnedh is ferr na me'. Imtus 
Gyi iarum, roan se d& lä dec aga leighus faris in sruith, 7 ba 
hogh[s]lan 6 iarum. Conidh e othrus Sir Gyi conigi sin. 

11. Dala in aba agar' fagad Heront, adubairt re gach 
cmimpir dia coimtinol deiche) n-aithfrinn flehet <^) do rad ar 
anmain Sir Heront 7 Adubairt canänach dibh a[g] glacudh Sir 
Heront; ^Ata in ridiri-so beo fös', ar-s6, '7 leigestur e'. Adu- 
bairt in t-ab: 'Is maith adicfuind-si arson a \eighwR\ ar-se. 
Cöic?) lä 7 tri mi do Sir Heront a n-othrus, 7 ba slan 6 iarsin. 
Conidh e othrus Sir Heront connigi sin, 7 reUqtm.^) 

12. Imthus Gyi, iar n-ergi dö asa othrus, rogluais roime 
CO dunad dng Poeil, 7 rofer in righ cona theglach f ailti fris. 7 
Roinniss Gyi doibh mur dofhell diuice na Lumbairdi air, 7 mur 
domarbadh a ridiri leis. Doraidh in righ: 'A Gyi', ar-se, 'is 
let-sa misi cen^) comait[h]us, 7 bidh menma maith agud, 7 
dober-sa triar ridiri fromtha, feramla, firarrachta duit 7 triar 
sguiger mur an cetna, 7 dober daetain an seisir-sin d'aradhaibh 

MS. anot 

') I insert this becanse of the dative Dia, 

MS. .XX. 

*) 1. do Gyi, 

») MS. .X. 

MS. .XX. 

MS. .«., or pofisiblj .ü. (*two^). 

•) MS. rerl 

*) MS. d, which iiBQally Stands for con. The phrase recois on p. 315 a 
and I have not met it elsewhere. I take it to mean 'withont hostilityi 
resistance'. Cf. eomaighthea ' onfriendlmess , hostility'; Meyer, ContribntionSi 
p. 430. 

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arrachta, urauta duid'. Dorog Sir Gyi buidechus in tabartuis-sin 
risin righ nemdha 7 re cing PoiL 7 Robui Gyi sedal^ ann-sin 
CO n-anoir moradhbol. 

13. Dala Sir Heront immorro, iar n-ergi asa othnis do 
adubairt se risin ab 7 risin ccomhtinol: 'G^bnd-sa deisi oilitrigh 
[308 b] umum', ar-s6, '7 rachud do lorgairecht mo thigerna; 7 
da fhaghar 6 ina bhethaidh, is maith dilfos arson mo leighvis;^) 
7 mina fhagar, ni fhuil agom acht goidhi oruib-si a cumain mo 
leighis'. 7 Tilg in t-ab 7 na can[an]aigh ced imteachta d6. 
Imtos Sir Heront iarum roimigh roime comigi in crich ina roibi 
Sir Gyi. Aroili la da roibhi Sir Heront a[c] cuartugudh na 
crich-sin, tarrla Sir Gyi fair ina trealum catha, 7 s6 ag fiadach 
7 ag fianchosgur, 7 roböi Sir Heront a[g] gul 7 a[g] geran co 
bronach. 7 Fochtuis Sir Gyi fochuin a broin de. Adubairt Sir 
Heront: 'Ni fuil feidm agud a fis d'faghail', ar-s6. Adubairt 
Sir Gyi: 'Indis scela damh-sa a n-anoir inte rofuluing pais ar 
ar son'. 'Dod6n co derbh', ar Heront. *A[c] cuartugudh crich 
7 cennadhac na cruinne co comcoitcenn atäim ag iarraidh mo 
thigerna; 7 ma mairinn se^ ni fuil isin domun aenlaech is leid- 
mighi, lancalma na s6; 7 ma thorcuir in trenmili-sin, da faghar- 
sa a fhis ca fuil a locht 7 a luighi, docholtar in talam lium-sa, 
7 sinfed ara müin mhe, 7 dogebh bas mur-sin.' Doraidh Gyi: 
*Ca talam duid', ar-se, '7 cia in tigema robui agud?' Adubairt 
Sir Heront: 'Saxanach m6', ar-s6, '7 Heront m'ainm, 7 Sir Gyi 
Berbuic mo thigerna. 7 Is e diuice na Lumbairdi rofheall 
oruind, 7 romarb in triar ridiri robamar-ni a farrud Gyi, 7 
rohannluicedh dias aguind, 7 roeirgesa iar n-otrus fada, 7 ro- 
badur fuindeoga fairsingi, firdoimne für curp Sir Gyi, 7 roimigh 
beogonta asan arbach, 7 ni ^f es damsa in beo no'n marb he, 7 is 
e-sin adbur mo broin', ar Heront. Doraidh Gyi: 'In tusa Eront?' 
ar-s6. 'Is m6 on', ar Heront Dothuirrling Gyi co prap, 7 
doben a ceinnbert da cenn, 7 dothoirbir teora p6g do Heront 
iama aithne dö, 7 dotoit taisi 7 tromanmainne orrtha le huilli 
a luthairi. Dothoguibh Gyi Heront ara cüluib, 7 docuadur 
[309 a] isin cathraigh iarsin, 7 roceilebuir Gyi don rlgh, 7 rofha- 
gaibh imcomarc slainti aigi cona theglach. Conidh i cuairt Sir 
Gyi a farradh Poeil sin. 


*) 1. leighiSj as below? 

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14. Dala Sir Gyi iarmn, rogluais roime cona moindtir, 7 
mnr docoaidh mnr a roibi diuice Milon, 7 dorinde in dioice-sin 
anoir 7 urgairdingndh d6, 7 dotairg in diuice sin or 7 airged 7 
ilimnd maithnsa do Gyi, 7 nir gab Gyi sin nada. 7 Docuaidh 
as sin CO Plondrus 7 robfii s6 ar ti techt[a] a S[as]anaibh,2) 7 
tarrla oilirthech fair a nderedli lai, 7 fochtois scela de. 7 Atbert 
in t-oilirtech: 'At&it scela agam', ar-se, 'uair ata cocadh 7 cath- 
gl6o itir imper 7«) Rener 7 diuici Loren, 7 torcair brathair don 
imper isin cathirgail-sin re diuice Lor6n, 7 roairg 7 roinnridA 
in t-imper cricha 7 csemferunn diuice Lor^n, 7 is iat-sin mo 
scela', ar an t-oilirtech. Adubairt Gyi: 'An farum-sa anocht, a 
6glach D6', ar-s6, '7 dogebuir proinn 7 tomultus na haidchi 
imiocht a n-anoirlsa'; 7 mur sin an aidhche-sin döib. Adubairt 
Sir Gyi ar maidin: *A Heroint', ar-s6, *cred i do comurle duinn 
anosa?' Adubairt Heront: 'Ata mo comurle uUum', ar-s6, '.i. 
tusa do dhul do cunmadh le diuice Loren, dorinde maith 7 
inöranoir duit, 7 dothairg^) ör 7 airgid 7 ilimud maitusa duit; 
7 ber coicait,^) ridiri daingin, derbtha, dogluasta d'feruibh fomi- 
ata firchalma na Fraingce let'. Docinnedh aran comuirle-sin leo. 
Dala Sir Gyi, rogluais roime, 7 sescad ridiri marsen ris, isin 
n-Almain a cend diuice Loren, 7 rothoirbir diuice Lor6n teora 
pog do Gyi co dil, dichra^ tairisi. Doraidh in diuice: 'A brathair 
gradaigh', arse, 'is maith tangais dom furtacht, uair ni rabusa 
a eis na a cruoig riam a comör 7 ataim anois.' [309 b] Adubairt 
diuice Loren: 'A Gyi', ar-s6, 'doberim taburtus duid orum fein 
cona fuil agum do maithus'. Doraidh Gyi: 'Nf fada co coiscfed- 
sa cocadh 7 cathirgal in imperi dit', ar-s6. Docuadur cum 
aithfrinn iarsin, 7 docuir in diuice Sir Gyi ar aenbord ris fein 
isin eglus, 7 docuadur amach asan eglais, 7 dochunnaic Sir Gyi 
sluaig armtha eidigthi ac techt a timcill na cathrach, 7 fochtuis 
scela cuidh<^) iat Doraidh aroile: 'Sdibhard an imper sud', ar-s6, 
'ag techt do gabail na cathrach-so ar diuice Lor6n'. lama 
dos-sin do Sir Gyi doshaith da spor isin sd6t, 7 docuaidh a 
comdhail in sdibhaird. Doraidh sdibard inn imper: 'Docim ridiri 

^} Here something is omitted, or the fint nwmr is to be strack out. 

*) MS. techt arti aaanaibk, with marks of transposition. 

^ I am not snre that there is any 7 in the MS. 

Dothairg in the MS. with capital. 

») MS. .1 

^ L euick 

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arrachta, urunta ac techt inar coinde, 7 sdet faitech, firlaath fai 
is luaithi d'echaibh na cruinne, 7 is döigh liumsa is agum anfus 
in t-ech ud', ar-se. Rogluais in sdibhard co mer, menmach^ a 
coinde Gyi, 7 doshaithgedur na heich a coinne a ceüe, 7 tugadur 
da buille a n-ochtaibh aroile, 7 dotrasgradh in sdibard don 
tshathadh-sin. 7 Dorugadur in sdibard leo d'ainneoin Sir Gyi, 
7 robadnr a muinnter a[c] cai 7 ag diucaire ina timcell; 7 rolen 
Sir Gyi iat, 7 rocathaigedur re cheile co calma, cruadhcoscrach, 
7 dobrised aran sdibard cona muindtir la Gyi 7 Dogab se e 
fein gu f orgla a slnaigh, 7 dorug Sir Gyi leis iat ina cimedheibh 
crapaillti, craadhchaibiighti, 7 docoir a prisonaibh iad. Doraidh 
Gyi re diuice Loren beth co maith re braigdib in imper, 7 comad 
nsuidi les sidh do denum a mnindter do chaemna 7 do coim6t ar 
bäs 7 ar buaneg. Docuir iarum Sir Gyi techt ar cenn a carad 
7 a companach i ngach aird ina rabhudor dia cabur 7 dia 
cosaint on cathgleo-sin, 7 tangadnr cuigi iar-sin ina cathaibh 
7 ina cedaib 7 ina cnidechtaibh cathardha as gach aird ina ra- 
bhadur. Dala Sir Gy iarum rogabadh [310 a] leis na cathracha 
7 na caisteoil 7 na cuirtenna comdaingne doch rogabadh roime 
sin leisin n-impir do tigemtus diuice Loren. Gonidh e cetcogad 
Sir Gy aran imper connigi sin. 

15. Is and-sin dorainic scela in t-imper gur gabadh 7 gur 
marbadh a muindter le Gyi Berbuic. Rogab luinde 7 luath- 
ferg 7 buinne roda rechta an t-imperi iar clos na scel-sin, 7 
rocuir tinol 7 tiumsugudh ara muindter as gach aird ina rabudur. 
Iar tiacht a muindtiri co haenlathair risin impir docosaid na 
morgnima-sin riu. Adubairt diuice na Pani: *A tigerna', ar-s6, 
'dober-sa dethcomuirle duit i. misi 7 Rener diuice na Sision 7 
diuice Uadiner do gabail cathrach na Greasmont, 7 gebhum hi 
7 do dhenum cimidhi crapaillti, cruadhcuibrighthi do diuice 
Loren 7 do Gyi Berbuicc, 7 cuirfem 4r a muindtiri'. Adubairt 
in t-impere: *Is maith in comuirle-sin', ar-se. Tangadur iarum 
na tri diuici-sin co dana, dasachtach do freastail a timcill 
cathrach na Greasmont, 7 sluaigh aibhsecha, adbulmora marsen 
riu. 7 Eobüi dno cet Isech lanchalma ar sluaghaibh na tri 
diuice-sin a n-sigid gach duine da roibhi a cathrach na Greasmont. 
Rogab uamhan 7 imegia diuice Lor6n cona teghlach ar faicsin 

*) Perhaps a Compound mer-mmmnachj thongh there is a space between 
the words m the MS. both here and on p. 312 a, below. 

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na sluagh-sin doibh. Doraidh diuice o Loren: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 
^cred anois do denam?' 'Do dennm co maith', ar 6y. Is ann 
sin rogoir Sir Gyi Sir Heront cuigi, 7 dorindi comnirli ris, 7 
adubairt: 'A Sir Heront', ar-se, *ber-si tri cet ridiri let ina 
crodh comdaingin cata a timcill,^ 7 tabur cath cnrata, cmadh- 
cosech do diuice na Pani, 7 coiscter let adinrns 7 uaill 7 ard- 
aigned dinice na Pani, uair rogoir se treturaigh fhallsa, fin- 
galach din nan dis,^) 7 tue s6 imdergndh 7 aithis dninn. 7 
Bed-sa 7 mili ridiri marsen rium ad diaig, 7 a Sir Heront, d6na 
catogadh calma, uair bed-sa ar comgar duit\ Adubairt diuice 
Lor6n: 'Bet-sa 7 slAagh na cathrach ar chomgar dibh ag ar 
furtacht, 7 gu- [310 b] idhmid Dia nan uile cumacht do com- 
furtacht duinn aniugh', ar-se. Tanic inunorro Sir Heront a 
tosuch in catha co flchdha, feramail, fomiata, 7 docunnuicc se 
diuici na Pani ac techt ina comdail, 7 dorug aithne air. 7 
Adubairt: 'A diuice fhingalaigh, fhealltaig, furmudaig, rofeallais 
fa do ar mo tigema 7 orum fein, 7 do deoin Dia tiucfa a olc 
aniugh duid', ar-s^. Is ann do comraicedur re ceile co niata, 
naimdighi, 7 co furtren, feramail, firdasachtach, 7 rotrasgradur 
a ceile asa haithli, 7 roeirgedur co hathlum, uiredrum, 7 ronocht- 
sad na cloidhmi comurthacha,^) 7 rogabsat tuargaint tenedh tein- 
nesnech ar aroile, 7 docuiredh diuice na Pani ar culaibh a sceit 
le beimennaibh arrachta Heroint. Is ann-sin tangadur drechta 
dana, dethtapaidh do Lumbardachaibh do cumnad do diuice na 
Pani; [ijama fhaicsin-sin do Sir Heront docuaidh co hathlum, 
uiredrum ara sd6t, 7 dorinne in diuice in cetna. 7 Docomrai- 
cedur aris co nua^ numaigi, nemarrsaid reroile, 7 rosechain diuice 
na Pani in cathlathair do Sir Heront Dala Heront dno, rogab 
se ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadh na laech Lumbardac. Doraidh 
diuice na Pani do guth ard, comeglach, crithanach: 'Ata in t-sen- 
ridiri amain agar leonadh 7 agar ledairt uile', ar-se, 'uair 
rothoit ar carait 7 ar coiceile uili lais; 7 denaidh calma budesta'. 
Docuiredh iarsin in cath co calma, curata, 7 dob imda builli 
brigmur, borbnertmur aga bualadh a sgiath Sir Heront in tan- 
siiL Is ann rogab ferg 7 firdhasacht Sir Heront, 7 docruinni- 
ghedur a muindter a timcill Sir Heront ann-sin, 7 dorinnedur 

') For ad Hmehiü? 

^ nar t^dia. 

^ MS. comurtachaeha. 

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moindter dioice na Pani in cetna. 7 Is edh [311a] rothorcoir la 
Heront aran toroind-sin do moindtir dinice na P&ni: cet ridiri 
7 flehe itir gabhail 7 marbadh dith Heront ann. 7 Dobi 
Heront deich >) n-huaire do lo isin cathgleo-sin, 7 ni tarla ris ar 
in fedh-sin nech nar trascair se co trenchalma no nar marb. 
Cidh tracht rocruinnighednr na Lumbordnig co lancalma, 7 na 
hadmaindigh^) co harrachta a timcill Sir Heront co nar eidir leis 
a lamh do cor a coim na a cris na a caeimedach la cnmgach na 
trenfer ara moin isin cathirgail. Is ann-sin dorindedh blodha 
beca, bordbrisdi do sciath Sir Heront, 7 rotumadh 7 dotren- 
gerradh a mergi maisech maethsroill, 7 rogerradh in feilm aluind, 
oraighi robui a[c] cumdach a cinn isin cathngndh, 7 ni roibhi 
nert a cosanta aigi na a coim6ta fein ag Sir [Herjont in tan-sin, 
acht beth ag folang paisi 7 peannaidi. Is ann-sin docuaidh Sir 
Gyi isin cat a n-arrthaisc na Lomburdach, 7 rofhagaibh s6 Sir 
Heront ara eis. Is ann-sin docnnnaicc Sir Gyi Otun i. dioice 
na Lumbairdi, 7 adubairt ris do guth ard, fhoUnsglan: 'A dioice 
na fingaile', ar-s6, 'is granna^ goaisbertach rofhellois form 7 ro- 
marbois mo moindtir'. Docoiredor in dias-sin com a ceile co 
dian, dasachtach, 7 doronsad comrog foiltech, fomiata, ffrda- 
sachtach, 7 rotrascrad dioice na Lombairdi la Gyi isin cath- 
lathair-sin. 7 Boeirigh in dioice co dasachtach, 7 docoaidh fora 
sd6t, 7 rocomroic aris re Gy, 7 rotrascair Gyi indara focht co 
f[311b]iraibeil 6. 7 Docoaidh aris fora sd6t, 7 rotrasgair Gyi 
in treas^) fecht e, 7 docoir slegh trina slinnen iar scoltodh a 
sceith. Anoair immorro dob ail le Gyi toirrling do dicennodh 
in dioice, tangador mili ridiri loathghnimach, lanchalma Lom- 
bar[d]ach 7 Almainech etorra, 7 dorogador in dioice leo 6 GyL 
7 Docaithigedor oili ar aenslighi re Sir Gyi, 7 torcair se») ridiri 
do milib mercalma le Sir Gyi in tan-sin. Bobador immorro^) 
moindter Gyi ar gach taebh de ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadh na 
Lo[m]bordach. Is ann-sin robrised in cath le Gyi, 7 rotairmgedor 
na Lombordoigh docom glenna domoin, doaibsigh roboi rompa. 

») MS. XX. 

^ MS. .£., where edipse is meant bj the stroke above the nsoal sign 
for deich, jc. sometimes appears to mean deichnenuir. 
') 1. na hAlmainiigh. 
«) MS. treaä, 
») MS. ,6. 
«) MS. du (= antem?). 

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7 Bobui diuice na Sision 7 iarla Uadiner na Cuiline a ceilg isin 
glinn-sin cona sloaghaibh, 7 dochnnnuicc Gyi iat, 7 roinnis dia 
mnintir a mbeih isin ceilg-sin. Doraidh Gyi: ^Domgndar na 
Lnmbardaigh 7 na hAlmainnigh ar aensligbi oroinn', ar-s6, '7 ni 
füll conair elaighthi agoind natha, 7 denaid calmacht ac ar cosaint, 
7 eirgem a n-ainm Dia 7 Eoin Baisdi do cur catha orrta sad\ 
Is ann-sin docnirsitt na catha cechtarrda docnm aroile, 7 nir cath 
catharrda comigi e, nair is ann-sin f a sanntaigi in sarcomlann^ 7 fa 
flchmure in f altanns, 7 f a treisi na treinfir, 7 f a calma na cnraidh. 
Is ann-sin doconnnic Sir Gy Rener .i. diuice na Sision, 7 rocom- 
rnic ris co discir, dasachtach, 7 rotrasgair don cetbuille e, 7 
rogab fainne 7 egcruas 6 iama trascairt. Tarria immorro Sir 
Heront 7 iarla Uadiner na Cuiline da ceile, 7 docomraicsitt co 
seitrech, sircalma, 7 rothoit [312a] an t- iarla a furcenn in 
comhruic 7 ridiri dia mnindtir marsen ris, 7 roba crodha, cos- 
curtach Sir Heront isin cathirgail-sin. Is ann doeirigh diuice 
Rener asa neoll, 7 docuaidh fura sd6d, 7 rocomruic aris co 
gaibhtech, greannmur, grainemhail re Gyi. Tug Gyi builli 
brighmur, borbnertmur don diuice, gur trasgair indera fecht co 
firarrachta 6. Is ann-sin doconntticc Gyi Sir Gilmin ina dochum 
.i ridiri crodha, cosgurcalma do m[u]indtir an imperi, 7 brathair 
do diuice na Loueine ^; 7 robui . f edmanntus firuasal aigi on 
imperi i. coim6t gach furaisi firailli dia raibhi aigi; 7 robüi mili 
ridire mermenmach, mördhalach ara teglach budhein ina cipe 
comdaingen catha ina urtimchill. 7 Is 6 roba menmarc le Sir 
Gilmin cona muindtir Sir Gyi do thoitim leo gu lanurlum. Is 
ann-sin rocomruic Sir Gyi 7 Sir Gilmin reroile co feramail, 
fedhmlaidir, flrarrachta, 7 rothoit Sir Gilmin a furcenn an 
comruic le beimennaib guasachtacha, grennmura Gyi. Tanicc 
iarum diuice na Sdragbom annsa cath d'iarraidh Sir Gyi, 7 
sluagha aibsecha, adbulmora ina urtimcill, 7 ni roibi do sluaghaibh 
linmura na Lumbairdi, na d'feruibh arrachta, irgalacha na 
hAlmaine, aenlamh fa crodha coscur a cathaibh 7 a comlannaibh 
na'n diuice-sin. 7 Rogab uaman 7 imegla Sir Gyi roime iama 
beth teora la 7 teora aidhci gan biadh, gan digh, gan coUadh, 
ina eidedh. Docuir Sir Gyi in tan-sin techta uadha co cathraigh 
na Greasmont cum diuice Loren d'iarraidh furtachta fair. Adu- 
bairt diuice Loren: 'Cibe guasacht no gabudh ina fuil Sir Gyi', 
ar-se, ^ni ferr leis cobur no comfurtacht d'faighail na lium-sa a 
tabairt d6'; 7 rogluais iamm co prap, primurrlum 7 tri mili 

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ridiri mermenmach, möraicenntach maraBn ris. Cidh tracht is 
ann rogreagradur^) na catha cechtarda crechtaidbli-sin a ceile. 
Dala Gyi dno nir miadh 7 nir maisi 7 nir moraignedh lais cath 
aga cothagndh 7 aga cnnnmail ina agaid, 7 roeirigh a laindi 
leoghain, 7 a neun [312 b] natrach, 7 a cruas coradh, 7 a menma 
miledh 7 a airsighecht erradh, gor eirigh a Ion irgaile nasanail,^) 
7 docuir a cl6 isin cath, 7 robris für na Lumbardachaibh co 
lancalma 7 ar na hAlmainnechaibh co hurrlnm, 7 docnir a n-är 
isin n-irgail-sin, 7 rogabadh dinici 7 isrlaidhi 7 baruin 7 ilimud 
do maithibh 7 do momaislibh in tsluaigh. 7 Tanicc Sir Gyi 
tarais co cathraigh na Greasmont co mbuaidh coscair 7 com- 
maidhmi, 7 co nelaibh^) imdha, 7 co n-ilimud gacha maithosa. 7 
Adubairt Sir Gyi risin diuice braighdi an imperi do coimfet co 
maith, uair 'is iad shailmid d'faghail sidha dnind f6s on imper'. 
Conidh 6-sin an treas cath docuir Sir Gyi ar muindtir an imperL 

16. Is and robui in t-imper 1& in morcatha-sin ina cathraigh 
budhein, 7 ri na Hungaire maraen ris, 7 cluithchi fithli aga imirt 
acn. 7 Dochunncadur Sir Tiiri, mac iarla Aimbri, ina ndochum, 
7 cloidhemh claslethan, comurthach nochta ina laim, 7 fuindeoga 
fairsingi, firdoimni fura curp, 7 fuil ac siledh 'na srothaibh re 
slesaibh a cuirp, 7 a sciath ina blodhuibh brisdi fara thsebh, 7 
se CO mignö moir fair. Doraidh Tirri: 'A thigema', ar-s6, 'gidh 
subhach, suilbir atai-si, is duaithni, doaithennta ata do mnindter, 
nair ni mairenn da ndechaidh do chogud 7 do cathndh re diuice 
Loren gan gabail no gan marbadh acht misi nama, 7 rotrom- 
loitedh diui[c]e Otun 7 ni mör maires de, 7 dogabadh diuice 
Kener 7 iarla Uadiner. 7 Is se Sir Gyi Berbuic doroine na 
gnima-sin uile, uair ni blaisenn betha nech ara mbuailenn beim 
na builli, 7 ni claidhfidis fir in talman tromoidigh ar los nirt 
na nidhecais 6. lar clos na scel-sin don imper, rogab luinde 7 
luathferg 6, 7 docuaidh a ciall 7 a conn ar nemM uad. Doraidh 
in t-imper: 'Tuigim', ar-se, 'fan sendia docum nem 7 talman nach 
anadh co brach co ngabur cathair na Greasmont, 7 co crochar 
diuice Loren 7 Gyi Berbuic'. Docuir in t-imper tinol 7 tim- 
sugudh ar sluaghaibh na himperechta uili co haenlathair [313 a] 
7 rogluais leo iarum cum cathrach na Greasmont. Tanic immorro 

*) 1. rofreagradtir. 

*) 1. uas a anaih 

') MS. not qnite clear; L co n-edalaihhl 

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Sir Gayer .1 mac mermenmnach robui agan imper, 7 iarla nasal 
ele marsin ris, 7 coic cet») ridiri rechtaigenntacli, robregh[d]a roim 
na slnaghaib do fhechain na cathrach; 7 docniredh coic mili^) 
ridiri ina ndiaigh-sin da cothngndh, 7 da connniail co daingin, 
doglnasta, 7 coic mili^) ele mur bnn doibh-sein, 7 tri mili') ina 
ndiaigh-sin, nair robadnr tri mili dec co leth a coimed da ceile 
a tosnch na conaire, 7 an^) t-imper co n-ilimnd slnaigh ina 
ndiaigb-sin. Is ann-sin dochuncador Incht cathrach na Greasmont 
na slnaigh aidhbli, ilardha ina ndochnm, 7 rogab namhan 7 imegla 
iat aga faicsin. Docnir dinice Loren a trealam catha uime, 7 
dochnaidh ara ech, 7 roimigh mnr a roibhi Gyi, 7 roinnis na 
scela-sin dö. Doraidh Gyi risin dinice: 'Coim^t-sa in cathair 
CO hinill', ar-se, '7 rachad-sa a comdhaU na slnag', 7 mile ridiri 
marsen ris. Dala Gyi dono, docnaidh ina comdhail-sin co prap, 
primescaid, 7 dochnnnnicc Gyi trian troigthech, trencalma ac 
techt andiaigh na coic^) cet ridiri robui ar tosuch in tromthinoil- 
sin. Is ann-sin dochnnnnicc Sir Gyi mac an imper ac techt, 7 
dochnaidh ina coinne co ceimdirech, 7 doronsad comrac calma^ 
coscarthach reroile, 7 rotrasgradh Sir Gayer, 7 rogabadh 6 asa 
haithli 7 tri cet da mninntir maraen ris, 7 torcair in da cet ele 
leis dibh. Docnaidh Sil* Gyi leis na braigdib-sin sa cathraigh da 
coim6t^ 7 dochnaidh iar-sin a comdhail in t-shlnaigh cetn[a], 7 
ni fachaidh se enni do thaebh in tire in tan-sin acht slnaigh 
eidighthi, armtha in cathaighthi. lama clos don imper gnr 
gabhadh a mac, rogab bron 7 dnbhachns e, 7 tangadur in trom- 
shocraidi trencalma-sin ar aenshlighi docnm Sir Gyi iama aithne 
doibh. 7 Doferndh cath fuilech, [313 b] fergach, furniata etnrra^ 
7 gerb imdha Isech leidmech, lancalma isin cath-sin, rob 6 Sir 
Oyi 7 Sir Heront rob ferr lam ar gach taebh acu. 7 Ger 
cumnng do ch&ch isin cathngndh-sin, robni fairsingi 7 flreitech 
Mtha 'na ndis. Is ann-sin rolnid imnd na lamh lancalma forra^ 
7 ba cmaidh doibh in tan-sin, 7 robui tosach marbhtha ar 
sluaighaibh cathrach na Greasmont in tan-sin. Tanic dinice 
Loren tri mili") ridiri amach asin cathraigh in tan-sin do cabur 
GyL Tarria Sir Tirri, mac iarla Aimbri, foran dinice in tan-sin, 

MS. .H. c. >) MS. .«. m. 

•) MS. .m. «) MS. An. 

•) MS. M. 

*) MS. .m. For the constraction (withont piepodtion or conjonction) 
ef. pp. 314a, 324a, d30a, below. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


7 doronsad comracc feramail, fimeminech, 7 dotrascradh in dinice 
le Sir Tirri, 7 roerigh co luath, 7 robuail beim brighmar ar Sir 
Tirri, 7 is fada, firbnan dorug a uilligiO ann. Docrainnighediir 
drechta dana, dofoiling do milib mercalma^ mordhalacha a timcill 
dioice Lor6n, 7 robui ag folang paisi 7 pennoidi, 7 docrecht- 
nnighedh co crolinntech e, 7 ni raibhi nert a cosanta aigL Do- 
connuicc Sir Gyi in gnasacht 7 in gabud ina roibhe in dinice, 
7 docnaidh da furtacht, 7 romarbh cethrar ridiri do ceitri 
beimennaibh brigmnra bais a timcill an dinice. Bobni dono ridiri 
mermenmach^) ag marbadh 7 ag mngndh, a[g] ledairt 7 a[g] lan- 
marbndh in dinice, 7 rotrascnii* asa dilait 6, 7 robnail ar lar ^ 
7 dob ail leis a dicennndh. 7 Tanic Sir Gny co lathair in l86ch- 
bnailti-sin, 7 tng se bnilli brighmur don ridiri co ndema da 
ordain certa, cndrnma de d'aenbeim, 7 docuir Sir Gyi iarnm in 
dinice fura sd6t. Doraidh in daine^) re Gyi: 'Ataim-ai teinn, 
tromgseta, 7 ni fötnim cnmnad na comfurtacht dnid-si', ar-s6, '7 
dob fer linm co ndechtha isin cathraigh con do mnindtir, nair 
ni fhnilmid coimlin catba doibh säd, 7 ni cnbaidh rinn ar faghail 
a n-aisgi'. Adnbairt Sir Gyi: 'I>odh6n-sa do toil-si arsin, a 
tjgema', ar-se. Docnadnr le cheile sa cathraigh iar-sin. Doraidh 
in t-imper rena muindter in cathair do toghail co dana, da- 
sachtach. Tangadur immorro slnagh in imper ar doirrsibh in 
dnna[i]dh, 7 rob imdha mergi alaind, examail ar doirrsib na 
cathrach, 7 rogabndnr ag toghail 7 ag trenlegadh na mfir 7 na 
mballnd. Rogabsadnr Incht na cathrach [314 a] ag cosaint co 
calma, cmaidhnertmnr i. drem dibh le gainnibh gera, greann- 
mnra, 7 dream ele le soigdib srnbgera, seghmnra, 7 drong le 
gnnnaibh gaibtecha, gnasachtaca, 7 foirind ele le dochnibh tair- 
thecha taball, 7 farinn ele re slegaibh slinnletna, snasmine; 7 
drong ele le leccaibh lanmora 7 le mnrliagaibh mora, mileta aga 
tilgen to mnllaibh na morcathrach, 7 na huili arm dinraic[th]e 
archena Cnig la dec doibh fnr in abairt 7 für a nedfhnalann-^) 
sin gan sidh, gan saime, gan socracht, 7 is ed torchair la Gyi 
7 la Heront aran fedh-sin i. cet^) marcach mermenmach 7 

^) avüligi; reading nncertain. 

*) L mer menmnach? Bat this time there is less clearly a space in 
the MS. 

*) 1. diuiee, 

«) e^ualann » ihtalang? 

•) MS. .c. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


rnili troightech tröncalma, 7 nir comairem cred torchair la 
dnag^haibh na cathrach sin amach. Tanicc dono cara caii^de- 
mail, carthanach co Gyi do slaag^haibh an imperi co hincleith, 7 
adubairt fris: 'A Sir 6yi', ar-se, 'ata scel maith agnm duid, nair 
rachaidh an t-imper a marach co moch coic cet^ ridiri gan arm, 
gan eidedh, annsa forais fhiadhaigh, 7 collach coibfhiaclach 
ama brath>) dö innti, 7 bidh-si, a Gyi, lin a basgaidh isin forais 
aidhcbi, 7 dena do toil fein don imper '. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'In 
scel-sin', ar-se, 'dober-sa mili plata d'ör alaind, athle[g]thadnid'. 
Doraidh in fer braith: 'Gunnaibh-si misi agnd no co nderbnir sud, 
7 mina faghair na fhirinde 6, cedaigbim ma riadhadh duid'. Is 
ann-sin docuaidh Sir Oyi, Sir Heront, 7 SBntriar ridiri marsen ru 
a cenn an dinice, 7 se ina seomra ag imirt fhitchle co fathach, 
firglicc; 7 robennaigh d6, 7 roindis co mbeth in t-imper co 
huaingech isin forais ar maidin. lar clos na scel-sin don dinice, 
roeirigh ina shesnm co prap, 7 dothoirbir teora pog do Sir Gyi. 
7 Adnbairt: 'Logb damh, a Isechmiliä, do techt le techtairecht 
CQgom', ar-s6: ^nach m6 docuaidh ad dochom'. Doraidh Gyi: 
'Bachnd-sa ann säd ardnn in imper, 7 dober liom d'ais no d'ecin 
6 do denum sidha rit-sa'; 7 romol in diuice in comnirle-sin. 
Dala Sir Gyi iamm, rogluais roime dia thigh osta, 7 iar tiacht 
tosaigh na haidhci roimigh Sir Gyi asan cathraigh amach co tai, 
tost- [314 b] adhach 7 mili ridiri marsen ris, 7 docuadh^) san 
[fjnrais, 7 docuadur ainn^) na tulcha roböi inntL Annsa maidin 
iarum docnnnnic Sir Gyi an t-imper ac techt san forais co 
n-aathad sluaigh uime .L coic cet&) ridiri gan arm, gan eidedh, 
d'naislibh 7 d'armaithibh^) a mnindtiri. Doraidh Sir Gyi rena 
mnindtir: 'Ata in t-imper cugainn', ar-se, 7 atämid-ni idir 6 7 
a mnindtir, 7 ni fnil comachta ar dol bhoaind, 7 denaidh-si 
tapadh maith, a ridiri crodha', ar-se. Is ann-sin rofhech in 
t-imper seocha, 7 dochnnnaicc na sloagha armtha, eidighthi ar 
techt ina timceall. Doraidh in t-imper: 'Bomaimedh 7 roma- 
lartadh sinn do Sir Gyi Berboicc', ar-s6, 'nair docim-si Sir 
Gyi gona mnindtir ag techt inar ndochum'. Is ann-sin docuaid 

^) MS. M X. On fhe oonitniction cf. note 6 to p. 313 b, above. 

>) L bretk'i 

^ L docwnäh or doeu/admr, 

*) L CN ifm; cf. 318 b, below. 

«)MS. M.C. 

^ L ardmaUhibk 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

48 t". K. ROBIKSOK, 

Sir Gyi roim na nmindtir a n-arrthaisc an imper, 7 craeb olioa 
ina laim mur chomurtha sidha. 7 Doraidh Sir Gyi ac techt co 
lathair dö: 'Na tairgedh aendoine aguibh cosaint na conmadh do 
denom do muindtir an imper', ar-se, '7 da ndema, benfad-sa a 
cenn de'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Gu rob Dia do betha, a imperi 
nasail, nrmnta', ar-se, '7 ata fledh orrlum, inchaithme ag dioice 
na Lobeine duit, 7 tarra da töcaithem 7 do dhennm sidha ris, 
7 dobera se 6 fein guna oili maithus doid'. Is ann-sin tangador 
an mili marcach rob&i fare Gyi co lathair, 7 craeb sidha a laim 
gach aeinfir dibh, 7 rofurail Gyi umla 7 anoir do denum don 
imper, 7 dorindedur amlaidh. Adubairt Sir Gyi risin imper: 
'Eirgem don cathraigh budesta', ar-se, 'uair ni fhuil nert agad 
gun techt lium gac conoir is ail'. Adubairt in t-imper: 'A Sir 
Qji\ ar-s6, 'da tugtha-sa do daingin dam nach fellfaidh form, 
CO rachaind let'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Tuingim', ar-se, *fan fer ro- 
foloing pais tarcenn in cinidh dsena: nach egal duit senni isin 
cathraigh ud'. Is ann-sin rothnirrling in t-imper, 7 roiadh a dhi 
laim im braiged Sir Gyi, 7 rotoirbir teora pogh co dil, dichra^ 
deth- [315a] tairisi dö, 7 adubairt asa haithli-sin: 'A ridiri 
crodha, cosgurthach, diadha, dercach, dethbertach, rachad-sa let 
budesta'. Docuadur 'san cathraigh iarum, 7 ni roibi senoir 
spalmach, na ogh anbann, anaesmur, na curaidh crodha, coscar- 
thach, na laec leidmech, lancalma, na milid menmnach, mor- 
gnimach, na ainnir alainn, ilcrotha isin cathraigh uili, na dema 
umla 7 anoir 7 urgairdiugudh don imper 7 do Gyi Dochuadur 
iarsin co palas in diuice, 7 dofreasladh 7 dofritholad in t-imper 
cona muindtir la Gyi do rogha gacha bidh 7 gacha dighi, 7 ni 
tanic in diuice cucu ind aidhci-sin. Dala in diuice iama marach 
roeirigh ar maidin, 7 rosgail do braighdib in imperi, 7 adubairt 
riu dul na rogha conuir, 7 roerb forra grasa diarraidh do aran^) 
imper; 7 dorugsat na braighdi uili buidechus risin diuice. Dala 
na mbraigid iarum, roiaradur an diuice leo a cenn an imper, 7 
docuaidh co hurrlum, 7 roben na h^daighi romaisecha sida de 
acht amain aenleine shremnaigi sroill re grian a geilcnis, 7 
dochuaidhitir cach a fiadnuse an imper, 7 rolig a gl6n des 7 
cl6 fai, 7 rocrum a fiadhnuse an imperi. Adubairt an diuice: 
'A tigema', ar-s6, 'teim^) fein fod grasaibh, 7 rotuilles bäs 

^) HS. in inn imperi. *) MS. iar an, 

') Shonld we read tdimf or is this tHm for Uighimf I come? 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


d'faghail bnaid, uair is me romarbh Sir Sadon 1 do derbrathar, 
7 doberim mhe fein cen comaithes doid, 7 dena do bail fein dim 
festa', ar-se. Adubairt Sir Gayer, mac an impcri: ^A tigema', 
ar-s6, 'tabur cairt a shidha don diuice, uair is fer crodha, cos- 
garthach, firinech, firglic e, 7 dorindedh an ecoir air'. Adubairt 
diuice Rener: 'Dena sud, a tigerna', ar-se, 'uair is coir romarbh 
se mac do brathar, 7 gebe aderadh na budh fhir, dorachaind-si 
da suidhiugudh air'. Adubairt iarla üadiner: [315b] 'Dena sind, 
a tigema', ar-se, 'uair nir tuill in diuice andligedh na ecoir do 
denum air; 7 is cara dam-sa riam e, ge taim anois ina agaid; 7 
mina demair sidh ris co lüath, rachad-sa tar m'ais co cathraigh 
na Cuiline, 7 cuirfed dirmada dethsluagh ar aenslighi, 7 dodhen 
cogudb rit-sa a comluadur diuice na Lobeine'; 7 nir labnir in 
t-imper risin re-sin. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'A tigema', ar-se, 
'comuill in gelladh tugais dam-sa isin furais. 7 In tuigidh fein 
curob fada ata in diuice ara gluinibh 7 co fedfadh s6 gan beth 
amlaidh? üair is treisi ann-so 6 na tu-sa, a tigerna: 7 doberim 
fom breithir, mina tucair cairt a sidha co luath dö, co n-iugen-sa 
dlth 7 dochar duit fein 7 dod muindtir'. Doraid an t-imper: 'Is 
bertha don diuice a buidechus don sendia dorinde nem 7 thalmain 
an Ik doconuicc-se tu-sa, a Sir öyi', ar-se; '7 coimeoUad-sa mo 
gealladh duid-si; uair mathaim don diuice marbadh in senduine 
rob annsa lium rotharaill talmain riam .i Sir Sadög, mac mo der- 
brathar, 7 doberim cairt a sidha do'. Is ann-sin roeirgedur na 
sluaigb uili ina sesam, 7 tugadur tri gartha bennacht don imper 
trit in trocuire-sin dorinne se aran diuice. 7 Eoimpoigedur na 
sluaig ar se[n]slighi a n-sAgidh ar Sir Gyi, 7 tugadur gartha 
bennacht dö, 7 adubairt d'aithescc SBinflr: 'A ridiri crodha, cos- 
cartach, 7 a treinmilid flrtalcAair,*) is dod gaiscedh-sa 7 dod 
gnimecht, dod gais 7 dod glicus tanic in sidh ud do denum'. 
Doclos scela na sidha-sin dona sluaghaibh robüi a timchill na 
cathrach amuigh. Tanicc iarum Oton, i. diuice na Lumbairdi, 
a cenn au imper co luinne 7 co luathfheirg, 7 adubairt: 'A 
tigerna', ar-se, 'is ecoir doronais sidh risin da treturach isfallsa 
7 is furmudaigh ata annsa doman uile .i. diuice na Lobeine 7 
Sir öyi Berbuicc'. larna clos sin do Sir Gyi, dodhun a dorn 
co dethtapaid, 7 robuail in*) [316a] diuice ara sroin, 7 rodoirt 

') Expansion donbtfol. Perhaps fir-talmaidhe or firt-dlaind. 
*) in ifl repeated in the MS. 

ZeitBohrift f. celt. Philolng!« VI. 4 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


a fhuil CO firaibeil, 7 rotrascair co talmam 6. Rob ail leiss a 
bualadh aris, 7 roiar in t-imper mur athcuinge air gan a bualadh 
in boilli. 'Dober-sa in athcuingi-sin duid-si gan ei-sin na duine 
ele do bualadh aniugh', ar-s6. Doraidh Sir Gyi: *Rofell sind fa 
dhö fos orum gan adhbur', ar-se, '7 co ced do Dia ni liged sin 
gan dighailt fos ', ar-se. Is ann-sin dopogadur cäch a cheile don 
da slnaghaibh-sin tri met a lathaire ar son na [sidhaj-sin.i) Conidh 
amlaidh-sin fa fuin don cogudh idir an t-imper 7 diuice na 
Lobeine. Doraidh diuice Rener na Sision co tiubradh s6 ingin 
diuice na [Lojbeine 7 [gur] maith leis beth ana cairdis, 7 dorin- 
dedh in to[ch]marc-sin. 7 Tug an t-imper ingin mic derbrathar 
a athar mur mnai do diuice na Lobeine, 7 dogell inme mör 7 
tigerntus le, 7 dorindedh in clemnus-sin. Doraidh Sir Gyi co 
mbeth fein ag imthecht. 'Na bidh', ar diuice na Lobeine, 'uair 
dober-sa in cathair-si duid 7 leth mo thigemtuis, 7 na fag me.' 
Dorug Sir Gyi budechus, 7 nir gabh sin. 

17. Dala an imperi iar ndenum na sidha-sin 7 ^) an clemnus- 
sin dö, doceileabur se do diuice na Lobheine, 7 roimigh roime 
Sir Gyi maraen ris. Im[thusa] diuice na Lobeine, robidh caicidhis 
gan biadh, gan dig, gan coUadh do cumaid Sir Gyi do imthecht 
uadha, 7 is bec romair de dia serc 7 dia shirgradh. An tan dono 
dorainicc an t-imper san Almain, 7 Sir Gyi maraen ris, 7 dotairg 
an t-imper cathracha 7 caisteoil 7 pair[c]inna 7 furaisi firaille 
fiadhaigh do Sir Gyi, 7 co tibrad tigerntus diuice d6, 7 co 
tiubrad ilimud oir 7 innmus oir 7 innmus 7 na huile thoicci 
d6. 5) 7 Rodiult Sir Gyi do gabail, 7 doceilebuir don imperi asa 

18. Imthus Sir Gyi dono rogluais roime, 7 ni rüg s6 do 
muindtir les acht aencet ridiri fromtha, feramla d-uaislibh na 
nAlmainech, 7 rogluais roime laim re heochuirimlibh na mara 
moraidhble con n-accaidh in aenluing n-adhbulmoir con n-imud 
gacha maithusa iar ngabail cuain, 7 fochtuis Sir Gyi scela 
[316 b] dib. Rofreagair fer däna, dethth[e]angthach dibh, 7 adu- 
bairt: ' Tangamair-ni cathraigh Consantinnoble, 7 is 6 fath fa 

^) aidha is sapplied conjectaraUy. There is no gap in the MS. 

') 7 is repeated in the MS. 

') The MS. is obyioiuly corrnpt. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


tangamar 1 in Sabdan do tigemtns^ in imperi Gregaigh 7 do 
marbadh a mnindtiri a cathaib 7 a comlonnaib, 7 ni fuil da 
tigerntus agan imperi gan gabail don t-Sabhdan fair acht cathair 
Consantinnobile amain. 7 Atä in Sabdan cona slaaghaibh ag 
techt dia gabhail, 7 tangamair-ne furinn luing ann-so d'iarraidh 
inaid ecin a fuidmis sidh 7 socracht diar mbethugudh, 7 tngamar 
ret ecin d'ar maithas lind ann-so, 7 is iat-sin ar scela-ne', ar an 
t-oglach; '7 denaidh-si for mbaü fein dinn budesta'. 7 Robni 
namhan 7 imegla aran furinn. Docuaidh dono Sir 6yi roime fon 
tir, 7 rofostaigh se da cet^) ridiri ele a cenn a roibhi aigi, 7 
docuaidh comigi in luing cetna. 7 Adubairt risin furinn in long 
do deisiugudh, 7 co caithfidis dul leis a fritheing na conaire 
cetna co Consantinnobile. Conidh i cuairt Sir Gyi san Almain 
connigi sin. 

19. Dala Sir Gyi iar-sin docuaidh isin luing cona tri cet 
ridiri, 7 furinn na luingi maraen ris. 7 Tugadur sruthleim 
sanntach, sircalma tri srothaib na senfhairrgi, 7 tri gsethaibh 
gaibhtecha, greannmura na glasfhairrgi, 7 robadur caicidis ar 
muir re moranfad, 7 rogabadur cuan cluthar, comdaingin a 
cathraigh Consantinnobile. 7 Dotobadur^) ardshuaitchenntus na 
Saxanach .i mergi Sin Seoirsi, os cinn na luingi. Is ann-sin 
robüi in t-imperi ar taidhlib in duna[i]dh ag atach an duilem im 
fur+acht d'faghail asin ecin ina roibi, 7 dochunnuic s6 in long 
luchtmnr, lanmor, 7 suaithcenntus Sin Seoirsi arna togbail innti. 
7 Docuir techta uadha d'faghail scel, 7 do cur failti risna 
Saxancaibh, 7 da tabairt ina comhdail fein. Eoimigh in tech- 
taire coruigi in luing, 7 rofiarfaigh scela do lucht na luingL 
Boeirigh [Sir Gyi] na sesam 7 adubairt: 'Iüdir[e] Saxanach at& 
ann-so', ar-s6, ^^ Sir Gyi Barbuicc a ainm, 7 atait tri cet 
ridiri mer, menmach, möraicenntach ina fhochair iar tsecht do 
cumnad don imper'. Tug immorro Sir Gyi guna sgharloide don 
techtaire, 7 roimigh roime mur a roibhi in t-imper, [317 a] 7 roinnis 
na scela-sin dö. larna clos sin don inper^) rofech suas cum 
Dia, 7 dorne a budechus-sin ris. 7 Adubairt: *Mase Sir Ghy 

1) Something omitted; perhaps gabhail. 

«) MS. .c. 

s) 1. dothögbadw, 

*) 1. imper. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Berbuic ata ann süd', ar-s6, 'ni fuil isin doiiüi[un aen-]*) ridiri 
is f err lamh.' 7 Adubairt an t-imper re lucht na cathrach dul a 
prosesiam a n-arrthaisc Sir Gyi. Is ann-sin Ungadur lucht gacha 
heglusa don cathraigh co tapraibh 7 co priceduibh 7 co lampaib 
lansoillsi, co cloguibh, co mbachlaibh, co minnuib; 7 sluaigh na 
cathrach co n-ethaigib somaisecha sidha 7 orshnaith, 7 an ri co 
coroin cengailti, clochbuadhaigh cumdaigh fura cenn, 7 aes ciail 
na cathrach a comseinm itir orgdn 7 gitart 7 galltrumpa 7 tabur 
7 fhedan 7 cruiti 7 clairsigh 7 na huili ceol archena. 7 Docu- 
adur uili mnr-sin a n-arrthaisc Sir Gryi, 7 rofersad fircain failti 
fris, 7 rothoirbir in t-imper teora p6g co dil, dichra, dethtairisi 
d6, 7 rogabh ar laim e, 7 docuir an limh ele fona braigid, 7 is 
mur-sin dorne in t-imper leis 6 isin palas rigdha, 7 docuir an 
t-imper Sir Gyi ara gualaind budhfein do caithem a coda. Ro- 
ordaigh in t-imper iarom seomra nasal do derugudh do Sir Gyi 
cona muindtir, [7] gach aenni da n-iarfaidis do tabairt doib. Is 
ann-sin docuaidh in t-imper le Sir Gyi coruigi in seomra. Doraidh 
in t-imper iarum: *A Sir Gyi', ar-se, *cuirim mo cumairci ort> 
uair robben an Sabdan mo tigerntus uili dim acht in cathair-so 
namä; 7 ata se ag techt da gabail orum, 7 dotoitedar da fichit^) 
mili a n-aenlo do[n] muinnter leo, 7 ni fuil do cloind agum acht 
seiningen, 7 is i is oigri orum, 7 dober do mnäi duit-si hi, 7 
cosain mo thir 7 mo thigernt[us] duit fein.' Adubairt Sir Gyi: 
*Nl do thabairt mna tanag-sa, acht do cumnad let-sa, 7 dodhen 
mo dicill duit, 7 gabaim do cumairci cugum'. Et nir cian do 
Gyi mur-sin iar n-imtecht don imper uadha in tan dochuala gair 
7 greadhan eidhmi 7 acainti ar fud na cathrach, 7 docuir Gyi 
techta uadha d'faghail scel, 7 is ed adubairt nech ris: 'Tanicc 
Ambrail, darub ainm Coscras .i. mac derbrathar athar don 
t-Sabdan, 7 rl na Turcach, co mili Turcach do gabail na 
cathrach-so; 7 roshuidhsitt [317 b] ina thimciir. lama clos sin 
do Sir Gyi adubairt rena muindter a n-eidhedh do cur umpa, 7 
crodacht do denum; 7 docuaidh Sir Gyi asin cathraigh amach 
na 3) tri cet*) ridiri, 7 robui fein a n-arrthaisc na sluagh, 7 tue 
se cath dithac, däna, dofreastail fona dethlsechaib. 7 Rocomroic 
Sir Gyi 7 Coscran reroile, 7 docuir Sir Gyi slegh co seitreach, 

MS. indistinct. 
^ MS. .OKC. m. 
■) 1. 7 na, or cona? 
*) MS. .c. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


sircalma tri sciath Coscrain 7 Irina craidhi co cadruma, 7 ro- 
thnirrlmg 6yi fair, 7 roben a cenn de. 7 Docnir techta leisin 
cenn cum cing Heirrneis darb ainm in t-imperi, 7 ni fuair riam 
na iarum taburtus ba ferr leis dh'faghabail na sin. Tarria ri 
na Turcach da cheile isin cath 7 Sir Heron[t], 7 docomraicsit co 
calma, curadhcoisech, 7 rothoit ri na Turcach a furcenn in 
comruic la beimennaibh agmura, arrachta Heront. 7 Dotorcair 
se cet ^) Eirristineach le Gyi sul tainic medhon lae in la-sin, 7 
secht cet^) 7 da mili tareis medhoin laB. Teora la 7 3) teora 
aidhchi dobi in cath-sin aga cur le Gyi. Dala Escladata .i. 
ridiri laidir do muindtir in t-Sabhdain rofagaibh se in cath, 7 
sieg trina curp 7 leth a cinn ina fegmuis, 7 docuaidh se mur^) 
an Sabhdan. 7 Adubairt: 'Ata drochscel agum duid, a tigema', 
ar-s6, *uair do brathair,*) 7 docunnac-sa a cenn*^) aga buain de. 
7 Romarbadh ri na Turcach, 7 ni täinic b^o dod muinnter acht 
misi amain, 7 dogebh b&s annsan uair-si'. Doraid an Sabhdan, 
*Dofuaradur sin tinol tromsluaig ecin', ar-se. Doraidh in ridiri: 
'Fuaradur', ar-se, *.i. ridiri Cristaidhe danib ainm Sir Gyi 
Berbuic, co tri cet 7) ridiri maraen ris'. Doraidh in Sabdan: 
'Tuingim-si fona deibh', ar-se, 'co ngebha misi in cathair con- 
gairech-sin co cenn caicidisi, 7 co crochfa me in t-imper-sin 7 
Sir Gyi an aencroich'. Is ann-sin rothoit in ridiri tue na scela- 
sin leis, 7 dofuair bas. Dala Sir Gyi Berbuicc immorro, tanicc 
se isin cathraigh iar mbuaidh coscar 7 commaidhmi co n-edalaib 
imda lais, 7 robui se tuirrsech on tegmail cona muindter a haithli 
in catha iar mbeth tri la 7 tri haidhci a cur in catha gan biadh, 
gan digh, gan coUadh. 7 Tugsud lucht na catrach tri garta 
bennacht dö iar-sin. 

20. [318 a] Dala an imper immorro, adubairt se nach roibhi 
sa domun sBucerd rob annsa les na fiadhach 7 fiancos[c]or, — '7 
at&im re rk cian 7 re haimsir fada nar lamhus dul tar dorusbel 
na cathrach-so amach d'uaman 7 d'imegla in t-[SJabdain 7 na 

») MS. 6. c. 

«) MS. 7 c. 

^ teora la 7 repeated in the MS. 

*) Supply aroibhi? 

*) Something omitted. Supply domarbadh? 

^ MS. cqkmn, 

MS. tri .c. c. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

54 F. N. B0BIN80N, 

Turcach, no co tainic Sir Gyi dorn comfurtacht. 7 Rachad 
amarach isin forais do t-sheilg 7 do fladhach, 7 bed caicidis isin 
furais, 7 beth senach 7 urgairiugudh 1) againn innti frisin re-sin '. 
lar tiacht an Isb iarna marach docuadur san furais, 7 rogab 
drong dib ac fladhach für moir le lintaibh fur iascach; 7 drong 
ele le seabchaib ac fladach für enaib, 7 drong ele ag fladhach le 
conuib 7 le lintaibh ar damaibh allta 7 ar cullcaib cnibfiaclacha 
7 ar paitib primluatha 7 ar na huili^) fhiadhach archena. 7 Is 
annsin docuaidh ida eda a cenn sdibaird an imper, — Sir Morgad 
ainm in sdibaird, — uair rogab furmud fichmiscnech re Sir Gyi 
6 arson mar dothairg an t-imper a ingen do bancheile d6, uair») 
serc siradbul acan sdibhard ar ingen inn imperi. Dala Sir Mor- 
gaduir robui se aga smuaintiugudh cinnus do denum^) se aimles 
Sir öyi, 7 tanic se mur aroibi Sir Gyi isin furais, 7 adubairt 
ris: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'ni tuillinn am curp na am coluinn m6t 
mo grada fürt; 7 atait cuirtinna 7 caisteoil agum, 7 fonn 7 
feronn 7 ör 7 airged 7 na huili maith archena; 7 is duid-si uili 
dob ail lium a cumus 7 a caithem do thabairt. 7 Tarra lium 
sa cathraigh mur a fuil ingen an imper, 7 imrem fitcell ina 
farradh, 7 tiucfam aris a cenn an imper, uair ni fuicfe se in 
furais isin sechtmuin-so.' Teit iarum Sir Gyi isin cathraigh lesin 
sdibard mur a roibi ingen an imper, 7 docuir Sir Gyi tri cluithci 
aran sdibard a cetoir. Doräidh in sdibard re Sir Gyi: [318b] 'An*) 
ann-so co foil', ar-s6, 'co ndechar-sa re gnothugudh'. Dochuaid 
in sdibard mur a roibh in t-imper isin furais, 7 rofhiarfaigh an 
t-imperi scela de, 7 doraidh in sdibhard: 'Atäit drochscela 
agum', ar-se', .i. ridiri fallsa, flrfhelltach ata agad-sa, i. Sir Gyi 
Berbuicc ar n-eigniugudh h'ingine ina seomra fein; 7 marbhter 
let e CO luath. 7 Eachad-sa ar ma costus fein coruigi inn imperi 
Almäinnech d'faghail sluaigh 7 shocraidi duit dod cabur.' Adu- 
bairt in t-imper: *Ni creidem-sa aimles air', ar-se, *uair ataim 
lau da serc 7 da shirgradh '. 7 nar gab in t-imper in t-aimles- 
sin, docuaidh in sdibard mur a roibhi Sir Gyi don cathraigh, 7 
adubairt ris: *[Is]ß) ed atä do met mo gradha ort, a Sir Gyi', 

^) 1. itrgairdiugtiSi, 

>) MS. huüuüi. 

») Supply dobi? 

*) Mixture of constrnctionB. Read either do denum or do denadh si, 

*) MS. A an annso. 

^) Several words may be omitted here. MS. 7 ata. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


ar-86, ^nach feduim rön do dennm aran r6t dorachudh a ndochar 
dait. 7 Fag an cathair-si co Inath, nair da mbere in t-imperi 
ort innti dobera se bäs duit*. Doraid Sir Gyi: 'Is docair taebh 
do thabairt re tigema tar^is an imperi', ar-s6, 'uair is mör in 
maith doronusa d6 acht ge atä ar ti mo marbhta, 7 is tnilledh 
da maith badh mian lium do denum comigi so; 7 rachad anois 
a cenn in t-Sabhdain do denum dithi donn imper festa'. Do- 
caaidh Sir Oyi iarum a cenn a mnindtiri, 7 adubairt rin a 
trealam catha do cur umpa, 7 co faicfldis cathair Consantinno- 
bile; 7 docuiredur a n-6ided umpa primuUum, 7 rotogsat a mer- 
gedha re crannaibh, 7 rogluaisidar rompa asin cathraigh. Bobui 
in t-imper in tan-sin ar ind tulcha isin furais, 7 docunnaicc huiden^) 
greannmur, grainemail ag fagbail na cathrach, 7 rofiarfaigh ce 
hiat. Adubairt aroile ris: *Sir Gyi Berbuic siudh', ar-s6, 'ag 
imthecht cona muindter iar ndenum aimlesa edrud-sa 7 se'. 
Adubairt in t-imper: 'Anuidh-si uili annso', ar-s6, '7 rachud-sa 
mur a fuil Sir Gyi'; 7 docuaidh co leidmlech,^) lanluath, 7 rofiar- 
faigh in t-imper do Sir Gyi fochuin a imthechta. Doraidh Sir 
Gyi: 'Docuala', ar se, 'nar ferrdi let-sa mo beth agud, 7 conid 
f err let co fagainn do crich 7 do caemf erunn, 7 nach fuil fodnum 
agud orum. Doraidh in t-imperi: ' Tui[n]gim-si ', ar-se, fan Dia 
rofuluing p&is tar mo cenn, nach dubertsa sin, 7 nach fuil san 
bith aenduine [319a] is annsa lium na tu'. 7 Dor^idhigh ris 
mur-sin. C!oniäi e aimles an sdibaird ar Sir Gyi conigi sin, et 

21. Dala Sir Gy iarum robadur techta a tir in t-Sabdain 
ag faghail scel, 7 tangadur cuigi, 7 roinnsidar dö co ticfadh in 
Sabhdan lin a sluaigh iama marach d'innradh 7 d'argain na 
cathrach, 7 roinnis Sir Gyi sin don imper, 7 dorindedur a 
comurli ann-sin. Adubairt constabia na cathrach, 7 diuice uasal 
e, 7 robüi fesög fada, finnliath coruigi a bruinne fair, 7 6 f6in 
in*) shenoir seata: 'Denaigh mur ader-sa ribh', ar-se, *uair atä 
sliabh ard edruind 7 an Sabhdan, 7 ni fuU a athrugudh do conuir 
acu; 7 ergem-ne rompa ar fairsinge in t-sle&Ai, 7 cunnmam in 

^) Seyeral words may be omitted here. 
>) MS. be? b-? Expansion oncertain. 

^ leidmleeh; spelling dne to some confasion, perhaps of kidmech and 

«) L ina. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Sabhdan cona moindter fuinn isna fantaibh, 7 beth belaigi 
cumga caille edruinn 7 iad-san. 7 Cuirfem ar n-orcair do gach 
arm diuraic[th]i ina mesc, 7 ni roithfe fuiliugudh na forrdergad 
sinne uatha a n-agaid in aird'. 7 BomolO Sir Gyi 7 cäch a 
coit(c)inde in comnirle-sin, 7 dorönsad amlaidh. Teit iarum in 
t-imper cona sluaghaibh aran sliabh-sin, 7 ni facadur enr6t folom 
don tir acht lan d'echaib eidigthi 7 d'feruibh armta. Is ann-sin 
docuaidh Sir Gyi arcinn na conuire a ticcidh aran sliabh, 7 
rogabh re ais nach ligfedh SBndoine tairis isin conmr-sin, 7 
sluagh catrach Consantinnobile sin amac do coim6t na mbemd 
cumung robui ag techt aran slia[bh]. Doraid in Sabdan re 
hEliman Tibe^) dul a tosuch an catha, 'uair ni fuil fer do 
choisc isin domon a cath na a comrug na a conüonn ', 7 roba ri 
nasal uronta ei-sidhe. Tanic immorro Eliman Tibhe a tosuch 
na conuire, 7 mili ridiri mer, menmnach') faris, 7 tngadur cath 
fuilech, foburtac, fimeimnech d'aroili, co to[r]cair in mili fer fera- 
mail, fumiata sin le beimennaibh gaibhtecha, greannmura GyL 
Rogabh ferg [319 b] 7 firdasacht Eiliman Tibhir, 7 adubairt 
nach sguirfedh no co toitedh Sir Gyi cona muindtir leis a 
n-eruicc a muindtiri fein. Is ann rocomruic Sir Gyi 7 Eliman 
Tibir re[r]oile co menmnach, moraicenntach 7 co disgir, dasachtac, 
doedrana, 7 tue Sir Gyi sathadh sanntach, sirchalma sleghi ar 
Eiliman Tibir, 7 docuir trina curp siar sechtar hi co torchair 
marbh gan anmain. Doraidh in Sabdan re cing Nuibie: 'In 
feicenn tu mo muindtir aga marbadh le laim aenridiri, 7 co 
fuilmidh-ni cet ridiri rathmur, rouasal fan ridiri da füll ar 
n-adhaigh?*) 7 Ber-si mo muindtir-sa let, 7 eirigh ina timcill 
sud, 7 d^naidh marbhadh 7 mugugudh^) forra, uair ni bia suil- 
beracht na solas orum-sa no co nderrntur dochur doibh sud. 7 
Docuadur le cheile iarum a n-arrthaisc Sir Gyi, 7 roan-san ina 
aenar ru, 7 rogabh ag ledaird 7 ag lanmarbadh gan dichell, 7 
romarbadh in sdet robüi fae Sir Gyi, 7 robrisedh a sciatL 7 
D[o]nocht a cloidheam asa haithli, 7 is amlaidh robüi in cloidim, 
7 is amesc na Niubaidhe dorinnedh he, 7 is annsan Almain 

1) No capital in the MS. 

") 1. Eliman Tiber , as below? I am» not eure that the Irish fonn 
was not taken to be a name Otibe or Otiber. See p. 13, above. The Middle 
English venions have ^Eimadan of Tyre\ 

•) Perhaps mermenmnach, 

*) 1. inar n-adhaigh? ^) 1. mudugud. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


dofaair Sir 6yi £, 7 robidh crith 7 combuaidhirt ar anti docibh 
in adhaigh 6 nochta, 7 ni blaisedh betha inti ara ndergadh. 
Dala Sir Gyi dono robidh ag marbadh 7 ag micörugudh na 
nEirristinech leisin cloidhem cathbuadhach, cmadhach-sin, 7 
robidh a cruinningndh 7 a corugudh na curp cnamgerrtha ara 
sc&th aga imdhiden ar nrcnraibh a escarnamud. Dala Sil* Gyi 
ianun roordaigh tabhalla imdha do denum 7 beth a diubhrugudh 
c&ich asta i ngach aird a coitcinne, 7 is romör domarbadh co 
mitrocar dona hEirristinibh mur-sin. 7 Roba cruaidh do Gyi 
isin uair-sin, 7 docuir techta arcenn Sir Heront dia chabur on 
gnasacht-sin. Is ann-sin tainic Mirabala, .i. ridiri dorinnedh an 
la-sin [320 a] föin co nua, 7 rochomruic-se co firarrachta, fera- 
mail, fumiata re Sir Gyi, 7 a furcenn in commic robuail Sir Gyi 
buill buanarrachta, borbnertmur ar Mira[ba]la, 7 tng cned gua- 
sachtach fair, 7 roimigh Mirabala iarum do thoradh a retha 
rindluaith. Docuaidh^) Mirabala dno, docuaidh roime a cenn in 
t-Sabdain, 7 adnbairt ris ech leidmech, luathescaidh do gabail, 
7 teithedh co luath asin cath, — 7 *ni b6o misi', ar-se, *ia[r] 
tescadh mo ball, 7 is bec maires dod maindtir'. Is ann-sin 
rofhech in Sabhdan esbaidh a mnindtiri .i. triar ar coic ar flchit 
dfitibh mile.^) Eobadur a dei dnaibsecha, diablaidhi a coimi- 
decht in t-Sabdain an la-soin .i. Turgamagnnt 7 Matliamhain, 
7 adubairt riu: *A dee fallsa firbregacha', ar-se, 4s mor d'ar 
n-onoir 7 d'ar n-nrgairdiugudh doronusa riam, 7 is olc roba- 
buir-si^) rium-sa aniugh'. Roglac iarum bata arrachta, imremur, 
7 rogab orra co mer, 7 roimig in Sabhdan asin cath fon am-sin, 
7 gach ar-mair dia muindtir maraen ris. Tanic immorro Sir Gyi 
tarais cona muindtir iar mbnaidh cosgair 7 comaidhti co Con- 
santinnobile. Doraidh Sir Gyi: *A ridiri uaisli, amhantracha, 
tabraidh anoir 7 uaisli don sendia docum nemh 7 talmain, 7 do- 
rinde na duile do neimfni, uair is 6 berus buaid dibh isna cathaib 
7 isna comlannaibh minca ina mithi,^) 7 is maith a cumain 

») 1. Dala, 

•) MS. triar ar .u. ar ,xx. d-ßibh .m. I take fitit to be an error for 
ficfUib. The niunber seems large, and perhape the last .m. shonld be ezpanded 
marb. Bnt Gny slew a thonsand alone in bis fiist fight with Eliman 
Tiber, and according to one middle-English yersion the dead bodies corered 
fifteen miles. 

*) MS. repeats robaimir-ii. 

*) 1. tfia mbithi. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


aniugh oroib', ar-s6. Conidh e sin indera cath docoir Sir Gyi 
aran Sabdan. 

22. Doraidh in sdibhard felltach, formudach, firaathmnr 
risin imper: 'Ar^ tigerna', ar-s6, ^acht gid m6r dothoit let do 
sluagaibh in Sabhdain, is bec 6 ag fechain a fuil aigi ina 
mbethadh, 7 ata s6 fergach, fichmur chugud, 7 is agud ata in 
t-senridiri is m6 a gniim 7 a tus isin cruinne co comcoitcenn; 7 
cur do choir 7 do cert ar comlund [320b] deisi risin Sabdan, 7 
madh ort-sa rachus tabnr fregra 7 anoir don t-Shabdan; 7 madh 
er-sin rachus, in cetna uadha duid-si'. 7 DomoP) in t-imperiin 
comurli-sin. 7 Is e adbur fa thug in stibard in comurle don 
imper an doigh comad e Sir Gyi dorachudh ann 7 co muirbfldhi 
ann L Eotimsaigh 7 rothinoil in t-imper a muindtir as gach 
aird ina docum, 7 roinnis in comurli-sin doib. Adubairt diuice 
.i. cenn sluaigh 7 constabla na cathrach: 'Is äis cet bliadan dam', 
ar-se, ' 7 da madh incomruic me, do rachainn leisin toisc 7 leisin 
techtairecht-sin. 7 Gideth ni tiucfainn as beo, 7 mallacht na 
truagh 7 na Iren ar anti dotug an comurli-sin duit, uair is 
drochcomurle i'. 7 Gideth fös roiar in t-imper ridiri do dul 
uadha a cenn imper na Turcach leisin techtarecht sin, 7 rodiult- 
sat cach dul ann dö. Sir Gyi dono, romerlasadur a shuili ina 
cinn CO ruibennta, rofergach, ») 7 roaithin Sir Heront a adbur, 7 
tainic mur a roibi Sir Gyi, 7 adubairt ris: *A Sir Gyi', ar-s6, 
'is aithnid damh-sa cred ata ar h'äire, 7 lig an smuaintiugudh- 
sin uaid, uair ni tiucfa beo tar h'ais a tir an t-Shabhdain dia 
ndecha innti, uair is mor a f altanus rit. 7 Cuir mi \ ar Heront 
'uair is bec in scel mo bas ag fechain do bais-[s]i'. Doraidh 
Sir Gyi: 'Nar ligi Dia dam-sa mo ridiri do cur dia marbadh 
d'iarraidh anora dam fein'. Is ann-sin roeirigh Sir Gyi ina 
shesum, 7 docuir trealam comdaingen catha uime, 7 docuaidh a 
fiadnuse an imper, 7 rogab ced aigi. Doraid in t-imperi: 'Nar 
ligi in firDia furorda docum nem 7 talmatn tusa do dhul ina 
comör sind do guasacht'. 'Rachat-sa ann co derbh', ar Gyi 
'Eachmaid-ni let', ar Sir Heront [7] na tri cet ridiri, 'atamaid 
ar do theglach.' *N[i] racha aenduine lium', ar Sir GyL 7 
Sogluais roime asa haithle ina senar, 7 nir cian ac ascnam na 

>) L A tigerna, 

') No capital in MS. 

') MS. repeats in a ciun after rofergad. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


conaire co facaidh se sluaigh in t-Sabhdain a foslongpnrt 7 
coicO mili dec fad in fhoslongpairt, 7 in urduil cetna [321a] ar 
lethud ann, 7 iad do reir spere no compais comcruind, 7 ursa^) 
na puipli ina c^ile aca. Boböi dono pupulP) in t-Sabhdain ina 
n-eidirmedhon 7 crann särmor sleghi ina sesom asin pupoill, 7 
delbh ilair do dei^ör alainn, aithle[g]tha fura barr. 7 Carbung- 
culos 1 leg loghmnr a n-airdi os cinn na puipli, 7 nir ba soillsi 
an la saeraluind samlira[i]dli döibh 7 grian co gnäsalalnn furaer 
'nan ghemhaidhchi geimridh le cumachtaibh-sin. 7 Is amlaidh 
robui in pupuill-sin in t-Sabhdain, iarna ndin co dethmaisech 
(i'6daibh4) sida 7 orsnaith mullach co 14r. Docuaidh dano Sir 
6yi asteg isin pupuill fura sd6t, 7 is amlaidh robui in Sabdan 
in anam-sin, co maithibh a muindtiri a longad bidh 7 dighi für 
borduibh brecdathacha. Doraidh Sir Gyi: *Dia uilicumachtaigh 
rofulaing p&is tar cenn na firen, 7 is e scarus la 7 adhaig^) 
reroile, 7 is e doni fuacht 7 tess, 7 dober linadh 7 traghadh 
ama marannaibh, 7 dorindi in domhun 7 na huili archena, 7 
int6 dorinde na huili maith do toirbiugudh duid-si, a Shabhdain 
colaigh, clsenbreathaigh, ainndligthig, uair is olc na dee dia- 
blaidhi dia creidigh, 7 ata do leabaidh ar lasadh a n-ifemn 
ichturach. 7 Docuir mo tigema imperi cugud \& togbail cum 
comruic, 7 ridiri bhuaid-si ann-sin 7 ridiri ele on imper, 7 gidbe 
acca themoighes on comruc eis 7 cain d'faghail dia tigema gan 
troid, gan tegmail thigema int6 claiter isin comruc. 7 Mas 
äil let sin, ag süd misi ullam incomruic, 7 dorachaind a hucht 
an imperi 7 na cora, da suidiugudh ar h'®)oglach-sa co fuil in 
ecoir agud/ *Ca hainm tu-sa?' ar in Sabhdan. *Sir Gyi 
Berbuic m'ainm', ar-se. *Is tu romarb mo brathair', ar an 
Sabhdan, *7 toitfir fein ann'. 7 Roordaigh in Sabhdan Sir Gyi 
do gabail co lanurrlum, 7 a cur ina cipe crapaillti a prisun in 
fedh dobetis a caithem a coda. Doraidh Gyi: *Mase mo marbadh- 
sa gan fhochuin dob ail let', ar-se, *dober-sa adhbur marbtha 
duit') [321b] orum'. 7 Is amlaidh adubairt, 7 roleig da spor 

MS. .1*. 

*) 1. wraana? 

■) MS. pupvpidl, 

*) 1. d'edaigibh? 

^ MS. adhaig, 

*) MS. h-, with the npper stroke partly erased. 

^ duit repeated in MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


an 8Bin[fJecht isin sd6t robui M, 7 roben leim luthmur, lanmor 
este, 7 rotharraing in cloidhem coinnlenach, cruadhach amach, 7 
robuaim^) beim bithnertmur, buanolcach bais furan Salbhdan, 
gur scar a cenn re coluind dö, 7 rothogaibh fein in cenn asa 
haithli, 7 docuir a ngail a sceith 6. Dala Sir Gyi dono, roghluais 
roime a haithle in aii*dechta-sin, 7 rogairedh anoir 7 aniar, anes 
7 atuaigh do, 7 robui Sir Gyi ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadh na 
Isechridhi ina urtimchill. Is ann-sin rogabsad ar aradhain 6 iar 
n-iadhadh ina timcill doibh, 7 r[o]marbudar in sd6t robui fae, 7 
robai imain enlethe aigi orra ac [cjnamgerrad a cenn 7 a cos. 
Dala Sir Gyi immorro, rotharraing roime do innsaighi cnuic 
cennchuirr, clochaig, 7 docuaidh ar in 7 ar admullach*) na 
tulcha dia n-aimdeoin, 7 rogab ag tealgadh na liag doch lamh 
risin laechraidh co lanuertmur; 7 in nech doroithedh^) co lathair, 
romarbadh d-denb6im cloidhim 6, 7 donibh caim co möra do 
curpaibh curadh 7 cath miledh ina timcheall da imdidin. 7 
Toreair tri cet 7 mili les dibh fon am-sin. Is ann-sin roiadar 
da mili ridiri rochalma do maithibh in t-sluaigh ina timcell, 7 
doligedur cetha sruthluaimnech soighed ris fon am-sin, 7 rofhoil- 
gedur curp in curadh comradhaigh le slegaibh shlinngera, sodiu- 
raici 7 le gainnib gera, grainemla, guasaclitacha, 7 leis na huili 
arm*) diuraice archena. 7 Ba samalta Sir Gyi in tan-sin re 
fiadhcuUach furniata fasaigh itir conairt aga cruadhledradh; gach 
sithi sanntach, sircalma da taburthaigh cuigi gan choigill aga 
crechtnugudh, 7 ni nech dibh-sin do temuigedh gan tromainmi 
beimennaibh guasachtacha, greanmura Gyi. 7 Girbedh ni 
roibi nert a cosanta^) na a coim^ta aigi air fein fon am-sin le 
huili na tromdebhtha aga turnam 7 aga trasgairt. Dobui Sir 
Heront ina suan colXata^) [322 a] a cathraigh Consintinnobile, 7 
docunnuic fls aduathmur .i. mur dobeth magh Un do leoghanaibh a 
timcill Sir Gyi, 7 dobeth aga marbadh eturra. Dobidhg Sir Heront 
asa choUad leis sin, 7 roiar a muindtir leis 7 adubairt co roibhi 
Sir Gyi a n-ecin 7 a n-anfurlonn, 7 rogluais roime co lanurlum, 
7 na tri cet ridiri marsen ris, 7 f uaradur Sir Gyi itir na sluaghaibh 

*) 1. rolmail. 

') 1. ardumUlach. 

») repeats roithedh co. 

*) 1. armaibh? 

^) MS. coaananta. 

^ 1. codaUa, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


aca farrach 7 aga fheoilgerradh. Dala Sir Heront dono, robris 
fama slnaghaibh co seitreach, sircalma, 7 torchair secht cet^) 
Isech leidmech, lanchalma leo isin mathar-sin. 7 Ni roibhi on 
muir Dgainmigh anes gusin moir tiimtighi a taaigh Eirristinech' 
incnmaniita nach roibhi aran sensluagh-sin, 7 roteithedur uili 
fon am-sin roim Sir Gyi cona muindtir, 7 docorednr &t adhbul 
in tan-sin orra. Tanic immorro^) Sir Gyi fa buaid coscair 7 
comaidmi co n-Malaibh imdha leis, 7 roleig in cenn ar lär a 
fiadhnuse an imper. Conidh amlaidh sin fa fuin do cogadh in 
t-Sabdain la Sir 6^. 

23. Dala an imperi iarna mharach, docoaidh se com 
fiadhaigh cona teghlach, 7 robni s6 na suidhi ar inn tulca, 7 Sir 
Gyi ina farrudh ann, 7 nir cian doibh ann in tan dochnnncadur 
leoghan limfhiaclach, lancalma 7 dragan dana, duaibsech, doin- 
gabhala a commc 7 a cathugudh reroile, 7 robni in leoghan 
breoiti, baccach, 7 cor d'irbnll in dragan a timcill an leogain, 7 
gin granna gnasghorm in dragan oscailti innns co rachad ridiri 
cona eidedh ina beoln. Doraidh Sir Gyi co rachadh fein 3) do 
cumnad don leogan co lanarrlam, os 6 rob anmainne^) isin 
cathngndh; 7 adabairt nach lemad aendnine dal les isin cathir- 
gail-sin. Iarna chlos-sin don imper rotheith se cona mnindtir 
la haaman an dragoin. Docnaidh Sir Gyi fara s[d]6t, 7 doshaith 
in t-ech cam an dragnin, 7 tag sathadh sanntach, sircalma 
sleighi ina b^l isin dragan, 7 dochair in t-sleg tri cal a cinn 
siar sechtair, 7 rothuirrling faii-, 7 roben a cenn de. Tanic in 
leoghan co Gyi, 7 robi se ag lighi a cos 7 a caemcoirp 7 ro- 
coimil Sir Gyi a lämh do mainel in leoghain, 7 rolen an leoghan 
6 asa haithli in gach cona[i]r ina teighedh. Aroile 1& dia roibhi 
Sir Gyi a caithem a coda ar bord inn imperi, robni an leoghan 
an li-sin fo ban croinn ina coUadh [322 b] isinn erber, 7 a tarr 
a n-airrdi re grein, 7 roconuic sdibard in imperi mar sin 6, 7 
tug sathadh sanntach sleghi isin leoghan, 7 docnir trit hi, 7 
roleig a abac 7 a inathar re cosaibh. Rosgrech 7 rosgairt in 
leoghan co lanmör, 7 docnaidh mar a roib Sir Gyi 7 rocrom 

') MS. 7 .c. 

«) MS. h\ 

^ Seyeral leiten erased after fHn. 

*) L rob anmaitm e? 

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62 F. V. B0BIN80N, 

fona cosuibh, 7 a inathar amuigh, 7 dothoit iarum, 7 torcair 
marbh gan anmain. Dala Sir Gyi iar-sin, rogabh a sd^t, 7 
docuaidh uirre, 7 roglac a cloidem, 7 docuaidh^ ^^ t-imper, 7 
fochtuis do chach a coitcinne cia romarbh a leoghan, 7 ni faair 
a fhis ag SBnneclL Dala Sir Gyi, adubairt gidhbe rö-innosudh d6 
intö romarbh an leoghan co tiubhrad a luagh dö .i. mili pant 
d'ör alainn, aithlegta, 7 ni fuair a fhis ann. Tanic ianim camnl 
coimidechta ingine an imperi coruigi Sir Gyi, 7 ro-innis d6 gurb e 
sdibard an imperi romarb an leoghan, 7 ro-innis mar romarbadh 
e. larna clos-sin do Gyi, docuaidh roimhe isin seomra ina mbidh 
in sdibhard, 7 brathair dö faris isin t-seomra in uair-sin. Doraidh 
Sir Gyi: 'A 8dibair[d]', ar-se, *ni dema fein olc na urchoid duid-si 
riam; cia romarbois mo leoghan gan adhbnr?' 'Nir marbusa 
6', ar an sdibhard. 'Dorindis co deimin', ar Gyi. '7 Eofheallais 
fo dhö roime süd orum-sa, 7 ni dingnair in chethruma fecht 
orum-sa na ar dnine ele.' 7 Is amlaidh adubairt, 7 tug builli 
borb, bithnertmur, bedgnimach bais don sdibard co ndema da 
n-orduin certa, cudruma, comora de. Tug immorro brathair in 
sdibaird sgian scothfsebrach amac, 7 tug sathudh sanntach docum 
Sir Gyi, 7 tug Sir Gyi builli brighmur, bithcalma, [7] doben an 
lämh des aga gualaind de, 7 mur-sin doleig uadha co comurthach 
6. lar clos na scel-sin don imper adubairt se gur coir romarbh 
Sir Gyi in sdibard, 7 gur thuill se roime sin Sir Gyi a 

24. Dala an imper iarum, adubairt re Sir Gyi: 'Is mor an 
lan maithusa dorinis dam, 7 ni fetur a innsin ara met; 7 bidh 
ullum arcinn na maidhni amarach do posudh m'ingine, 7 do- 
gebuir leth mo tigemtuis re m'bethaidh 7 6 uile iar m'6g'. Dixit 
Gyi: *Doden-sa do thoil-si, a thigema', ar-s6. Iar tiacht in lae 
iama marac docuaidh Sir Gyi cona tri cet ridiri fa günaib sida 
CO f6r umpa, 7 docuadur don eglus, 7 tangadur espoc na cathrach 
7 a lucht [323 a] uird, 7 roflarfaighedur do Gyi in roibhi fainne 
posta aigi. Rofliosguil Sir Gyi a puidsi, 7 is e fainne tarrla 
cuigi, in faindi robui mur comurtha cuimnigti itir 6 7 ingen 
iarla Berbuic, 7 rosmuain uirre asa haithli, 7 rothoit taisi 7 
taimneoU fair. 7 Anuair far-eirigh Sir Gyi asa neoU, adubairt: 

^) mura roibh, or something equivalent, omitted. 

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'A tigerna', ar-se, ^ni fuilim fein inposta aningh, nair at& aingcis 
tromgalatr ar mbualadh oram; 7 tabnr cairdi damh no co faghar 
slainti'. Dobni Sir Gyi coic«) la dec Ina luighi, 7 nir Hg nech 
ina cenn risin r6-sin acht Sir Heront ina senar. Doraidh Sir 
Gyi re Sir Heront: 'A Eroint', ar-se, *cr6d doden re hingin an 
imper, aair ata gradh dermail, dofhuling agom ar ingen iarla 
Berboic, 7 ata a fliis agud-sa curob fir-sin'. Doraidh Sir Heront: 
'Ata a fis agum-sa', ar-se, 'gomb i ingen inn imper ben is ferr 
faath 7 choma isin cminde co comchoitcenn, 7 co fuigir-si in 
n-imperacht-so le; 7 da mad hl ingen in iarla bes agnd, nl bia 
inme bus mö nan iarlocht agud'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Tnicim as 
sin, a Sir Heront, nach buidech tö dim tri gan ingen inn imper 
do thabairt; 7 a nfuil a fls agud, a Sir Heront', ar-s6, 'curob 
do gradh 7 d'annsacht ingine iarla Berbuic dorinni-sa a ndema 
do ghoil 7 do gaiscedh riam, 7 fos gur foibhres b&s d'faghail^) 
roime-so?' Bixü Sir Heront: 'Ni roibhi a fis-sin agnm-sa, 7 os 
anois ataisi^)(?) is ferr lium agud'. Boeirigh Sir Gyi a cinn 
coic^) la ndec, 7 docuaidh s6 iar-sin mnr a roibi in t-imper, 7 
roba lüthaireach in t-imper roim Sir Gyi in la-sin iama f haicsin 
slan do. 7 Dochaith Sir Gyi an la-sin a cuibhrenn an imper. 7 
Doraidh Sir Gyi risin imper: 'A thigema', ar-se, 'ni fedoim-si 
h'ingen-sa do beth agum mur mnai, uair ata briathar edrum 7 
ingen iarla Berbuic, 7 ni biadh a hathrugudh agum co crich 
mo bäis, 7 ataim secht^) mbliadhna agud-sa, 7 rob ail lium cet 
imtechta d'faghail festa'. Is romor dogoill sin aran imper 7 ar 
shlnaghalbh na cathrach uili. Is ann-sin tue an t-iarla<^) tri 
miacha moaibhli d'ör aluind, athleghta do Gyi nar gabh se 
tigemtus ele uadha. 7 Bodiult Sir Gyi [328 b] sin do gabail, 7 
adubairt gur roibhi a lordhaethain oir 7 innmusa aigi fein, 7 
nach d'iarraidh enneth ele tanic, acht do cumnadh don imperi. 
7 O nar gab Sir Gyi in t-6r doroinn in t-imperi ar muinntir Sir 
Gyi 6. Is ann-sin adubairt in t-imperi: 'A Sir Heront', ar-s6, 
'is tu-sa indera ridiri is ferr lam dochunnac-sa riam .L Sir Gyi 
Berbuic 7 tu-sa. 7 rodiult Sir Gyi m'ingen-sa do bancheile, 

') MS. .u. 

') MS. dfagbaü baa with marks of transposition. 

') MS. atisi, 

«) MS. .u. 

») MS. .7. 

^ 1. an t-imper? 

Google — 

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doberuind tigerntus 7 toice 7 tinnlacudh duid-si, a Sir Heront', 
ar-se. Doraidh Heront: 'Da tucta in imperacht uili dam-sa', 
ar-s6, 'ni gebhuind bhuaid 6, 7 Sir Gyi do treigin'. Is ann-sin 
rocheilebuir Sir Gy don imper, 7 roimigh roime asa haithlL 
Conidh i cuairt Sir Gyi fare himperi Consantinnobile connigi sin. 

25. Imthus Sir Gyi 7 a muindtiri, dogluasidar rompa, 7 
ni dernsad fos na fuirech co rangadur co cathraigh na Coloine 
san Almain. Rofer in t-imperi failti cona muindtir re Gyi, 7 
tug anoir mor döibli, 7 [dojthairg toici 7 tigerntus do Sir Gyi, 
7 rodiult Gyi sin, 7 adubairt nach anfad no co ndechadh co 
crichuibh Saxan. 7 Dogluais roime iar-sin, 7 dochunnaicc cathair 
dighfoglilaigti uadha i n-am esparta do 16. 7 Adubairt Sir Gyi: 
'A Sir Heront', ar-se, 'ber na ridiri let 7 eirgidh sa cathraigh, 7 
gab teg osta duinn; 7 anfa misi ann-so co foill ag radh m'esperta 
7 ag eistecht re ceol na henlaithi'; 7 doronsad amlaidh. Dala 
Sir Gyi dono, nir cian d6 ag siubal na f uraisi gur coduil re ceol 
na henlaithi, 7 is 6 ni roduisig asa shuan 6 .i. sgrech aduathmur, 
mishnimach do clos d6. 7 Docuaidh roime mur a cuala in sgrech, 
7 fuair ridiri gonta, geranach, guasachtach, a comtilgen a fhola 
re fantaibh na furaisi. Fochtuis Sir Gyi scela de. Doraidh in 
ridiri gaeta: 'Ni fuil feidm agud ar mo scelaib d'fagail*, ar-se, 
'uair ni moidi let do menma mo scela-sa do clos, 7 ni mö t6it 
m'aire-si rem comfurtacht duid'. Bixit Gyi: 'Ar gradh«) [324a] 
enDia uilicumachtaigh innis do scela fein 2) damh', ar-s6, '7 doden 
do maith, da fedar'. Dixit in ridiri gonta, 'Tabur fat firinne', 
ar-s6, 'co n-[d]ingnair mo les'. 'Doberim*, ar Sir Gyi Rofech in 
ridiri os a cinn, 7 adubairt 'Budh[e]cus mor») rit raet maith do 
denum', ar-s6, 'uair is ridiri furtill, firarrachta tu, 7 is truagh do 
Dhia docum nem 7 tslmain nach tu Sir Gyi Berbuic'. 'Innis 
scela dam festa', ar Gyi. 'Doden', ar an ridiri. 'Is misi Sir 
Tirri, mac iarla Aimbri, 7 tug ingen diuice Loren serc dichra, 
difuluing damh, 7 tngusa in cetna di-si; 7 tanicc Otun .i. 
diuice na Lumbairdi dia tabairt, 7 dogabhad la docum posta 
eturra .i. an sechtmhadh^) la on lö-sin, 7 docuir-si cugum-sa 

^) ar ffradh is repeated in the MS. 
*) fein is repeated in the MS. 
») MS. m. 
*) MS. .7. 

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techt ara cenn fon aimsir-sin. 7 Tanag-sa', ar-se, ^deichnemur^) 
ridiri roarrachta co hincleit co cathraigh diuice na Lobheine, 7 
docurns techta arcenn na hingine, 7 tainic si a ndocum a mucha 
na maidni mochsoillsi. 7 Docurus ar mo chüluib hi, 7 rofhagus 
in cathair, 7 docnnncadur lacht na cathrach me ag imthecht, 7 
do heighem a mdiaigh 7 rolensad in da diuice cona sluaghaibh 
me, 7 torcair mo neithnemar ^) ridir[ej leo fon am-sin. 7 Dothor- 
chair drecht dana, dofreastail dona sluaghaibh-sin lem-sa, 7 tarrla 
gabal mörthonnach mara re m'ucht 7 robenns leim luthmur, 
lanedruim as mo sd6t fon muir amach, uair dorugus do roghain 
mo bhathadh isin muir na ma thoithim leisna Lumbardachaibh. 
7 Rob ferr le hingin diuice Loren a bathudh fein na beth na 
banceile ag diuici na Lumbairdi, 7 tue an sd6t sinn a tir *'''*^) 
7 nir fedudh ar lenmain isin sruth, 7 tangamur man caillidh-so, 
7 robadhusa toirrsech, tromgonta, 7 docures mo cenn a n-ucht 
na mna^ 7 adubairt re coim6t, 7 gur ecin damh suan 7 sircolladh 
do denum. 7 Dothoit mo thoirrtim suain 7 sircollta orm, 7 tan- 
gadur coic^) ridiri dec am comdhail, 7 dosaithedur a coic^) slegha 
[dec]<^) trim curp, 7 dorugadur mo ben buaim, 7 atait siat a 
pupuU bec ar la[r] na fibuidhi'. Bixit Sir Gy [324 b] *Is olc ataim 
cuca sin', ar-se, *uair ni fuil arm agum'. Adubairt Tirri: ^Ata 
mo cloidem-sa ar scäth na homna ugud ar h'incaibh', ar-se. Is 
ann-sin roglacc Sir 6yi an cloidem, 7 dochuaidh ar mul bec ar 
lorg na laechraidhi, 7 dochuaidh co dorus na puipli, 7 rocengail 
in mül don dorus, 7 docuaidh fein asteg, 7 adubairt: 'A ridiri 
naisli, cr6d far marbubhair mac iarla Aimbri?' ar-se. Adu- 
bairt aroili dibh: 'Ni ba ferr h'anoir-si', ar-se, 'uair dogentur 
in cetna rit'. Is ann-sin ronocht Sir Gyi in cloidem colga^ 
cnrata, 7 torchuir na cuig fer dec lais acht madh aenridiri 
ar mbuain a lethlaime de, 7 dorind retha as. 7 Dorug Sir Gy 
ingen diuice Loren 7 sd6t Sir Tirri leis coruigi an inadh ar 
fhagaibh s6 in ridiri gaeta, 7 ni fuair s6 acht ait in ridiri ann. 
Dala Sir Gyi dono, rofagaib se ingen diuice Loren ann-sin, 7 
dochuaidh fein a toraighecht Sir Tirri, 7 ni cian docuaidh s6 in 

MS. ^. Cf. p. 313 b, above. 

') 1. mo deicknemar. 

*) MS. obscure. 

*) MS. .1*. 

») MS. .«. 

^ No Space in MS. for dec, 

ZttitBchrlft f. oelt. Philologie YL 

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tan docimnaicc s6 in cethrar ridiri roarrachta, 7 Sir Tirri ar 
imchar acu a fuad fhada, firdaingen, 7 fochtuis Gyi scela dibh. 
Adubairt aroile fer acu gurb 6 Sir üighi 1 brathair do diuice 
na Lumbairdi robüi ann 7 triar ridiri marsen ris, — '7 Sir Tirri, 
mac iarla Aimbri ata aguind da breith da milludh docum dinice 
na Lumbairdi'. Bixit Sir Gyi: 'Fagaid festa W, ar-s6, *uair is 
cara craidhi dam-sa 6, 7 ni liged lib-si e nis foidi'. Adubairt 
aroile dibh ag impo[dh] Ms: 'Bermuid-ni tu-sa 7 Tirri linn no co 
faghthaigh aenbas docraidh ar ndis'.^) An dias ridiri roimpo 
fris, roben in da ceann dibh. Dixit Sir üighi .i. derbbrathair 
diuice na Lumbairdi: 'A fhir oig, eguind, anbfesaigh', ar-s6, *is 
olcc in lesugudh thu isin ngnim doronais, 7 toitfir fein ann'. 7 
Docomruic se co huUum re Sir Gy, 7 roben Sir Gyi a cin[d] 
d'aenbuille de, 7 roben a lethlam don cethramadh ridiri, 7 is e 
sin roba comurtha do a dul a cenn diuici na Lumbairdi. Docuir 
Sir Gy Tirri ar ech iarum, 7 dorug leis e coruigi an fod arar 
fagaibh ingen diuice Loren, 7 ni fuair acht a hinadh ann. Dala 
Sir Gyi iar-sin, dorug se iarla Tirri les annsa cathraigh, 7 docuir 
'sa teg osta 6 rogab Sir Tirri ara cind. [325 a] Docuala Sir Gyi 
in tan-sin gul 7 geran athruagh,*) egaintech, 7 rofiarfaigh Sir Gyi 
fochain in gerain-sin. Adubairt Sir Heront: *Le na fad lium-sa 
co faca tusa anocht, docuadhus man coillidh cetna gut iaraid, 7 
fuarus aeningen aluind, edrocht ag diucaire co geranach, 7 tugus 
lium hi, 7 is i doni an geran adcluinti-si anosa, 7 is i robui 
ann-sin .1. ingen diuice Loren'. 7 Eogab urgairdiugudh menman 
Sir Tirri iarna clos sin d6, gerb anbann robuL 7 Docuiredh 
leigus ar Tirri asa haithli-sin, 7 robui slan. Is ann-sin roan 
iarla Tirri ag Sir Gyi, 7 tugadur daingen bratharda da ceile. 
Conidh e cetcumann Sir Gy re Sir Tirri ann-sin. 

26. Aroile la dia raibhi Sir Gyi, 7 ucht ar fuindeoig in 
t-seomra ag f eitheam na cathrach ina timcell, 7 docunnuicc cuigi 
ridiri, 7 sd6t firluath fai, 7 fochtuis Gyi scela de. Adubairt in 
ridiri: 'Do muindtir iarla Aimbri damh', ar-se, *7 ataim ag 
iarraidh a mic .i. Sir Tirri, 7 ni faghaim enfhocal da scelaibh, 
7 ni fedur an mairenn s6. 7 A ndighail mur dorug sun ingen 
diuice Loren leis ata diuice na Lumbairdi 7 diuice na Loueine 

») 1. far n-d«? 
^ 1. atruagh. 

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ag millndh 7 ag moragainO tigerntos iarla Äimbri, 7 domill se 
uile 6 acht cathair Ämbri nama, 7 atait in da dinice dimsecha- 
sin ac techt co cathraigh na Goimrisi^) dia gabail; 7 is iad-sin 
[moscela] ' 5) ar an ridiri. Bixit Sir Gyi: 'Tuirrling', ar-se, '7 
anfa linne anocht, uair is againn is docha duid scela Sir Tirri 
d'fagail'. Tanic in ridiri astegh iar-sin, 7 fuair se Sir Tirri ara 
cinn CO feramail, fnrbailigh, 7 dorindi umla 7 anoir do. Is ann- 
sin adubairt Sir Tirri: *A 6yi', ar-s6, 'acht gidhmör do maith 
7 do monniadh doronuis co rö-so, is mö rigim a les anois rit na 
riam coruigi-so, uair[?]*) dam-sa m'athar d'argain 7 d'innradh, 
do shlat 7 do sharugudh ar mo shon'. Dm^SirGyi: *Dober-sa 
nert mo laime let', ar-s6. Docuaidh Sir Gyi iar-sin fon cathraigh, 
7 rofhostaigh se deich*) cet ridiri roarrachta. 7 Roimgedar 
rompa asa haithli co cathair na Gormisi. 7 Dorindi iarla Aimbri 
7 a teglach [325 b] umla 7 anoir do Sir Tirri Adubairt Sir 
Tirri: *Is ferr do dhil anora 7 urgairdighti Sir Gyi 6 Berbuic 
na misi', ar-se, 'uair is 6 rocosain m'anma dam, 7 is ara teglach 
ataim'. lama clos-sin don iarla 7 da muindtir doronsad anoir 
do Sir GyL Is ann-sin docualadur gair 7 greadan 7 eidhme 
amluatha, etr6na ar fud na-cathrach co comcoitcenn. 7 Rofhiar- 
faigh Sir Gyi fochuin na n-eidhme-sin, 7 adbert aroile fris gurb 
iad sluagha seghmura, sircalma na Lobeine 7 laechrad linmur, 
lanarrachta na Lumbairdi tanic do gabail cathrach na Gormisi. 
Uixit Sir Gyi: *A Sir Tirri', ar-se, *ber-si da cet«) ridiri do 
mnindtir-si let, 7 tabur cath curata, coscarchalma doibh siud, 7 
findnm^) co maith do gaiscedh 7 do gnimecht a ngleo an laithi- 
si aniu. Dala Sir Tirri iarum, dochuaidh co rechtmur, roarrachta 
a comdail na curadh cathcalma-sin, 7 docuiredh deich cet^) mili 
merchalma, möraicenntach ina n-aghaidh, 7 docaithedur co mer, 
menmnach, miceille reroile. To[rJchair deichnemar») laech lan- 
chalma don cetruathar la Sir Tirri, 7 nir cian iarum gur toit 

*) 1. morargatn. 

>) 1. Gormisi, as below. 

*) No Space in MS. 

*) Something omitted. 

») MS. A c. 

•) MS. .c. 

*) The Word is not elear. 

«) MS. jb, x. 

•) MS. aß. 

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da cet CO coscarta, cnamgerrtha i n-urtimcill Sir Tini Docured 
iar-sin mili ridiri mer, mördalach do chathugudh ris, 7 docuir 
Sir Tini in cath aris co nua fon am-sin, 7 torcair se^ cet dibh 
lais CO lanurrlum. Is ann-sin docured flehe cet^) ridiri curata^ 
cruadhcalma do chathugudh re Sir Tirri, 7 robui Sir Tirri 
moch na maidni moclisoillsi co medhon lae isin cathlathair-sin gan 
cabur nech ele fair acht 6 iein 7 a dha cet ridiri, 7 fa cruaidh 
dö fon am-sin la himud na laechraidhi Lmnbardaighi ina urtim- 
cilL Doraidh Sir Heron[t]: 'A Gyi', ar-s6, 'dambram^) cabuir 
7 comfurtacht budesta do Sir Tirri'. 'Doberum', ar Gyi. Is 
ann-sin docuaid Sir Gyi cona dha cet 3) ridiri do cumnnm do 
Tirri, 7 adubairt Gyi ris: 'A Tirri', ar-se, 'fagaib in cath bu- 
desta, 7 eirigh 'sa catraigh 7 lig edrum-sa 7 in cath sei ele'. 
Teith iarum Tirri co crechtach, cathbuadhach fon cathraigh, 7 
docuaidh Sir Gyi co colga, cetfadach fon cath, 7 robris forra co 
leoganta, leidmech, lancaJma. Cidh tracht robui Sir Gyi co 
greannmur, gnimechtach a[cj cur in catha-sin medhon lae co 
haidhci, 7 fedh na haidchi gan [326 a] coicill a[c] comarbadh na 
curadh co hergi greine iarna marach, 7 fed an dara \&i co noin, 
CO nar mair dib man am-sin acht cethorcha 7 flehe ^) dibh ina 
cimhedaibh crapailti, cruadhcuibrighti a laimh, 7 flehe«) ele do 
dul cirrta, crechtach, crosledartha, crobhainech a cenn in da 
diuce le scelaibh. Adubairt aroile: *Is olc in t-inadh ar cureabair 
sinne', ar-s6, 'uair ni temo eladhach betha diar muindter acht 
madh sinni aen flehet ß) crechtach, comurthach, cnamhgerrtha, a 
n-esbaid ball 7 brighi'. Rogab luindi 7 lanferg diuice Loren ar 
clos na scel, 7 roflarfaigh cia roine'') na m6rechta-sin. Adu- 
bradur na techta gurb iad tri colunaigh connmala 7 cothaighti 
na crodachta doroine sin .i. Gyi greannmur, gnimechtach o 
Berbuic a crichaibh seghmura, sobreagha Saxan, 7 Sir Tirri tren, 
tromnertmur, tegmalach mac iarla Aimbri, 7 Sir Heront arrachta, 
ardmenmach, in cuingi calma, cetfadach. Doraidh diuice na 
Lumbairdi: 'Robudh ferr lium na moran do maithus na cruinne 

MS. .s. c. 

») MS. .XX. c. 

>) Beading donbtfnl. Should it be taibrem? 

MS. .c. 

») MS. .xl 7 XX. 

•) MS. .OKC. 

*) 1. doroine? 

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CO comcoitcenn co mberinn aran triar-sin a cathair na Gormmisi, 
7 b6t-sa', ar-s6, *a n-urrthosuch na maidni mochsoillsi amarach 
a timciir. Dala Sir Gyi, tareis coscair 7 com[r]aimme in catha- 
sin, tainic tarais co cathraigh na Gormisi co mbuaidh n-amanntuir 
7 n-edala. Conidh amlaidh-sin fa fuin don cath-sin. 

27. Dala Sir Gyi ar maidin iarna mhärach dochuaidh 
d'est[e]cht aithfrinn, 7 rofh&gaibh in tempall iarum, 7 docunnnic 
na dronga 7 na dirmadha dethsluaigh ag techt dochum na cathrach. 
Doraidh Sir Gyi re Tirri: 'Atait na sluaigh seitreacha, sirchalma 
ac techt 'nar ndocum, 7 eirgem ar minlech na magh 7 ar fair- 
singi na ferunn do chatliugudh 7 do cruadhcomrug riu'. Do- 
cuadnr co hurrlum, 7 tngadur cat dian, dasachtach d'aroile. Is 
ann-sin tarla diuice leidmech, lancalma na Lnmbairdi da cheile 
isin catlathair 7 Sir Heront, 7 adubairt Sir Heront: *A diuice 
formadaigh, fhingalaigh', ar-se, Ms ecoir rofhellais orum fein 7 ar 
mo tigema'. 7 Is amlaidh adabairt, 7 tug builli borb, buanar- 
rachta don diuice gor ben leth na ceinnbeirti clochbuadaigh, 
cengailti do cend an diuice, 7 dorinne fuindeog fhairsing, fir- 
domuin ina gualainn fair, 7 rotrasgair co trennertmur e, 7 ro- 
thuirrling fair dia dicennugudh. 7 Tangadur ann-sin cet Lum- 
berdach lanchalma eturra, 7 dorugadur in diuice Sir Heront, 
7 dolen Sir Heront trit in cath e. Is ann-sin rochruinnigedur 
laeich linmura na ») [326 b] Lumbairdi a timcill Sir Heront, 7 r[o]- 
marbadur a ech, 7 robrisedh a cloidhem. 7 Tanic ann-sin ridiri 
f eramail, firarrachta Frangcach co lathair, robui ar teglach diuici 
na Lumbairdi, 7 adubairt: 'A Sir Heront', ar-se, ^tabur tu fein 
dam-sa festa, or ni fuil nert do cosanta agud'. *Co li'ainm thü?' 
ar Heront. *Sir Gailiard m'ainm', ar-se. Doraidh Sir Heront: 
'Doberuind me duit da thucta fhirinde rem'anucul'. *Doberim', 
ar Galiard. Is ann-sin dothug Heront 6 f6in, 7 rotucadh a cenn 
an diuice a laim e. Is ann-sin roflarfaigh Sir Gyi scela Sir 
Heront, 7 adubairt aroili fris co facaidh f6in aga gabail 6. 
Adubairt Sir Gyi: *A Tirri', ar-s6, *lenum Sir Heront, uair ni 
foigim aimsir a fhuasgalta is feiT n'anuis'. 7 Eolenudur co 
hurrlum 6, 7 ni rugadur air no co rucadh 'sa cathraigh e. Is 
ann-sin roimpo Sir Gailiard re Gyi, 7 roferudar gleo greannmur, 
grainemail reroile, 7 tug Sir Gyi sathudh sanntach sleghi ar 

na repeated in MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Sir Gailiari Doraid Sir Gailiard: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-s6, 'tabur 
m'anum damh, 7 beth am oglach agud, 7 is me roainic Sir 
Heront ara marbadli', ar-s6, ^^ da fedur dober liam tarais 6'; 
7 tug a firinde ris-sin, 7 fuair a anum. Dala Sir Galiard iar-sin, 
rogluais roime a cenn diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 roiar Sir Heront 
air rena aisic do Sir Gyi, 7 rodiult in diuice uime e. Doraidh 
Galiard co rachadh fein faxe Sir Gyi do cogudh 7 do cathudh 
risin diuice tri gan Sir Heront do thabairt do dia aisic do Gyi 
Berbuic, 7 ni ciur (?) ^ cairdi duid gan dul do denum do ditiii 
acht anocht amain. Is ann-sin dothainic ridiri ele do muindtir 
diuice na Lumbairdi do comruc re Gy, 7 doronsad comrac frithir, 
fergach, furniata reroile, 7 tug Sir Gyi sathadb sirshanntach 
sleghi isin ridiri, 7 rotrasgair 6,2) 7 rothuirrling fair dia dicennudb. 
DixtY an ridiri: 'A Gyi', ar-se, Habair m'anum dam, 7 dober 
braighi maith duit asum fein .i. Sir Heront'. 'Da tuctha t'firinne 
ris-sin', ar Gyi, 'doberuind h'anum duit'. Tug iarum, 7 fuair a 
anum, 7 rogluais roime a cenn diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 roiar Sir 
-fferont re aisic [327 a] do Gyi, 7 fuair s6 sin co prap, 7 ba 
lutliairech le Sir Gyi Sir Heron[t] do thecht. Is ann-sin dolen 
diuice na Lumbairdi cona muindtir Sir Gyi iarna faicsin a 
n-uathadh sluaigh, uair ni roibi f are Sir Gyi in tan-sin acht Sir 
Tirri 7 Sir Heront. Dospor Sir Gyi in sd6d a certlär sluaigh 
na Lumbardach, 7 nir shail Tirri na Sir Heront a faicsin co 
brach, 7 tarrla diuice na Lumbairdi re Sir Gy isin cathlathair- 
sin, 7 tug builli bailc, brigmur, boirbnertmur don d[i]uice, 7 
rochrom in diuice roim in mbuilli-sin, 7 robenadh an cuid siar da 
ceinnbert de, 7 roscris in t-eideth ara druim, 7 rogerr in dilat 
aluind, oraighi trithi, 7 in cursun caillti, cnaimremur d'aenbeim; 
7 roimigh dia [ajindeoin asta amach amesc a muindtiri, 7 docuir 
se mersi^) Sin Seoirsi re crann, 7 rob ail leis bualadh ar na 
sluaghaibh. Adubairt diuice na Lumbaird:*) 'Dorindedur süd 
ilimud uilc duinn aniu', ar-se, 7 atait agar sanntug[udh] co sir- 
calma anosa', ar-se, '7 sechnam iad, 7 eirgem co cathair na 
Päni, uair ni fuil Aus») ar ndighthi ani6 aguind', ar-se. Tainic 
Sir Gyi tarais co cathraigh Aimbri co n-ilimud gacha maithusa 

For ciwr read ttur? For the fonn see pp. 302a, 341a, 347a. 

*) MS. r^, repeating final r o£ rotrasgair, 

>) 1. mergi. 

'} 1. lAmbairdi. 

^) MS. not qnite clear. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


iar mbaaidh cosgair ar naimdibb. lar n-ergi do diuice na Lum- 
bairdi asa otbrus, tanicc s6 mur a roibi dinice Loren, 7 adubairt 
fris: 'A diuice Loren', ar-s6, 'benfa Sir Gyi Berbuic 7 Sir Tirri 
do tigemtns dit, 7 dodenoid in cetna rium-sa da feduid, 7 dena 
mo comairle-si', ar-se M cuir techta ar cenn Sir Tirri 7 Gyi 
Berbuic, 7 gell clemnus do denum re Tirri 7 sidh re Maria 
Aimbri 7 re Sir Oyi, 7 abuir co mbia fledh bainnsi agud doibh. 
7 Bed-sa con mo muindtir inar trealam comdaingin catha a ceilg 
agud, 7 gebum Tirri 7 Sir Gyi 7 Sir Heront, 7 beth Sir Tirri 
7 Sir Gyi 7 Sir Heront agum-sa ina cimedhaib crapaillti, 7 bidh 
iarla Aimbri cona muindtir agud-sa, 7 doena^) do bhail fein 
dib'. Adubairt diuice Loren nach feilad s6 ar Sir Gy co brach, 
ar an diuice, — *uair ata ilimud da cumain form'. Bixit diuice 
na Lumbairdi: *Ni da riribh adubartsa süd', ar-s6; '7 gidedh 
tabur cuccud iad 7 dena sidh riu'. [327 b] Conidh amlaidli-sin 
rocomhuirligh diuice na Lumbairdi feil for Gyi. 

28. Dala d[i]uice Loren iarum dochuir-se espac uasal- 
gradhach ar cenn iarla Aimbri cona muindtir, 7 rogeU sidh 7 
clemnus doibh, 7 fledh buan-tigluictech bainnsi do beth urrlum 
fora cinn. Ba luthairech le Maria Aimbri na briatMa-sin. 
Dtxü Sir Gyi: *A iarla Aimbri', ar-se, 'na creid na briathra 
binnbrega, blasta ugud; 7 rofheall diuice Otun fa dhö roime-so 
orum-sa, 7 is e is comurlech do diuice Lor6n, 7 docreidhflnn co 
n-ingnadh in treas fecht da fedadh'. Biiit iarla Aimbri: *A Sir 
Gyi', ar-se, 'na bidh uaman na imegla fort, uair m ferr linne 
sidh na ndiuice dha ud d'faghail na leo-san ar sidh-ne, 7 ni fell- 
fuid foruind'. Doraid Sir Gyi: 'Da ndechuir-si ann sind', ar-se, 
^beridh trealaidi comdaingni catha lib'. Dixit iarla Aimbri: 'Nl 
berum', ar-s6; 'os do denum sidha rachum, m biadh greann 
cogvidh oruind'. Is ann-sin roimidh iarla Aimbri cona muindtir 
CO dunadh diuic Loren gan arm, gan eideth acht gunaidM 
somaisecha sida co f6r umpa. Is ann-sin docunncadur diuice na 
Lumbairdi 2) ina ndocum co sluagh n-armtha, n-eidighti, 7 rogabsat 
Tirri 7 Heront 7 na sluaigh uili archena lais. Dala Sir Gyi 
robi s6 idir na sluaghaibh co seitreach, sirchahna a[g] gabail da 
domaibh co dana 7 da uillennaib forra. 7 Hoben bata buna^ 
borbremur as lamaibh ridiri acu, 7 robuail builli air fein de co 

^) MS. not qnite dear; perhaps daena. Read dena- 
s) MS. lAmbaimt. 

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torcair lais. Dochunnaic Sir Gyi ridiri ina docum, 7 sd6t fira- 
lainn fai, 7 adubairt Sir Gyi fris: *Da thucta in t-ech-sin*) fud 
damh', ar-se, 'da mairinii do d6nuind do les fos'. ' Tningim f am 
Dia CO fuighir-si hV, ar an ridiri ac tuirrling, 7 docuaidh Gyi 
foirri co firaibeil, 7 roshaith fona sluaghaibh co sircalma, 7 
torcuir dias ridiri co firluath les, 7 tue a n-eich don ridiri tug 
in sd6t d6 roime-sin. Dala Sir Gyi iarum dochruinnigedur 
Isechraidh linmair, lancalma na Lumbairdi ina hurtimcill, 7 do- 
rindi conair coitcenn, congairech do fein trithu, 7 dolenadur na 
Lumbardaig e, 7 tarrla sruth domuin ris, 7 doben leim luthmur, 
lanedrom [328 a] asa sdet fon inbir, 7 docuaidh tar an sruth, 7 
ni dechaidh as dia cuidechtain gan gabail no gan marbadh acht 
Sir Gyi 7 Sir Gailiard. Conidh e scela in fill conicci sin. Dorug 
diuice na Lumbairdi Sir Tirri crapaillti leis, 7 dorug diuice 
Loren Sir Heront 7 na braigdi uili sin amach. 

29. Dala Sir Gyi iarum, docuaidh mur a roibi iarla Aimistir 
Amunndse, 7 rofer in t-iarla failti re Sir Gyi. Bixit in t-iarla: 
*A Sir Gyi', ar-s6, 'is let fein misi con m'uile maithes. Ann-sin 
roinnis Sir Gyi mur dofealladh air, 7 mur dogabadh iarla Aimbri 
7 a mac 7 Sir Heront 7 na sluaigh uili archena. Dorindi iarla 
Aimistir truaigi 7 tromgeran trit na scelaib-sin. Robui Sir Gyi 
teora la co dubach, dobronach isin cathraigh-sin, 7 adubairt: *A 
iarla Munndae', ar-s6, 'is tuirrsech duind mur -so'. Adbert 
iarla Munndae: 'Ata cathair catharrdha conaich ar comghar 
duindi ann-so, 7 aderur curob e treas parrtus na cruinne ar 
conac e. 7 Ata Turcach trennertmur na triath 7 na tigerna 
ann, 7 ni dechaidh senduine ina cenn riam tainic beö tarais, 7 
dogabhter comlunn 6inflr ann 7 comlund deisi, 7 in m6t is aü 
le nech'. Adbert Sir Gyi co rachudh fein isin cathraigh-sin. 
*Na herigh', ar iarla Aimistir, 'uair ni tiucfa beö tar th'ais as 
Süd a frithing na conuire cetna'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Ni din* 
gnuind-si ar ilimud maithesa gan dul ann, 7 ni ber senduine 
lium'. 'Co deimin rachad-sa let', ar Gailiard, 'uair ni sgeradh 
CO crich mo bais rit'. ßoimgedair rompa iarum isin furais, 7 
tug Sir Gyi builli tenn, trennertmur aran mbarr mbuabuill robüi 
fo braigid. larna dos sin don Turcach adubairt co luinde 7 co 
lanferg: 'Cia rolemadh in coscur-so do chur am forais?' ar-se. 

^) sin repeated in MS. 

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Docuaidh ridiri do muindtir in Turcaigh mur a roibi Gyi, 7 
adubairt ris techt a comdhail in Tnrcaigh. Tanicc Sir Gyi mur 
a roibh in Tü[r]cacL Doraid in Turcach ris: 'A ridiri', ar-s6, 
'ni beir huair shein na amanntair tughuis in builli ud aran 
mbarr mbuabaiir, ar-s6. Doraid Sir Gyi: 'Ni fedar', ar-s6, 'gnr 
misdi in bnilli ugud do tbabairt, uair ni raibi cosgur fiadha na 
fethuidi agum acht mh6 ar merugudh 7 d'fhail eoluis'. Eobui 
sd6t0 fimertmur fon Turcach, 7 adubairt [328 b] Sir Gyi: *A 
tigema toicthech, tromconaich, tabnr in sd6t-sin fud damh-sa', ar-s6. 
Doraidh in Turcach nach tibradh, 7 co tibradh bas co hobunn 
d6. Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'ni treisidi sibh dias 
ridiri tanicc ar bar n-incaibh do marbadh co mitrocar, 7 masa>) 
f errdi let ar nderbadh inar ngaisgedh, cuir do rogha deisi ridiri 
dod muindtir do chathugudh frinn. 'Cia fein?' ar an Turcac. 
Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Ridiri suaithne Saxanach me', ar-se, *7 Gyi 
o Berbuic m'ainm'. Dala in Turcaich rofer s6 flrcain failti re 
Gyi, 7 adubairt ris: *Dorindi-si maith dam-sa roime-so', ar-se, 
' uair torcair brathair do diuice Otun let, dorinde dochar dam-sa 
roime-80. 7 Bith in t-ech maith so agud-sa, a Gyi', ar-s6, '7 ni 
fuil isin cruinne co comhcoitcenn a comaith d'ech, 7 da mbeth a 
tri letheid acum dogebhtha iat'. Tug in Turcach sd6t deg- 
maisech ele do Gailiard mur anöir do Gyi. Dorug Sir Gyi bui- 
dechus in bronntais-sin risin tigema, 7 docuadnr rompa a cenn 
iarla Munndae. Conidh i cuair[t] Sir Gyi a crich na Turcach 

30. Dala Sir Gyi iar mbeth noi*) la do a farradh in iarla 
adubairt: 'Is fada ataim', ar-se, 'gan dul d'faghail scel Sir Tirri 
7 Sir Heront, 7 ati a uaman orum da milltir iad, 7 rachud da 
fisrugudh budesta'. Doraidh iarla Munndae: 'Cuirfed-sa deich*) 
cet ridiri do muindter let'. Adubairt Gyi gur fada les beth ag 
fnirech riu, 7 nach beradh aenduine leis. 'Rachud-sa let', ar 
Sir GaUiard; 7 dogluaisidar rompa iarum, 7 adubairt Gyi re 
Gail[i]ard: 'Eirigh ar h'ech', ar-se, 7 cuir in t-ech maith-so a 
t^aici', 7 dorindi Gailiard sin. Dala Gyi dono, rochoimil s6 

') Written below the line in MS. 

') MS. masa a with pnnctxun delens nnder a. 

•) MS. .9. 

*) MS. i. c. 

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duaibhsech d[o]ibhi) ina ndias, 7 docoir sin Aath dubb, dnaibhsech, 
doaithennta orra, 7 docuadur isna rechtaibh-sin a cenn dinice 
na Lumbairdi. Doraid Gji: 'Is fada tanag cugud a crichaibh 
na fer ngorm', ar-s6, ^7 docuala nach fuil sa doman lam is ferr 
na do lamh, na diuice is m6 conach na tä. 7 Tng me cugud in 
t-aeneach is ferr isin domnn co himlan da reic rit, 7 ni Ml do 
lacht acht mad senlocht .1 nach fuilngenn si ara da glacad acht 
an t-ara ata riam aga rognatugudh'. ^Ca^) [329a] h'ainm 
tu-sa?' ar an diuice. *Gibun Marcel m'ainm', ar-se, '7 Seoirsi in 
gilla'. *Mochen für torachtain cugum', ar an diuice, ^7 dob ferr 
lium na ilimud maithesa co mbeth in t-ech-sin agum in uair far- 
gabus in braighi fil agum, uair da mbeth ni rachadh Sir Gyi 
Berbuic as le Inas a eich'. 'Cia hi in braigi fil agud?' ar Gyi. 
*Sir Tirri, mac iarla Aimbri', ar-se. *In fuil se agud?' ar Gyi. 
'Ata CO derb', ar an diuice. 'Is truagh gan misi farit-sa isin 
uair-sin', ar Gyi, 'uair domuirbfinn co-») mitrocar in mac-sin', 
ar-se, '7 ni dingnuind braigi de, uair romarbh Sir Tirri der- 
brathair dam-sa ', ar-s6. ' 7 Tabur si cöim6t na braigid-sin dam- 
sa, uair is me nach dingna troccaire dö'. Is ann-sin dothug 
diuice na Lumbairdi eochracha an prisun do Gyi. Imthusa Gyi 
iar-sin, docuaid isin prisun pennuidech i n-aroibi Sir Tirri, 7 
fochtuis scela de cinnus robüi. 'Cia thu-sa?' ar Tirri 'Is misi 
Gyi Berbuic', ar-s6. 'Is olc ataim-si mur-sin', ar Tirri, 'uair 
robui süil re m'furtacht agum bhuaid-si coruigi anois, 7 gideth 
is mesa lium tu-sa do beth isin guasacht a fuilidh na me fein', 
ar-se. Robüi Lumburdach do lathair ag eist[e]cht risin comradh- 
sin. Adubairt an Lumbardach: *A Sir Gyi', ar-s6, 'ni fuicfe 
tu-sa in prisun-sin co crich für mbais'. Doraidh Gyi: 'D6na 
dethrun orum', ar-s6, '7 dogebuir ilimud 6ir 7 innmusa buaim'. 
Dodiult an Lumbardach sin do gabail Gyi, 7 rogluais roime 
d'innsin scel don diuice, 7 rolen Gyi e, 7 robuail builli nert- 
calma don eochair arracht[a] iarnaidhi robüi ina laim fair, 7 
torcair marbh gan anmain, 7 dothoit se a fiadhnuse in diuice. 
Doraidh in diuice: 'Toitfir fein isin ngnim-sin, a treturaigh 
fhallsa', ar-se. Doraidh Gyi: 'A tigema', ar-se, 'ni fedar-sa gur 
misdi a marbadh, uair robüi se ar ti Tirri do goid asin prisun, 

*) MS. obscure. 

') Ca repeated in MS. 

>) CO- written indistmctly aboye the line in MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


7 tug roga bidh 7 dighi na cathrach do'. Adubairt an dioice: 
'Is coir romarbnis 6\ ar-se, '7 dobermuid cairt do sidha duit 
festa'. Docaaidh Sir 6yi sin prisun, 7 doscäil na geim- [329 b] 
lecha glaisiaraind robni für Tirri, 7 tug a lordaethain bid 7 dighi 
d6, 7 adubairt ris: 'A Tirri', ar-s6, ^imigh romhud a n-urrthosuch 
na haidhci anocht a cenn iarla Aimistir, 7 an rium-sa ann; 7 
masa thoil le Dia 6, is gerr co mbet-sa 7 Uisin, ingen diuice 
na Lobeine, farit ann'. Mar-sin an aidhci-sin do Gyi, 7 adubairt 
diuice na Lumbairdi re hingin diuice Loren: 'Ullmaigh tu, a 
a bainntigema', ar-s6, *uair dog6ntur ar n-aithfreann pösta 
amarach, uair ni riarais acht cairdi da la dec gan do pösudh, 7 
tangadur chena'. Adubairt Uisin: *A tigerna', ar-si, 'dod6n-sa 
do thoil-si air-sin'. Dala in diuice dochuaidh roime fan furais 
firalaind fasaigh do marbadh muc 7 agh 7 ainmindti a n-oircill 
na bainnsi iarna marach. Docuaidh 6yi in tan-sin mar a roib 
an bainntigema, 7 adubairt ria co suilbhir, solasach: 'A rigan', 
ar-s6, *an tabraid aithne orm?' 'Ni tabraim', ar-si. 'Is misi 
Sir Gyi Berbuic', ar-s6. Adubairt in righan: 'Nirb e-sin datÄ 
docunnac-sa ar Gyi', ar-si, *uair is e rob aille don droing daena'. 
Is ann-sin rothaiselb Sir Gyi comurtha robui air don righain, 7 
roaithin si e iarum. Doraid Sir Gyi: 'A righan', ar-s6, *fagh 
arm 7 eideth maith damh anocht, 7 do deoin Dia berud tu lium 
ona LumbardachaiiA'; 7 tug si arm 7 eideth co hincleith cum 
Gyi. Dala in diuice ar maidin iarna marach docuir se Uisin ar 
mul glegeal docum an tempaill. 7 Dolen Sir Gy iat f ura sd6t, 7 
eideth daingen, dobreoiti uime, 7 airm lasich ina laim, 7 dorug 
orra, 7 adubairt: 'A diuice Otun', ar-se, 'is misi Sir Gyi 
Berbuic, 7 bidh für do choim6t festa, uair rofellais teora fecht 
orum, 7 romarbhuis mo ridiri ar f asach na crichi-so '. Is ann-sin 
roshaith Sir Gyi slegh co sanntach, sarcalma tri curp in diuice, 
7 tue beim cloidim do iarum, 7 roben a cenn de, 7 doscoilt co- 
ruigi a imlinn e. 7 Tug cenn in diuice leis, 7 docuir ingen 
diuice na Lobheine ar culaibh^) Gailiard, 7 rofhagadur an 
cathair mur-sin. Dorugadur laeich länarrachta na Lumbairdi 
forra, 7 adubairt brathair [330a] don diuice: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 
'is felltach romarbhuis diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 is olc an lesugudh 
thü fein ann'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Ni ferr duid na ligen in conuir 
do ceinmiugudh, uair rotuill in diuice uaim-si co minicc a 

^) MS. ar a cülaibh^yntk punctum dolens ander a. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


marbadh'. Roimpo 6yi re brathair in diuice, 7 roben a cend 
d'aenb^im de, 7 romarbh deichnemari) ele dona LumbardachaifcÄ^) 
maraen ris, 7 rofagadur in Lumbuird mur-sin. Anuair far'chuir 
ingen diuice na Lobeine a hegla di, adubairt: ^Is truagh in gnim 
dodenuid nk Lumbnrdaigh budesta .L Tirri do marbadh co ml- 
trocar'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Ni hegail leis senni', ar-s6, 'uair adubart- 
sa risin seighler beth co maith ris, 7 do dheöin Dia is gerr co 
f aicfir-si 6 '. Docuadur rompo iarum co cathraigh Munntani, mur 
a roibi iarla Aimistir, 7 fuaradur Sir Tirii ara cinn ann, iama 
fothrugudh co firglan 7 iama leighe^ crechtaibh na cep 7 na 
cruadhiarann. Dala na Lumbardach iar n-impo döibh Gyi, do- 
cuadur docum in prisuin do marbadh Tirri, 7 ni fuaradur acht 
a ait ann. Is ann-sin dorugadur diuice na Lumbairdi annsa 
leglus3)(?) 7 rohanuluicedh leo 6. Conidh amhlaidh-sin docrich- 
naigh Sir Gy a cogud re diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 mur dodighail 
a ridiri. 

31. Dala Sir Gy iarum, adubairt co rachadh se do lor- 
gairecht Sir Heront. *Kachud-sa coic cet*) ridiri let', ar iarla 
Amaistir. Dogluaisidur rompa iar-sin, 7 roinnradur 7 roairgedur 
gach cathair 7 gach caisteol dia raibi rompa do thigerntus diuice 
na Lobheine, co rangadur co cathair na Goirmisi mur a roibi 
iarla Aimbri; 7 rogab luth lanmör iarla Aimbri ar faiccsin a 
maic 7 Sir Gyi ina dhocum, 7 rothoit taisi 7 taimneoll fair tri 
uille a luthaire. Is ann-sin docuir Sir Gyi cenn diuice na Lum- 
bairdi ar beinn cuailli eg crois cathrach na Gormisi, 7 roghoir 
cuigi SirGailiard, 7 adubairt ris: 'A ridiri uasail, firindigh', ar- 
s6, *doberim-si marusgalacht mo sluaigh 7 a cennus duid, 7 ber 
se cet») ridiri lancalma let, 7 tabur braighdi cumum-sa«) a ngill 
re Heront'. Dala Sir Gailiard iar-sin, docuaidh roime sa Lobhein 
7 robui aga milludh co mitrocar, 7 rogab se coic') caislein dec 
innti 7 secht») n-iarlaigi 7 deichnemar») barun. Dorangadur na 

') MS. .X. netnar, 

*) MS. Lwnbumbardach-. 

') 1. annaa n-egluis? 

*) MS. .tt. c. 

») MS. .«. c. 

•) 1. cugwn-aa, 

») MS. M. 

•) MS. .7. ») MS. .£. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


scela-sm cum diuice Loren, 7 rogab [330 b] uamhan 7 imegia 6, 
7 docuaidh mur a roibh a sdibhard budhein, 7 doroine comuirle 
fris. Doraidh in diuice: 'Domilledh 7 domorairgedh mo tigerntus', 
ar-s6, *7 atait sluaigh 7 sarmuindter Gyi Berbuic ac techt do 
gabail na cathrach ina fuilim orum; 7 cia is ferr dam dul ar 
ech luath 7 teithem do denum, na anmain rem gabail na rem 
agabail?' Doraidh in sdibard: 'Dena mo comairli-si', ar-s6, 
*mas ail let do les do denum, uair roboin Gyi Berbuic a cenn 
do diuice na Lumbairde, 7 docuir s6 in cenn-sin ar chuailli ag 
crois marged cathrach na Goirmisi, 7 tug s6 Sir Tirri mac iarla 
Aimbri les, 7 Uisin .L h'ingen-sa fein. 7 Ni heidir cathugudh na 
comrug ris, 7 gebuidh se in domun masa^ leis e; 7 fos atä ridiri 
calma, cosgurcruaidh da muindtir a laim agud-sa, .V) Sir Heront^ 
7 lig amach 6 a n-anoir Sir Gyi, 7 na braighdi uili-maraen ris, 
7 tabur a maitus fein doibh, 7 moran ele maraen ris. 7 Cuir na 
braighdi-sin fein a techtarecht cum Gyi d'iarraidh gras fair 7 
d'faghail cairti do sidha, uair is e Heront indera comurlech is 
treisi isin domun fair i. Sir Tirri 7 Sir Heront; 7 ata se f6in 
trocureach'. Adubairt diuice Loren: 'Mo bennacht co bithurrlum 
ort', ar-s6, 'uair is maith in comurle tuguis damh'. Dala diuice 
Loren iarum dosgail se a nglais 7 a ngeibinn dona braighdibh 
uili, 7 tug doibh gach uili maith dar-benadh dibh bec co mör, 
7 ilimud da maithus maraen ris. 7 Docuir iat docum Gyi, 7 roearb 
forra a maith do denum 7 a sidh do cengul re Gyi ar gradh Dia. 
Ann-sin roinnis diuice Loren do Sir Heront mur romarb Sir Gyi 
diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 mur tug se Sir Tirri 7 Uisin leis, 7 gach 
gnim ele dia ndemad. Ba binn le Sir Heront na scela-sin, uair 
ni roibi Snfocul do sceluibh Gyi aigi gabadh 6 f6in co haes na 
hnaire-sin. Dala Sir Galiard, rogluais roime cona se ») cet ridiri 
co cathraigh [331a] na Gormisi, 7 robüi Sir Gyi a n-oirechtus 
an la-sin ar ind tulca re ta§bh cathrach na Gormisi, 7 ni roibhi 
ina farradh ann acht Sir Tirri 7 iarla Aimistir. Adubairt 
Aimistir: 'Is ingnäth lium ce hiat na sluaigh ud', ar-s6, 'uair 
m&s lucht cocaidh 7 coinglecca iad is rogar duind atait siat, 7 
rachud fein für mo sd6t ina comdhiil'. 7 Docuaidh iarum, 7 
roaithin se Sir Heront, 7 roferudur failti muintreamail re cheile. 

1) 1. nuua aü leia? 
*) .t. conected from ^. 
') HS. .«. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Doraidh Sir Heront: 'A Aimistir', ar-s6, ^guidhim tu, 7 aigill 
Sir Gyi damh d'faghail cairti a sidha do diuice Loren, uair is 
am buidech misi de, 7 is na cuibbrinn docaitinn biadh 7 deoch, 
7 nir cuir se glas na geibenn form, 7 ni fhnil enr6t don ditb rem 
gabail na na mbraiged nili, 7 is mör ar n-edäil da taburtus'. 
Dochuadur rompa iarum a cenn Gyi 7 Tirri, 7 roiarsad nili ar 
aenslighi sidh do diuice Loren, 7 rodiult Gyi sin do thabairt doib. 
Roeirigh Sir Heront ara gluinibh a fiadhnuse Sir Gyi 7 na hocht 
cetO ridiri maraen ris, 7 roiaradur mur seinti ar Gyi cairt a 
sidha do thabairt do diuice Loren. Doraidh Gyi: *Dober-sa in 
athcuinge-sin dibh-si gidh docuir lium e'. Dala Gailiard immorro 
robi se cona sluaghaib aran fedh-sin ag milludh 7 ag mörargain 
na Lobheine, 7 docuredh techta ara cenn, 7 tugad tarais 6 co 
cathraigh na Gormisi. 7 *) Docuiredh techta ele co diuice Loren 
d'iaradh ris fledh d'uUmugudh do denum [bainnsi . . . ^)] ingine 
dia tabairt do Sir Tirri mac [iarjla Apmbri.] Docuadur iarum 
le cheile co cathraigh diuice Loren, 7 dorindedur [sidh]*) 7 
clemnus. 7 rocaitsit in banais. Conidh amlaidh-sin docoiscedh 
cogadh in da diuice le Sir Gyi 6 Berbuic. 

32. Fecht n-aen dia ndechaid Sir Gyi cum fiadhaigh Loren, 
7 roeirigh cullach allta do Gyi, 7 rolig a coinn d6, 7 rolen fura 
sd6t 6, docuaidh Gyi amugadh ona muindtir in tan-sin. Agus 
rolen in cullach tri ilimud do thirthib treaburdaingni, trom- 
conaichi. 7 Dorug air [331 b] fo deoigh, 7 se ag marbadh na con, 
7 tug builli borbnertmur, bithcalma don cullach, 7 romarbh e, 
7 tug a craidhi dia chonuibh; 7 tug builli brigmur für in mbarr 
mbuabuill robui fo braigid mur cosgurtha in cullaich torchair 
leis. 7 Roclos in builli buabuill-sin isin cathraigh darb ainm 
Ploirinntin, 7 adubairt diuice Ploirinntin int6 tug in builli bua- 
buill-sin ina furais do thabairt cuigi co hesonorach. Docuaidh 
mac do diuice Ploirinntin mur a roib Sir Gyi, 7 robuail dorn co 
dethfireach fair. Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Is ecoir robuailuis me arson 
marbhtha in cuUaich rolenus tri moran do tirthibh'. Adubairt 
mac in diuice: 'Dober-sa bäs duit-si ara son', ar-s6. lama 
clos-sin dobuail builli don barr buabuill cona cris a cenn maic 

») MS. .c. 

*) 7 repeated in MS. 

') Two or three leiten obscure in MS. 

*) No Space in MS. for aidh. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


dioice Ploirinntin, 7 b[a marbh] e. Dala Sir Gyi iarum, rogluais 
roime trit in furais, 7 dochunnicc cathair Ploirindtin uadha, 7 
docnaidh astegh innti, 7 roiar biadh ar gradh Dia ar diuice 
Plorens, uair robidh se tri l& 7 tri haidhci gan biadh, gan dig, 
gan coUadh a lenmuin in cnllaich-sin. Roordaigh in diuice biadh 
do tabairt do Gyi, 7 tugadh a 16rdh[3ethai]n do, 7 robui aca 
caithem. Is ann-sin rocuala Gyi gair gola 7 cainti sa cathr[aigh], 
7 doconnaic corp aga ligen ar lär isin halla righda, 7 robui in 
diuice aga flarfaijfÄe cred in curp robui acca. 'Do mac-sa', ar-siat, 
* iama marbadh '. ' Cia romarbh 6 ? ' ar an diuice. ' Is doigh linne ', 
ar-siat, 'is 6 in ridiri ugud a[c] caithem a coda ara[n] mbord 
romarbh 6'. Iama clos-sin don diuice roglac se cloidem clais- 
lethan, curata, 7 tug amach e, 7 tug builli cum Gyi de; 7 rocrom 
Gyi ar scath in buird, 7 roleig in builli thairis. Dala Sir Gyi 
iarum, roglac se glsBidhe gerfhaebrach roböi rena thaebh, 7 robui 
aga cosaint co calma, 7 docruinnighedur lucht na cathrach uili 
ina urtimcell, 7 dotorcair seiser les dib. Doraidh Gyi: 'A 
tigema', ar-se, 'ni fhuil acht feil dibh 6nridiri na enur dia 
tugabur biadh do marbadh i nbur tigh, 7 masa duine firuasal 
thu, tabur cet dam-sa dul ar m'ech tar dorus na cathrach amach, 
[332a] 7 tabraidh mo cloidhem 7 mo sciath dam, 7 bid ced 
toraigechta agud orum, 7 is lugha is guth dib mo marbadh 
mur-sin na mo marbadh mur-so'. Adubairt an diuice: 'Doberim 
fein', ar-se, *ced imthechta mur-sin duid, 7 ber h'ech 7 t'arm let'. 
Doglac Gyi a arm, 7 docuaidh ara ech, 7 rogluais röime, 7 
robadur lucht na cathrach a n-oircill fair, 7 rogabsat d6 ar gach 
tsBb, 7 domarbh se trir dibh don ruathar-sin. 7 Dobuail an 
diuice builli borbnertmar fair, 7 docuir slegh trina sciath. Tug 
Sir Gyi sathad sanntach sleghi don diuice, 7 rotrasgair h6, 7 
roben in t-ech de, 7 rofhech fair asa haithli. 7 Adubairt Gyi: 
'A shenoir sesta, arrsaigh', ar-se, 'dobo chöra duit beth a n-egluis 
uaingigh a guidhi Dia co duthrachtach na beth re gaiscedh anosa'. 
Doraidh in diuice: 'Ata sechtmoga^ bliadhan nar glacus arm 
roime-so, 7 robo menmarc lium tu-sa do tboitim lium a n-6ruic 
mo maic'. Doraidh Gyi: 'Ni muirbhfe me senoir mur thü', ar-s6, 
'7 doberim h'ech duit'. Imtusa Gyi rogluais roimhe, 7 rolenadur 
tinöl na cathrach 7 in tiri uili 6, 7 romarbh s6 sesca^) dibh, 

MS. .Ixx. 
>) MS. M 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


7 roimigh dia n-aindeoin iar-sin, 7 robüi se la com aidhci ac sir- 
marcaidhecht, 7 dorainic roime co Lor6n, 7 roba luthairech lucht 
na cathrach uile roime, uair ni fes doib ca dorog 6 lö na selga 
connici sin; 7 roindis Sir Gyi a echtra doib tus co deredh. 
Doraidh Sir Gyi: *A Tirri', ar-s6, 'ataim-si secht*) mbliadhna 
nach faca me m'athair no mo mathair, 7 rachad a Saxanaibh 
festa'. 'Na herigh', ar Tirri, *uair atait sluaigh imda sa Lum- 
bairdy 7 cuirfld cogadh orum-sa tar h'eis dia cluinid tu-sa d'im- 
thecht, 7 dober-sa cathair na Gormisi duit, 7 anf ud fein a cathair 
Loren'. Adubairt [332b] Sir Gyi: 'Ni gebh-sa sin', ar-s6, 'uair 
is aithnid doid-si, a Tirri, co fuil gradh agom-sa ar ingen iarla 
Berbuic, 7 rachud dia fhis budhesta'. Lntusa Sir Gyi rogluais 
roime co crichuib Saxan, 7 docuaidh co Fuindsistuir, mur a roibh 
in righ, 7 maithi Saxan ina urtimcell, 7 rofersud failti re Gyi, 
7 dochualadur gach gnim gaiscidh dia ndema fora echtra. Nir 
cian doibh mur-sin co facadur ridiri für sd6t ina ndocum. Fochtais 
in righ scela de. Adbert in ridiri: 'Ata drochscel agum', ar-s6, 
'uair tanicc dragun duaibsech, diablaidhi isin crich-so, 7 is mö 
na tunna tromlinta in muinel mothlach, mothardhorcha ata aigL 
7 Marbaidh gach ainmidhi ara mberinn bec co mor, 7 ni hin- 
comruic fir in talman fris, 7 caithflr in tir 7 in talam-so d'fagh- 
bail d6'. Rogab uaman 7 imegla in ri on scel-sin, 7 robui sei 
'na thocht. Doraidh Gyi: 'A tigema', ar-s6, 'na bidh a uaman 
Süd ort, uair do deoin Dia coiscf ed-sa comrug in draguin ud dib ', 
ar-se. 7 Roeirigh Gyi asa haithli, 7 docuir a catherradh comh- 
luind uime, 7 dorne triar ridiri leis .1 Sir Heront 7 dias ridiri 
ele marsen ris, 7 docuaidh coruigi in dragun, 7 rofagaib in triar 
ridiri leithmili tara eis, 7 rofagaib fo p6in a n-anma orra gan 
techt tairis-sin ina lenmuin do cumnadh do. Dala Sir Gyi iarum, 
robui se tri huaire a cathugudh 7 a cruadhcomlonn risin dragun 
ndasachtach-sin, 7 nir fh6t dergadh fuirre frisin re-sin. Docuir 
iarum in dragun snaidm sardhaingen don bod bunnremur, barr-* 
daingen robui aigi a timcill Sir Gyi guna sd6t innus gur bris 7 
gur bruidh cliabh 7 craidhi in cursuin calma, cnamremur trina 
ceile, 7 dotrasgradh Sir Gyi co guasachtach. Dala Sir Gyi 
[333 a] iarum roeirigh co seitreach, sirchalma, 7 robuail builli 
bithnertmur fuirri, 7 roben in t-irbuU co trennertmur di Robuail 
in dragun beim borbnertmur do bun an erbuill für Gyi, 7 tue 

^) MS. .7. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

tHti iRtSÄ LIB*E Ot* GÖY ÖP WAÄWiCIt. 81 

cned guasachtach fair. 7 nar f6t Sir Gyi deriudh 9 ina tosuch 
uirri, roboi se aga ledairt 7 aga langerradh asa dereth, 7 robuail 
builli furtill, firarrachta ina tseb, 7 rogerr tri esna letna, lanmora 
innti, 7 rotuit in dragun leis-sin, 7 roleig sgrech aduathmur este. 
7 Eoimpo a tarr a n-airdi iar-sin, 7 robuail Gyi builli bigurrlum 
ina bruindi, 7 dorindi da n-ordain certa, cudruma, comora di, 7 
roeirigh detach duaibsech, dobala«dÄ este. 7 Doben Gyi a cenn 
diy 7 rothomhuis hi, 7 robui tricha^) troigh dö ina fadh, 7 rogluais 
roime a cenn righ Saxan, 7 rothaisen cenn in dragun do, 7 romo- 
ladar cach a coitcinne in comrac-sin. 

33. lar forba in gnima-sin la Gyi adubairt ri Saxan: ^A 
Sir Gyi', ar-se, *dober-sa do rogha diuiciacht da fuil aSaxanaib 
duit re cois oir is airgid 7 ilimud gacha maithusa archena'. 
Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Da madh ail lium-sa, a tigema', ar-s6, 
dogebhuind imperacht Consantinnobile re cois gach^) maithusa 
ele dar tairgedh damh, 7 dogebhuind diuiciacht san Almain, 7 
dogiabhuind iarlacht san Fraingc, 7 dogiabhuind iarlacht san 
Britain, 7 nir gabus cechtar dib, 7 ni geb sin bhuaib-si, a 
thigema', ar-s6; '7 co roibh maith h'anora fein agud. 7 Fuair 
m'athair-si bas', ar-s6, ^^ rachud d'fechuin mo thigerntus fein 
budesta. Rogab Gyi ced agan rig, 7 docuaid coruigi a baue 
fein, 7 fuair ilimud oir 7 airgid 7 seoid uaisli ele on righ or 
nar gab se tigerntus ele uada. Adubairt Gyi: 'A Sir Heront', 
ar-s^, 'is fada rolenais me, 7 is mor dorn ulc fuarais, 7 ni fuil 
tigerntus agud fein, 7 doberim-si in mainer-sa duit 7 dot oighri 
ad diaigh, [333 b] 7 mili punt ina cenn-sin gacha bliadhna'. 
7 Doroinn a tigerntus mur-sin uili ara ridiribh, 7 adubairt nar 
bec leis iarlacht Berbuic aigi fein. Docuaidh Sir Gyi iar-sin 
a cenn an iarla co Burbuic, 7 dorinde iarla Burbuic ilimud 
anora dö, 7 dorne a buidechus re Dia a techt asna guasachtaib 
möra ina roibi s6. Docuaidh Sir Gyi iarum mur a roibi Feili[s], 
ingen in iarla. Doraidh Sir Gyi: *A Fheilis', ar-se, *dob urusa 
dam-sa banntigema budh mö inme 7 atharrdhacht na tu-sa 
d'faghail, 7 rodiultus uili dod gradh siat'. Adubairt Feilis: 'A 
Sir Gyi '9 ar-si, 'dob urusa dam-sa righ no prinnsa no ambrail 

1) Not dear in MS. 
^ MS. .XXX, 
•) L gacha? 

ZeitMhvift f. o«lt. Plülologle VI. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

8ö f. ». RoumsoK, 

no diuice no iarla d'faghail posta, acht mina beth mo gradh a 
taisci innud-sa. 7 Ni beth fer na ferceile co brach agum mina 
ticte-sa beo tar h'ais'. Ba bind la Gyi in t-uraghall-sin, uair nir 
nocht in righan a rün do Sir Gyi cornig^i sin. Docuaidh Gyi a 
cenn an iarla iamm. 7 Fochtais in t-iarla do Gyi cr6d tnc gan 
mnai e. Doraidh Gyi: 'Gradh dofuluing tngos do mnäi as m'oigi, 
7 mina fhaghar an ben-sin ni biadh hm co brach agum', ar-se. 
Adubairt an t-iarla: ^In ail let m'ingen-sa gun mo maithus nile 
le, nair ni fhoil mac na hingen agum acht i, 7 da mad fiudh lib-si 
a beth aguib ni fhuil isin cruinde cliamain budh f err linn aguind 
na tn*. Doraidh Gyi: 'Is i h'ingen-sa aenben is ferr lium d'faghail 
isin domun co himlan'. Ba lüth lanmor lesin iarla in comradh-sin. 
Docuaidh in t-iarla mur a roibhi Feilis 7 fochtois di cr6d an 
8Bn tuga i (?), 7 ilimud fer maith aca hiarraidh, no gan fer 
CO brach rob ail le beth. Adubairt Feilis: *Gradh tugus d'fer 
as m'oigi, 7 ni bia fer co haimsir mo b&is mina faghar e'. 
Doraidh in t-iarla: *In ail let Sir Gyi Berbuic?* ar-se, *Is 
ail CO derbh', ar an righan, ^uair is 6 mo rogha nuachair e'. 
Ba bind leisin iarla in freagra-sin. Docuaidh in t-iarla mur a 
roibi Gyi, 7 docuir dhaladh in posta an sechtmadh 2) \& on lo-sin. 
7 Dotheighedh in t-iarla 7 Sir Gy cum fiadhaigh gach Ise frisin 
r6-sin a n-oircill na baindsi. Docuiredh iarum techta uadhadh 
arcenn maithi na Saxanach itir tuaith 7 cill, 7 tanic ri Saxan 
7 an rigan 7 in prinnsa cum na baindsi- [334 a] sin, 7 tangadur 
espaic 7 airdespaic 7 abaid 7 aircinnigh 7 na huird brathar 7 
cananach 7 manach, 7 dorindedh in posad-sin co huasal. 7 Ina 
diaigh-sin tocaithemh in banais-sin^) leo; 7 dothinnluicc Sir Gyi 
or 7 airged 7 6daighi sida 7 orsnaith 7 gema cristail 7 carr- 
mogail 7 na huili maith archena. 7 Gach aen lerb ail tuillmedh 
7 tuarusdul dothug Sir Gy sin doib dobo maith (?)*) cu purt in 
tighi an la-sin*) d'or 7 d'airged 7 do clochuibh buadha. 7 Dob 
imdha ridiri rathmur, robregha ag fritholadh furan mbanais-sin, 
7 dob imdha c6ol 7 eladhna aran mbanais-sin, 7 ni roibhi dibh-sin 
aenduine nar dil Gyi fa thoil fein do dethduasaibh dingmala. 

*) 1. cred tug a n-centuma hi? 
•) MS. .7. 

*) Mixtnre of two constractions: in banaU-sin do caithemh and <2b- 
chaithemh na bainnH-sin? 

^) I am in donbt abont thlB sentence. 
'^) 9in written above the line in the MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

töß I&tSti lAPk OP OüY OF WARWiCK. 8ä 

Teora l& doib a caitheam na bainnsi-sin, 7 roimgedor iarum dia 
n-aitibh 7 dia n-inaibh^ f^in. Conidh e tochmarc ingine iarla 
Berbuic le Sir Gyi connigi. 

34. Dala Sir Gyi iar-sin, robui se da fichit*^) la 7 aidhci 
ag luighi le hingin iarla Berbuic A cinn na haimsiri-sin 
docuaid Gyi la chum f[i]adaigh, 7 romarbadh ilimud fiaigh lais 
an la-sin. 7 Ger bhi binn sin ni bann robui menma Sir Gyi 
acht ina duailchib budbein, uair robui egla in duileman fair. 
7 Eoba menmarc lais a lesugudh asa oige. Docuir Sir Gyi techta 
nadha in tan-sin arcenn Johannes de Alcino') .i. athair naemtha 
ei-side, 7 tanicc cuigi co prap. Doraid Gyi: *A athar nsemtha', 
ar-s6y 'cuirim cumairci m'anma oi*t, 7 eist ma faisidi co luath a 
n-anoir tri persann .i. Athar 7 Maie 7 Spiruta Naem. üair is 
imdha mo peccaidA, uair co rimthar gainem mura 7 f^r faithchi 
7 duilli feda 7 relta an aigher ni dingentur rim na rocumdach 
a torcair lern do dhainibh 7 d'anmannaib indligtecha do gradh 
in t-S8ßghail-so d'faghail alluidh 7 ardnösa dam-fein do cur mo 
clua OS c&ch, 7 gideth nir marbus senduine ar gradh Di'. Dixit 
lohannes de Alcino: *Dia ndemta a trian-sin ar gradh Dia, roba 
[334 b] buidechDia dit, 7 domaithfedh do pecud duit'. Adubairt 
lohannes de Alcino; 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'dena mo comurle-si 
festa .i. coim6d na deich «) n-aithnighi rofagaib Crist a talam itir 
claruibh ag Maisi .i. tabur gradh dod Dia os cinn gach uili 
gradha a nim 7 a talam, 7 cetera; 7 sechain na pecat'd^ marbtha 
.L dimus 7 ferg 7 leisgi 7 tnuth, druis 7 craes 7 Saint 7 athim- 
radh; 7 bi co cennsa, umal, urnaightech, dercach, trocurech, 
buidh[ech], bennachtach'. Doraidh lohannes: *Fechar let, a Gyi', 
ar-s6, 'mur fnaradur na nseim ata ar nim flat^Aemnus .i. drong 
dibh CO n-aine, co n-eirnuigthi, co n-oili[th]ri, co flghlib, co coibh- 
sinaibh minca, co n-almsanaib imdha; 7 drong ele co pais, co pianad, 
CO purgadoir saeghalta, co loscadh, co crochud, co n-aingcis gacha 
g^alair 7 gacha peine do gradh fca'. 7 Adubairt lohannes: *A 
Gyi', ar-se, * tabur do choibhsena co glan, 7 bl umal do Dia, 

^) 1. inadaibh, 
>) MS. .XX. 

^ Perhaps DealcinOf thongh the Separation of the parti is supported by 
the probable deriyation of the name from 'AlcTiin\ See p. 16, abore. 
•) MS. .X, 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 

84 J». K. ROBINÖOK, 

7 bi tarcuisnech imud fein, 7 bidh a fis agud nach roibi ar 
seinnsir gan fecadh a parrtus acht tri hnaire tri melladh in 
aibhirseora f orra. 7 Docuiredh a parrthus iat, 7 f uaradnr moran 
uilc isna talmunnuibh coitcenna 7 dochuadur a n-ifirnn iar-sin, 7 
ni hiat fein amain acht gach ar geined uadha, no gur fulaing 
Crist pais 7 pennuid diar slanugudL A Gyi, ar-se, 'creid mur 
adubradar na hespail in cre .i. creid in t-sendia uilicamachtach 
dorinde nem 7 talam; 7 creidh bh6os a n-Isa Crist do geinemhain 
Moire ein dith n-oighe, ein lathar ferrda; 7 creid 6 dochennac 
shll Äduim ar urlir in croinn cesta; 7 creid gur eirigh mar- 
haibh an tres la iar n-indrud iflrm, 7 co ndechadh für des a 
athar iarum, 7 co tiucfa do figill bratha idir b6oduibh 7 mar- 
baiM; 7 creid annsa Spiret Nsem .L an treas parta na diachta, 
7 tuic beos curob aendia treodata ann-sin e .i. Athair 7 Mac 7 
Spirat Naem; 7 creid toduscadh ferr ndomun 7 mathem na peccadA 
7 in betha shuthain, 7 cumtanus na naem 7 na [n-a]ingel ait a 
fuil betha dn bas 7 slainti gan galar'. 

35. [335 a] Iar coimlinad da flehet 2) la do Sir Gyi a farradh 
a bancheile, roMi in aroile aidhchi 7 ingen an iarla, 7 a n-ucht 
ar fuindeoig an t-sheomra, 7 adubairt Sir Gyi: *A Fheilis', ar-s6, 
' at4i-si torrach, 7 beruidh mac, 7 tabur Eoighnebron fair, 7 budh 
maith in mac e. 7 Tabraid do Sir Heront da altrum e. 7 A 
Fheilis', ar-s6, 'ni lia relta doci tu sa firmamint na duine torchair 
lem-sa ar do gradh-sa; 7 da mad do grad Dia dodenuind sin 
dobeth se buidech dim; 7 dog^n foghnadh do Dia festa'. Adubairt 
Feilis: *AGyi', ar-si, 'dena-sa mainistreacha 7 tempuill 7 sepfeil 
7 droicchid 7 oibrecha spiretalta archena, 7 dena tegh n-aidhedk 
do bochtuibh in Goimdhe, 7 dena comnaighi festa'. 'Ni dingen', 
ar Gyi, '7 rachud do shiubal na talman rosiubail mo tigema i. 
isa'. Tug Gyi a cloidhem do Fheilis, 7 adubairt re a coim6t 
dia mac, 7 adubairt se nach roibi sa cruinne co comcoitcenn 
cloidem rob ferr na se, 7 rogerr a slegh, 7 dorindi lorg di. Doraid 
Feilis: 'Ata ben a talam ele agud is annsa let na misi, 7 is 
cuicci triallatr'.») 'Ni fhuir, ar Gyi, '7 gideth ni anum co 
deimin gan imtecht don dul-sa'. 7 Ropogsud a ceile asahaithli, 

») L isinf 

») MS. .XX, 

*) MS. triaü'f ehould the expansion be triallai? 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


7 rotnitsit a naimneoll ^ iamm, 7 roeirigh Gyi iar-sin, 7 rogluais 
roima 'An imthecht rob ail let co deiinin', ar-si. 'Is edh co 
derb', ar-s6. *Beir leth in faindi-so let' ar-si; 7 roglac Gyi in 
fainne, 7 rogerr 6, 7 rofagaibh leth in fainne aici; 7 domg fein 
in leth ele leis de. 7 Adnbairt Gyi: 'Na creid co fuighir-sa bäs 
no CO fagair mo leth-sa don fhainne'. Conidh amlaidh-sin docuir 
Gyi in saegal de. 

36. Dala ingine in iarla iar n-imthecht do Sir Gyi uaithi, 
dobi tri lä 7 tri haidhci ina seomra gan biadh gan coUadh, 7 
tng si cloidemh Sir Gyi cuicci, 7 rob äil [335 b] a ligen trithi 
budhein. 7 Adnbairt: 'Domnirbhfinn me fein', ar-si, 'acht muna 
beth a naman omm co n-aib6orthaigh comad e Sir Gyi domoirb- 
fed me'. 7 Docnaidh iar-sin mnr a roibhi a hathaii-, 7 roindis dö 
Gyi do imthecht. Adnbairt in t-iarla: 'Is dod derbadli-sa dorinde 
s6 sin'. 'Ni hedh co deimin', ar Feilis, '7 ni feiceab-sa co 
brach 6'. Dala in iarla iar clos na scel-sin dö, dothoit se a 
n-anmainne. 7 Docnir iarnm arcenn Sir Heront, 7 roindis na 
scela-sin dö. Doraidh Sir Heront co cnairtheochadh s6 in domnn 
no CO faghadh ö. Koünigh roime arisi, 7 nir fagaib tir dar 
shiabail riam fare Gyi gan cuartngudh; 7 docnartaigh an £oim 
dö, 7 ni fuair a scela, 7 tarrla da ceile iat a cathraigh ele, 7 ni 
raithin Sir Heront Sir Gyi') iar n-athmgudh anma dö 1 Söon 
Bocht aga gairm de, 7 a cnrp ama traailledh le treighinns, 7 a 
finnfed ar fas co fada, 7 nir lig s6 a aithne cnm Heront. Tanic 
Sir Heront tarais a Sasanaib, 7 roinnis nach fuair enfocal do 
scelaib Gyi, 7 ba mör na nuallgartha doronsad na Saxanaigh a 
cainedh GyL Ck)nidh i dichuma na Saxanac im Gyi, 7 lorgairecht 
Sir Heront connici sin. 

37. Lnthnsa Sir Gyi dorinde se oilirthi inmolta in domnn 3) 
CO cathraigh lamsalem, 7 as-sin co h-Alaxanndria, 7 robi se 
teora [bliadhna^] a sinbal na cathrach-sin. 7 Tarrla don taebh 
amnigh don cathraigh senoir aesta fair a[g] geran co domenmach. 
7 Boflarfaigh Gyi fochnin a dhobroin, 7 nir indis do. Adnbairt 

^) 1. a taimneoü? 

^ MS. ar after Qyi. Perhaps we should read ar Sir Oyi, since aüh- 
güitn may be foUowed by this preposition. 
') 1. iomutn? Cf. p. 306a, above. 
^) No Space in MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Gyi: ^Guidim t& a bucht paisi Crist scela d'innsin damh'. 
^Dog6n budesta'y ar an senoir. ^larla lonutas m'ainm', ar an 
senoir, ^^ cristaidhe me; 7 tanic Craidhamar .i. ri Alaxandria 
cona mmndtir d'innrud mo cricM 7 mo cathrach, 7 tugus-[8]a 
cath doibh, 7 robrises forra, 7 robamur aga marbadh co mitrocar 
coroigiO in cathraigh-so. 7 Dorindedur comnaighi ceilgi oruinn 
[336 a] isin coilltdA ugud, 7 rofiUadh^) oruind, 7 rogabadh misi 
7 ma cuig mac dec, 7 romarbadh mo muindtir; 7 atamaid secht») 
mbliadna; 7 ni faaramar ar lethdil bidh na dighi risin re-sin. 
7 Bes bithbuan ata agan t-Sabhdan doni se danach festa comainm 
in Isß dorugndh k gacha bliadhna, 7 bid a muindtir uili faris 
aran festa-sin. 7 Docuaidh Craidhamur .i. tigema na cathrach-so 
7 a mac i. Faber cum na fleidi-sin, 7 roiar Sodoni J. mac an 
t-Sabhdain er Faber cluithi do imirt ris, 7 roimredur in cluithi. 
Rogab ferg mac in t-Sabdain, 7 robuail dorn ar Faber, 7 adubairt 
Faber: 'Da mbeth fiadhnuse air, ni licflnd m'esonoir let', ar-se, 
lar na dos sin do Shodoni robuail aris e, gur doirt a fuiL 
Rofer[g]aigedh Faber, robuail dar in cluithi ina cenn, 7 torcuir 
marbh gan anmain. Docuaidh Faber mur a roibhi a athair, 7 
roinnis sin do, 7 rotheithedur sa cathraigh-so, 7 ni rabadur acht 
tri la faris in Sabdan, 7 robui in fledh-sin se«) la da caithem. 
Dala in t-Sabhdain iar faghail fis bäis a maic do, docuir techta 
arcenn Craidhamar do suidhiugudh in gnima-sin air. 7 Docuaidh 
righ Alaxanndria 7 a mac a coindi in t-Sabhdain. Adubairt in 
Sabdan: 'A Fabeir', ar-s6, 'is olc in gnim dorönuis .i. mo mac-sa 
do marbadh gan fochuin'. 'Ni gan adbur domarbus e', ar FabSr, 
7 roinnis mur doroine in gnim-sin. Doraidh in Sabdan: 'Dober-sa 
da fichit^) la 7 bliadain do cairdi duit d'faghail fer comhruic, 
7 ma treisi dot fer comruic-si dober-sa lesugudh ad litechus duit, 
7 da toiti fer comhruic-si dober-sa bis duit-si 7 dot athair, 7 
boinfet bar tigemtus dibh\ Tangadnr iarum coruigi in cathair- 
so', ar iarla lonutas, '7 adubradar«) rium-sa co tibraidis m'anum 
damh fein 7 dorn cloind da faghaind fer comruicc docoiscfedh 
comrac in t-Sabhdain dibh; 7 mina fhagaind-sin doibh co tibradais 

') coruigi repeated in MS. 

•) 1. rofeüadh. 

») MS. .7. 

*) MS. .». 

») MS. .XX. 

•) MS. a. l 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


b&s damh fein 7 dorn cloind. 7 Docuartaigh me [336 b] cricha 
Saxan 7 möran d'oUenaibh ele marsen ria, 7 ni fuarns inti 
robadhus dlarraidh 1 Sir 6yi Berboic, mo triath 7 mo tigema, 
7 ni fuaras Sir Heront .L ridiri crodha do muindtir 6yi Berbuic; 
7 anois ataim ac techt tar m'ais, 7 is ecin damh bäs d'folong 
anois damh fein 7 dorn cloinn, 7 ni fuil d'aimsir in comhruic-sin 
gan techt acht da flchit^ lä» 7 is 6-sin fochuin mo dobroin', 
ar-sö. Adjibairt Sir Oyi: 'Eachad-sa let cum an comruic-sin*, 
ar-s^. Adubairt iarla lonutas: *A oilirtigh', ar-s6, *na dena 
fanamad fum'; 7 roeirigh ina shessnm iarum, 7 dothoit asa haithli, 
7 rothognibh Sir Gyi ina suidhi 6, 7 adnbairt ris menma maith 
do beth aigi, 7 co coiscfedh fein adhbur a dobroin. Adubairt 
iarla lonutas ac fechain ar Gyi: 'Dobudh cusmail rit co robuis 
nair ecin, 7 co n[d]ingenta r6t feramail, fedmlaidir, 7 is truagh don 
fhir docum neam 7 talwan nach tu Gyi Berbuic'. Docuadur 
iarsin sa cathraigh, 7 tarrla Craidamar orra, 7 fochtuis scela 
d'iarla lonutas in fuair se fer coisci in comluind do hiaradh air. 
Adubairt iarla lonutas: ^Ata oilirthech farum dogheall a cosc'. 
Fechuis an righ für Gyi, 7 ni derna acht becni, 7 rofhiarfaigh 
in ri2) ca tir dö. Adubairt Gyi: 'Is misi Seon Saxanach ', ar-s6. 
Doraid in righ: *Is lughaidi orum tu beth a t-[S]axanach ', ar-s6, 
'nair is don talam-sin in dias is lugha orum tainic riam .i. Sir 
Gy Berbuic 7 Sir Heront, uair is e Sir Gyi romarbh in Sabhdan 
.L mo brathair, 7 m'athair i. Eiliman Tighir, 7 robi misi^) do 
lathair ann in uair robeli se a cenn don t-Sabdan. 7 Da ticed 
Sir Gyi anois cugum, 7 an comruc M do cosc dim, doberuind 
cairt a sidha dö'. 7 Adubairt in righ: 'Asenoir', ar-s6, 'cinnns 
doshaUf e[a] *) in comrug ud do denum, uair da feictea fer comruic 
in t-Sabhdain dogebhtha bäs co hobunn rena uathmuracht, 6ir is 
amlaidh^) [337 a] ata s6 in athachdubh, duaibsech, dimör, dasach- 
tach, doingabala'. Adubairt Gyi: *Nir gab egla misi riam', ar-se, 
'roim ni da facus'. Dala Gyi iar-sin docuiredh freastal 7 frith- 
olad air, fotraici minca 7 biadh 7 deoch, co cenn da flehet <^) lä 
7 da flehet«) aidchi. lar tiacht na haimsiri adubairt ri Alaxandria: 

MS. ,xl 

') Note the inconsistent spelling of ri and righ, both nominative. 

*) MS. repeata dobi misi. Note dobi beside robi. 

*) The final letter is blorred in the MS. Possibly doahailfear. 

') MS. 7 ia amlaidh öir is amlaidh. 

•) MS. ,aw. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


*A senoir', ar-s6, *cinnus rob ail let in comrac ugud do denum?' 
Adubairt: ^Rob ail', ar-s6, 'tu-sa do ligen iarla lonntas cona 
cloind amach mad dam-sa bus treisi, 7 ma misi clseiter isin 
comrnc den-sa do bail fein re hiarla lonutas'. Adabairt in ri: 
*Doden-sa sin co craidhi maith', ar an righ, '7 a fhuil do cime- 
daibh comdaingne do Cristadhaibh agum ligfed amach iat, mad 
duid-si bud treisi; 7 ni dingen cocadh ar CristaidU co cricb mo 
bäis, mad let-sa bnaidli in commig ud'. Adubairt Gyi: ^Fag-sa 
airm arrachta 7 eideth mar an cetna dam'. Adubairt in righ: 
'Ata sin agum-sa, da fathaidh*) fer feramail, flrarrachta da 
tiucf adh a n-imcur, 7 ni frith fuaradur na fir aga rabadur bäs 
.i. Inirech Ector maic Prim 7 a cloidem, 7 ceinnbert Alaxander 
maicPilib caeich'. 'Tabraidh cugum-sa iat', ar Gyi. Tugadh in 
t-edeth co Gyi, 7 docuir uime e, 7 is maith roail*) in trealam- 
sin do Gyi. Dochnadh iar-sin mur a roibh in Sabdan. Adubairt 
righ Alaxandria: 'A tigema', ar-s6, 'is ullum in fer comraic-si'. 
'Dogebuir comrac mased', ar-s6; 7 docuiredh ar oilen iad do 
denum in comraic. Roathaigh Craidhamar na dee do nertugudh 
le Gyi .i. Mathgamain 7 Terragont. *Dinltaim-si doibh-sin', ar 
Gyi, '7 iaraim fartacht aran mac dorug in ogh nemheillnigthi, 
7 rofulaing pais arson in cinid daena'. Tanic Amoront .i. in 
t-athach a narrthaisc Gyi. Adubairt Gyi aga faicsin: 'Is cusmaila 
in fer ud re diabul na re duine', ar-s6. Dosaitedur in dias-sin 
a comdail a cheile, 7 roferadur comrac feramail, furniata, flr- 
arrachta reroile, 7 robuail Amoront builli borbnertmur ar Gyi, 
7 darindi [da n-ordain]3) don sdet robui fai, 7 tarrla Gyi da 
chois. [337 b] 7 Dorinde in Sabhdan gen gaire aga faicsin-sin. 
Docomrac Gyi co greannmur, 7 tug builli d'Amaront, 7 roscris in 
clogud curadach 7 in t-eideth arrsaid, ingnathach, 7 rogerr in 
dilat, 7 dorindi da n-ordain don ech, 7 tarrla Amoront ar 14r, 7 
dorinde rig*) Alaxandria gaire. Roeirig Amoront co luath, 7 
robuailsit a ceile asa haithle. 7 Robui tesbach teinntemail isin 
lö-sin .i. an la iarna marach tareis ls§ Eoin Baisti isin t-samrud. 

^) fathaidh, I am donbtfal about this form. Is it 2 pl., = faighhhaidh, 
or of 3 8g. pass. = faighthe? (But fuighthi occure p. 340 b.) 

>) For doail (tailt)j the preterite of ailim in the sense of 'snited, fitted*? 

') No Space in MS. The words are snpplied form the passage which 

*) The nominative rig, which is of conrse a mere spelling, has been 
noted above. See foot-note to p. 336 b. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Adnbairt Amoront: 'A treinfir', ar-se, '[tabairji) dam mur anoir 
do Dia fein ced dul san usci dom fothnigad'. ^Doberuind', ar 
Gyi, 'da tugtha in cedna dam aris, da n-iarainn 6'. 'Dober', ar 
Amoront. Docuaidh in t-athach annsan nsci, 7 rofhothrnic ann 6, 
7 roib ni de, 7 robui co feramail, flrarrachta dia eis, 7 docomraicsit 
CO calma iarsin. Dogab tesfach 6yi iarsin 7 roiar cet dul san 
nscL 'Dobemind', ar Amoront, 'dia tncta a fhis dam ce tu 
fein'. 'Dobemind', ar Gyi, 'uair is misi Sir Gyi Berbuic' 
Adubairt Amoront: 'Berim-si a buidechus-sin rem deib, 7 tu-sa 
do cur cugnm, uair is tu romarbh mo dias derbrathar 7 mo 
tigema .i. in Sabhdan, 7 ar ör in domun uili ni tibrainn ced 
dot festa.' Dobuail Amoront builli borb. ar Gyi in tan-sin, 7 
rotrasgair ara glninibh e. Adubairt Gyi: 'Ar cumairci na Tri- 
noidi dam 7 Muire', ar-se, 'nair nir ed armo gluinibb dom ainn- 
deoin me riam roime-so.' Roeirigh Gyi co grib, greannmur, 7 
rosaith cloideam co seitreach, sircalma a n-uctat Amoront, 7 tug 
fuindeog fhairsin,^) firdomuin fair, 7 rosil a fuil co dasachtach, 
7 tarla ar lar e. 7 Docuaidh Sir Gyi san usci risin re, 7 ro- 
fothruic ann e, 7 roibh a lordsethain de, 7 tanic as. Adubairt 
Gyi: 'Ni rabusa riam uair is mö mo nert na anosa-, ar-s6; 7 is 
e fedh robui sin comruc-sin aga denum .i. deich n-uaire») roim 
methon Ise [338 a] 7 a s6 ina diaigh; 7 dotoit Amaront a crich 
an comraic le Gyi, 7 rob[e]n a cenn de. Adubairt Craidhamar: 
*A Sabhdain', ar-se, 'doci tu anois curub litechus ecoir dorindis 
ar mo mac-sa; min budh edh, ni leis doberthai buaidh in 
comhruic üd.' Adubairt in Sabhdan: 'Dogebuir-si cairt do sidha 
arason-sin, 7 lu[achj*) h'esonora.' Conidh e comrac Sir Gyi 6 
Berbuic 7 Amoront conicL 

38. Tangadur iarum tara n-ais co cathraigh Alaxanndria .i. 
in ri 7 iarla lonutas 7 Sir Gyi, 7 tucad a dann 7 a muindter*) 
uile cona n-uili maithus d'iarla lonutis, 7 dochuadur iarsin co 
cathraigh an iarla. 7 Robüi Sir Gyi caeicis a farradh an iarla, 
7 dothairg iarla lonutas ilimud maithusa do Sir Gyi, 7 rodiult 

^) No Space in MS. 

•) 1. fhairsing. 

*) MS. has .±. htuiire repeated. 

*) No Space in MS. for the missing letters, 

^ MS. nuifuUer, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Gyi sin, 7 rogab lamh ar imtecht, 7 docuaidh in t-iarla arfödO 
foleth leis. Ädubairt in t-iarla: 'Ar grad Crist', ar-se, 'innis 
dam-sa ce thü budhein'. *Dod6n', ar-se, '7 na Mndisi de nech 
ele me, uair is m6 Gyi Berbuic'; 7 rofhagaibh a bennacht aigi 
a haitli. Imtus Gyi dorinde s6 treiginus 7 irnaighthi 7 oilirthe 
i ngach talam da rimigh Ciist, 7 ni dö labrus in sdair seal ele. 

39. Dala Feilisi ingin iarla Berboic, iar n-imthecht do 
Sir Gyi uaithi, dorne si mac a cinn a hinmaighi, 7 dobaistedh 6, 
7 tugadh Roighnebron fair, 7 tucadh do Sir Heront dia oileamain 6. 
Dala Feilisi iar-sin, dorindedh mainistreacha 7 sepeil 7 dethoi- 
brecha le ar anmain Gyi Berbnic. Dala Roighnebron a cinn 
a dha bliadan dec ni roibhi a Saxanaibh fer ocht mbliadan dec 
fa mö na se. Is ann-sin tainic long saidhbir fa cennaidacht isin 
crich-sin, 7 docuadur mur a roibi in righ, 7 tugadur seoid naisli 
dö do cind ced cennaighechta do dennm. Sir Heront immorro, 
is aigi robui coim^t na cuanta don [tjseibh^) thes do t-[Sh]axan- 
aibh [338 b] in tan-sin, 7 tugadur na cennaighi-sin ilimud maithus 
do cinn a les do denum. 7 Docuadur co dunad Sir Heront, 7 
docuncadur in macamh mermenmach, mileta, mordhalach amesc 
in teglaigh, 7 fochtuid scela cuidh 6. Ädubairt Sir Heront: 
'Is e sud mac in enridiri is ferr taraill talam riam i. Sir Gyi 
Berbuic'; 7 nir cian iar-sin gur fagaibh in dunadh 7 robadnr 
foirenn na luingi cennaigh dia eis isin cathraigh. Dogoidedar 
furenn na luingi Koignebron leo iar ngelladh sheod nasal dö da 
ndechad so leo amach, 7 docuaidh leo mur-sin, 7 tucadur coma 
ele dona doirrseoraibh ara ligen amach leo. Docuadur ina luing, 
7 roimgedur rompa, 7 rogabsad cuan san Afraicc, 7 dobronnsad 
Roighnebron do righ na hAthfraice, 7 roindsidur gur mac do Gyi 
Berbuic e. roairigh Heront uiresbaidh a dhalta fair do- 
cuartaigh moran don domun aga iarraidh, 7 ni fuair a scela, 7 
tanic tarais iarum. Is ann-sin tangadur Lochlannaigh do gabail 
Saxan, 7 tue ri Saxan craidhail do maithibh a muindtiri teacht 
ina dochum, 7 itir gach nech da tanic ann tanic Sir Heront 
doshinnrud cona muindtir ann, 7 rofer in rig failt[e] ris, 7 dorne 
les a comurli 6, uair ni roibhi ann-sin comurlech catha dob ferr 
na se, na ridiri dob ferr lam no is minca roderbadh. Rogab 

föd repeated in MS. 

') MS. aibh with no space for the t. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


tnath 7 farmod Modoiant i. diuiee Cornubal trit-sin. 7 Adubairt: 
'A tigerna', ar-se, 4s olc in breath-sin dorugais oruinde .i. sinne 
do treigin ar an treturach fhallsa, feilcerdach dorec mac a tigerna 
7 a dalta ar becan flach re cennaighib'. Adubairt Sir Heront: 
'Is br6g rocanois, 7 dorachainn da suidiugudh curob edh\ Do- 
nddh in righ: 'Coiscidh da ceile', ar-se. Adubairt Sir Heront: 
'A diuiee Cornubal', ar-se, 'cuairteocha ni6 in domun nili ag 
iaraidh [339 a] mo dhalta, muna fagbar nisa tusca 6, 7 co cuirer 
a ceill do cach curob imdergadh ecoir tugaisi dam; 7 a diuiee 
Cornubal 'y ar-s6, ^da fedar, cuirfed a aithrechus süd ort fos'. 
Adubairt Sir Heront re righ Saxan: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'cuir 
misi 7 mo muindtir, 7 ridiri oga Saxan marsen rum, in dream 
dibh aga fuil do chennach 7 do thuarusdal, do cur catha a n-aigi[d] 
na Lochlannach'. 7 Nir cian iar-sin co ndechaidh Sir Heront 
do cur in catha-sin anaigidA na Lochlannach, 7 docuiredh in cat[h] 
les, 7 dobrised ama Lochlannachaibh, 7 docuiredh a n-4r. Do- 
cuaidh Sir Heront iar-sin do lorgairecht a dalta, 7 nir imdha tir 
isin doman nar iar se dö, 7 ni fuair enfocal da scelaib, 7 docuiredh 
San Afraicc 6, 7 robui ag taistil in tiri-sin no cathrach moir 
righ na hAfraicci, 7 roböi in tir uili na fasach, 7 robi in cathair 
ina lethfasach, 7 fochtuis Heront fochuin na cathrach do beth 
ina lethfasach 7 in tir uili ina lanfhasach. Adubairt aroile firis 
'AmbraU nertmur, nemtrocureach rogabh in tir-sin uile acht 
in cathair-si amain, 7 ata se sei anosa a gabail na cathrach-so 
acht mina beth enridiri ög, anaesmur, ata innti aga cosaint co 
calma'. Dala Sir Heront dono ag dul on luing do, 7 tarla in 
Turcach robüi a gabail na crichi fair, 7 rogab e cona muindtir, 
7 robui sechtO mbliadhna ina chim^) crapailti, cruadhcuibrigthi, 
7 ni roibi enfocul do scelaib Roighnebron aran fedh-sin. Conidh 
i cimiacht Sir Heront isin Afraic connici-sin. 

40. Dala Sir Gyi Berbuic, iar ndenum oilirthi inmolta 
in domun ') d6, dosmuain impo tarais dia thir dhuthaig, 7 aroile 
1& dia roibhi se ac siubal na Lumbairdi tarda duine doim dö 
ac diucaire fo bun croisl 7 ßofhiarfaigh Gyi fochuin a gerain 
don doim. Adubairt an doim: *Ni fuil feidhm ar mo sc[eljaibh 

>) MS. .7. 

') 1. diime, 

") For domun in the gen. gg.; cf. p. 306a, foot-note. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


agud', ar-se. 'Innis a n-anoir do Dia damh', ar 6yi, '7 dober 
digeann mo comurli duid', ar-s6. 'Ineosad co fir', ar Tirri, 
*uair is misi Sir Tirri, mac iarla na Goirmisi', ar-se. '7 Tughus 
cath 71) da ceile 7 Berard [339 b] i. diuici na Lumbairdi, 7 do- 
brised form-sa in cath, 7 docuiredh &r mo muindtiri, 7 dogabadh 
[me]*) fein, 7 ataim secht') mbliadhna a laim', ar-s6, *a cathraigh 
an impir, 7 adubhairt cach a coitcinne co roibhi an ecoir agan 
imper gum cunnmail-si am cime na cathraigh. lama clos-sin 
don imper, roordaigh se misi do ligen amach ar ordugudh 
d'airighthi .i. fer comroicc d'fagail as m'ucht fo cenn da mis 7 
bliadhna; 7 da toiti in fer comruic-si ann-sin, bas d'imirt orum 
fein 7 mo tigerntus do beth ag diuice na Lumbairdi; 7 da mad 
treisi dom fer comraic-si, m'anum d'faghail dam, 7 mo tigerntus 
do thabairt damh; 7 ni fhuil isin domun senduine is ferr lamh 
na diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 is e is treisi agan imper, 7 is 6 is 
[sjdibard aigi, 7 nl hincomruic misi ris. 7 Robui cara cairdemail 
agum tug fa dh6 bäs me .i. Sir Gyi Berbuic 7 ataim da mi 
7 bliadain aga iarraidh a crichuibh Saxan 7 a moran d'oilenaibh 
ele in domun, 7 ni fhuarus enfocal da scelaibh frisin re-sin; 7 
rogoidedh in t-aenmac robui ag Gyi Berbuic. 7 Ata Sir Heront 
aga lorgairecht ar fud in domuin, 7 ni faghthar scela cecht[ar] 
acu; 7 is iat-sin mo scela-sa', ar Tirri. Adubairt Gyi: *Eachad-sa 
let a cenn an imper', ar-se, *7 ca fis nach dinghnad mo comurle 
ort?'; 7 rogluaisidur rompa asa haithli. 7 Adubairt Tirri co 
roibhi ailges codalta*) air, 7 adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Codail 7 cuir 
do cenn am ucht-sa', ar-se. 7 Docuir Tirri a cenn a n-ucht Gyi, 
7 rotuit a thoirrtim fair, 7 docunnuic Sir Gyi cusmailius coluim 
no esoigi a uiaih glegel ac techt as bei Tirri 7 a dul asdech a 
poll talman a carraicc comdaingin cloichi ar tssbh cnuic adhbul- 
moir; 7 tainic in bethadhach tharais iarum, 7 docuaidh se a 
mbel Sir Tirri, 7 roduisigh Tirri asa choUudh. 7 Adubairt: 'Is 
truagh donte docum nem 7 talam nach fuil in fis docunnuc na 
firindi'. *Credisin?', ar Gyi. 'Docunnac', ar-s6, *mur dorachainn 
fein 7 Gyi Berbuic annsa cnoc üd dociid ai- do comair, 7 co 

») Omit 7? Or add comlann? 

*) MS. indistinct. 

«) MS. .7. 

*) Expansion nncertain. I have adopted the common form of the 
genitive, but the abbreviation in the MS. seems to indicate a form with ü, 
perhaps collata. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


foighmis uaim domain, [340 a] dorcha ann, 7 dragun na cholludh 
innti 7 a böd ina bei 6 a mod compais, 7 cloidem cumdaigh 
astigh ina lar, 7 ilimud oir ina timchill'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Bach- 
maid da fechain-sin', ar-se; 7 donig Gyi eolns mar a ndechaid 
in bethadhach gel isin cnoc 7 docuaid astegh ^ ann, 7 doconnuic 
in dragun na coUndh 7 in cloidhem na lär. 7 Docnaidh Gyi co 
beodha do leim ar \&t in dragnin, (7) tue in cloidhem les, 7 
adubairt se^) Tirri: ^ Atamaid araen a terci loin\ ar-s6, '7 tabur 
ni don or let'. 7 Docuaidhar amach asin namaidh iar-sin, 7 tug 
an cloidhem asan truaill alainn oir, 7 adubairt: ^Ni fuil sa 
cruinni cloidhem is ferr na so'. Adubairt Tirri: ^Ni fuil acht 
tri mili bnain cathair in imper', ar-s6, '7 eirgem innti'. Docuadur 
lamm co dorus na cathrach, 7 adubairt Tirri: *Ni ligenn an 
egia dam fein', ar-s6, 'dul sa cathraigh anocht, 7 anum annsa 
tegh osta bec-so don thaeib amuigh don cathraigh'; 7 doronsat 
amlaidh. Adubairt Gyi ar maidin iama marach: 'Racud-sa cum 
aithfrinn', ar-s6, '7 an-sa ann-so co tiger-sa cugud, a Tirri', 
ar-se. 7 Docuaidh Gyi don tempull, 7 roeist aithfrenn, 7 do- 
chnaidh aran conuir arcinn in n-imperi, 7 dorin^) umla dö, 7 
roiar derc aran imper, 7 adubairt: 'Leu dom palas m6', ar-se, 
*7 bidh ar do cuid ann, 7 dogebuir derc'. Dala Gyi iarum, do- 
cuaidh se CO palas an imper, 7 fochtuis in t-imper de: 'In 
ndermais moran oilir[thJi?' ar-s6. 'Doronus', ar Gyi, 'uair ni 
fuil oilirti inmolta isin domun nach derma', ar-s& Adubairt in 
t-imper: 'In cualais imrad orum-sa isna crichaibh-sin?' ar-s6. 
Adubairt Gyi: *Docuala-sa maith 7 olc da rada rit', ar-se. 'Crfed 
6 fochuin uilc do rad rium?' ar-s^, 'uair is coir maith do rada 
rium'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Sdibard uaibrech agud .i. diuici na Lum- 
bairdi do gabail iarla Tirri, 7 do buain a thigemtuis de, 7 tu-sa 
ama fulung-sin 7 ama m6tugudh leis'. [340 b] Adubairt diuice 
Berard: 'Tuingim fan sendia', ar-s6, 'gur fhoibres do gabail 
ar [h']*) ulcain 7 fhiacla do crothadh a t'ucht'. Adbert Gyi: 
'Doberim-si mo briathar da ndermta-sa sin co mbuailflnd-si mo 
sgripa 7 mo lorg ar SBnslighi a firmullach do chinn-si, no^) lei- 
«inn hüicinn trit c'oicinn'. Adbert in diuice: *Dobadh ferr 

>) MS. aategh iategh. 

>) 1. re. 

") 1. dorinne. 

«) MS. indistinct. 

») 1. no CO? 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

94 V. K. fiOBtKSOK, 

lium na mor do maithus in domnn co mad nech aderadh sin 
rium dorachudh da suidiugudh cugum*. Adubairt Gyi: *Do- 
r[ach]amn-si da suidiugudh ort', ar-se, '7 ag siud mhe fein a 
laim an imper a ngell re comall in comruic-sin ar maidin 
amarach', ar-s6. Ls ann-sin docuir diuice na Lumbairdi cor 7 
slana air fein co tibradh comhrug don oilirtech ar maidin iama 
marach. Mar-sin doib an aidhci-sin. Eoeirigh Gyi a mucha na 
maidni mochshoillsi, 7 roiar eidedh aran imper, 7 fuair a lor- 
dliasthain airm 7 eidedh, 7 dorug in cloidhem fuair san uamaid fan 
dragun leis. 7 Bobadur noi^ mbuilli don clog co dub n^l 
dorcha, doeolais na haidhci ag ledairt 7 ag lanbualadh a ceile. 
7 Rogab in t-imper comosudh comraic eturra, 7 docuir in t-imper 
Sir Qyi da coim^t co seomra a ingine. 7 Adubairt leigis 7 
lesugudh do denum do. Adubairt diuice na Lumbairdi rena 
muinntir: 'Ni fuarusa riam comrac roba doilgi lium na comruc 
an lae aniugh', ar-se, '7 ata egla in M amarach orum, 7 is truag 
dam', ar-se, 'gan a beth do comgsel agum nech ecin domillfed 
an t-oilirtech ud anocht innus nach fnighthi cum comraic 
amarach 6'. Adubradar drong do gseltaibh in diuice co ningendais 
fein sin. Dala Sir Gyi, iar fothrugudh dö, 7 iar caithem a choda, 
rocoduil asa haithle, (7) rogoidhedh cona lebaidh 6, 7 robui an 
lau mura fäi in ngrianan in uair-sin, 7 sruth [341a] ruadh ro- 
barta t&i ag imthecht amach isin muir, 7 peileir primarrachta a 
cunnmail in grianain a n-airdi os cinn na mara, 7 rotilgsit Sir 
Gyi risin sruth-sin Dala Sir Gyi iarum, rofuadaighedh a n-aigein 
e, 7 roduisigh s6 asa coUudh, 7 roeirigh na suidhi ara lebaidh, 
7 rofhech osa cinn, 7 roataigh Dia co dichra da furtacht. 7 Adu- 
bairt: 'A tigema', ar-se, 'ata a fls agud nach do chinn luaigh* 
echta^) 7 nach d'fagail airim docuadus do comrug, acht d'furtacht 
mo carud on ecoir doronad air; 7 a thigerna, gab agum', ar-se. 
Is ann-sin doconuic Sir Gyi an luingiji iascaid ina docum, 7 
fochtuid scela de. Adubairt Gyi: 'An cualabur', ar-s6, 'luagh*) 
aran duine mbocht dorinde comrucc aniug a cathraigh an imper?' 
'Docualamar', ar-siad, '7 robo maith a maisi dö k\ 'Is misi 
doroine sin', ar Gyi, '7 rofelladh orum am cholludh 7 ni fedur 
cinnus docuiredh ann-so me, 7 a n-anoir Dia tabraidh cabuir 

MS. .9. 

^ 1. luaighidheehta, 

>) 1. luadh. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


oruin*. Domg in t-iasgaire Sir Gyi isin luing leis, 7 dorag da 
tigh fein h^ annsa [cajthraigh, 7 dorinne fothrugudh fair, 7 
tucc biadh 7 deoch d6, 7 tue air suan 7 sircoUadh do denum ar 
imdhaidh uasail, oiredha. Dala in dioice iarum, roeirigh amaidin 
iarna marach, 7 doiar comnic, 7 ni frith in oilirthech a n-aeninadh, 
7 adnbairt in sdibard: 'Js teithedh doroine an t-oilirtech', ar-se. 
Docuir in t-imper techta mur a roibi a ingen dMarraidh in oili- 
thrigh, 7 ni fuair a scela aici. Adubairt in t-imper: 'Isediuice 
na Lnmbairdi ro furail in doine bocht do millndh', ar-s6, '7 
doberim fom breithir mina faghar 6 co tiur bäs dorn ingin 7 don 
diuice'. 7 Adubairt in diuice nach 6 fein roordaigh a milledh, 
7 CO rachadh da snidhiugnd nach roibhi cnid dö ann, 7 co rachadh 
ina diaigh-sin faris in Sabhdan da digailt aran imper breg air. 
Is ann-sin adubairt Gyi risin iasgaire: 'Imidh', ar-se, *mur a 
fuil in t-imper, 7 fagh do breath fein uadha do cinn ma sc61-sa 
d'innsin do'. Teit iarum in t-iasgaire mur a roibh in t-imper, 
7 roinnis scela dö, 7 ba luthairech leis na scela-sin d'faghaiL 
7 Dorugad iarum Gyi mur a roibi in t-imper, 7 tucadh a trealadh 
comruic d6, 7 rocomraic [341b] risin diuice, 7 dothoit in diuice 
la Gyi a furcenn in comruic. Docuaidh techta mur a roibhi 
iarla Tirri, 7 adubairt ris: *Is truagh duid in comrac is calma 
dorindedh sa domun riam aga denum a n-6ncathraigh rit, 7 gan 
tä aga faicsin'. Docuaidh Tirri itir cäch d'fechain in comruicc- 
sin, 7 ar marbadh an diuice la Gyi, docuir se air, 7 adubairt: 
'Mina beth an ecoir agud', ar-s6, ^ni fuil sa domun senduine 
dotiucfad beo od comrac'. Doraidh: 'A tigema imperi', ar-se, 
'tabur a cert fein d'iarla Tirri festa'; 7 tugadh Tirri co lathair, 
7 tugadh a tigemtus do, 7 sdibardacht an imper, 7 cairt a sidha, 
7 robiu Gyi tamall f are hiarla Tirri. 7 Dorug Gyi Tirri leis mili 
ceimenn on cathraigh, 7 adubairt: * Tirri', ar-se, 'in n-aithnighenn 
tu me? ni aithnighenn tu m6?' *Nl aithnighim', ar Tirri. *Is 
misi Sir Gyi Berbuic; 7 is m6 romarbh diuice Otun ar do 
shon-sa; 7 is m6 romarbh na coic^) ridiri dec an uair fa fuarus 
a rieht mairb ar coill tu; 7 is me [romarbh] 2) in cethrar ridiri 
robüi gud breith-si dod milliudh a cenn diuice Otün'. Adubairt 
Tirri: 'Is tu', ar-s6, '7 tugus baramail dod marcaighecht in uair 
robaduis a comrac re diuice naLumbairdi'; 7 ropogadur a ceile, 

MS. M. 

') No Space in MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

96 T. K. ttOl^INSOK, 

7 rotuit in t-iarla a n-anmainne iarnm, 7 roimigh Gyi iarnm. 
Dala iarla immorro, robui caicidhis ina sheomra gan biadh, gan 
digh, gan choUadh, 7 rofiarfaigh a banceile fochoin a dobroin. 
Doraidh in t-iarla: *Sir Gyi Berbuic', ai'-s6, * robui a rieht 
oilirthigh am farradh, 7 is [e]*) romarbh diuice^) na Lumbairdi 
ar mo son, 7 fuair mo tigemtus dam, 7 an la roimigh buaim 
tug deimin a scel damh, 7 ni ba bnan mo betha dia eis'. ^Truagh 
duid gan a cunnmail agad', ar an righan. Conidh i cuair[t] Sir 
Gyi fare iarla Tirri conicci. 

41. Dala Gyi iarsin docuaidh roime a Saxan, 7 fochtois 
scela ca roibh cing Caulog .L ri Saxan. Adubairt aroile fris co 
robhi in ri a Fuindsistuir', 7 ata righ Lochlannach ar techt do 
gabail Saxan, 7 tri flchit^) mili ridiri marsen ris; 7 ata athach 
agarb, aniarmurtach ann; 7 docoirednr na Lochlannaig 7 na 
Saxanaigh a cert 7 a coir ar comlunn deisi, 7 is e in duil du[b], 
[342 aj duaibsech, diablaidi-sin tic ona Lochlannchaibh com in 
comraic; 7 ni faghter a Saxanaibh fer a dingmala, nair ni foil 
isin talmain fer a coisa 7 Is uime-sin is ecin dona Saxanachaibh 
umla do thabairt 7 eis einnti do thabairt dona [LoehJlannaehaibL 
7 Ata righ Saxan, 7 espaidh, 7 diuieidh, 7 iarlaidhi 7 lueht gacha 
dana arehena ina troscad tri la ar aran 7 ar usei, 7 iad a gnidi 
in aendia doeom nem 7 talam fa fer eoisgi Colobroin d'fagail 
doibh; 7 is iad-sin seela na erichi-so', ar an t-oglaeh. Tainic 
Sir Gyi co Foindsistair. Annsan aidhchi iarum tainie aingil enm 
an righ, 7 adubairt ris: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'eirigh co moch 
amarach docum an tempuill, 7 bocht De dogebuir ann abair a 
n-anoir paisi Crist comrug Colobron do cose dit'. Boeirigh in 
righ immorro co moch ar maidin cum an te[m]paill-sin, 7 fuair 
Sir Gyi a croisfighill ar belleic^) in tempaill ag edurguidhi in 
duileman. Beannaigus in rf do Gyi, 7 rofreagair Gyi sin co 
humal 7 fecus aran righ, 7 doni umla d6 iama aithne, 7 roiar 
derc fair. Adubairt in ri: 'Dogebuir', ar-se; '7 tabur-si athcuinge 
dam-sa\ 'Da rabh agum', ar GyL 'Coisc comrug Colobron 
dim-sa', ar-se. 'Ni hathcuingi cnesta dam-sa sin do iaraidh 
orm', ar Gyi, 'air is am senoir anbann, anarrachta m&\ ar-86. 

») MS. 7 i «. 

*) MS. .d. dinice. *) MS. .xx. 

*) Perhaps ar bd leie^ I am not snre what part of the church is meant 
beiUeac occun in Egan O'Bahilly's poems in the sense of 'tombstone' (d 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Is ann-sin roleig an rf fora gloinibh 6, 7 maithi Saxan marsen 
ris itir cill 7 tuaith, 7 roguidhedur uili Sir Gyi im Colobron do 
cosc dibh. Gabus adnaire in bithnasal man ngreasacht tugadur 
na Saxanaigh fair. Adubairt iarum Gyi co rachadh se cum an 
comraic-sin a n-anoirlsa, '7 faghaidh trealam comniic dam'; 7 
tugad ilimnd eidethy 7 dobrised asa ceile re crothadh [342 b] 
gach eideth dib. 7 Adnbairt Gyi: 'Tabraidh eideth Sir Gyi 
Berbuic cucum', ar-s6, 'uair ba companach dam-sa &, 7 toiledh 
a eideth dam, 7 & taisgi aga mnai; 7 na fägaidh in cloidhem 
CO brach'. Tugadh trealam gaisgidh Sir Gyi co lathair, 7 dogabh 
in senoir uime 6, 7 dochuaidh a nglaic dilaiti in sdeid co socair 
gan nech ele aga cunnmäil dö. 7 Ba machtnngudh mor lesna 
Saxanachaib febus na hergi dorinne in senoir isin dilait 7 
truime in trealaim robüi uime. 7 Docuaidh roime co lathair in 
comhruicc, 7 rotuirrling ann, 7 roleig ara g[l]uinibh 6, 7 roaigh^) 
Dia CO duthrachtach, 7 adubairt: *A Tigema', ar-s6, 'mata in 
cöir agum, saer on guasacht-so me le da mirbuilibh mora fein, 
mur doshs§rais Enög bäs, 7 Mc on cloidem^ 7 losebh on 
prisun, 7 pupul Maisi on Eigipte, 7 Duid Golias, 7 Subhsanna 
on cair breige^ 7 Dainial log na leogan^ 7 Abacö on gorta, 
7 Lasurus bas, 7 lonas a broinn in mil moir, sser misi, a 
Tigema, le da trocuire moir fein mur-sin', 7 cetera,. 7 Docuaidh 
Sir Gyi fura sd6t iarum, 7 dochuaidh a coinne Colobron, 7 dorönsud 
comruc feithfhuilech, fergach, fimeimnech re hedh 7 re hathaigh. 
Tug Sir Gji sathad sanntach, sarcalma sleghi ar Colobron, 7 
robris in t-eideth dubullta robui uime, 7 tug crecht crolinnteach, 
comurthach air fein. Tug Colobron beim bithnertmur do Gyi, 7 
rotrascair 6, 7 roeirigh Sir Gyi co prap, 7 robuail builli cruadh- 
nertmur cloidim ar Colobron ina gualainn, 7 tug cnedh domain 
fair iar ngerradh a eiäedh. Tug Colobron beim bithnertmur ina 
cenn, 7 rogerr na clocha brigmura buadha robui ina ceinnbeirt, 
7 roscris in buill-sin co talmai», 7 nir der[g]3) fair, 7 dobrisedh 
cloidhem Gyi don dubhruathar-sin. Adubairt Colobron: 'Tabair 
thu fein festa', ar-s6, 'uair ni fuil nert do cosanta agud iar 
mbrisedh do cloidim; 7 tabraid Saxanaigh 7 s) eis 7 cain dona 

Fr. Dinneen's gloBsary.) According to the Middle English versions the pilgrim 
is fonnd not at chnrch) bnt at the north gate of the town. 

ata, or some equivalent expression, omitted? 

^ 1. ataig? 

^ Omit 7. 

Zoitachrift f. oelt. Philologie VI. 7 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Lochlannachaib co fuin'. [343 a] Adubairt Gyi: 'A Colobroin', 
ar-s6y 4n feicenn tu-sa ridiri lancalma ag techt le harmaibh 
cucum?' Fechuis Colobron secha do thoirmesc na n-arm do ligen 
CO G3ri. Is ann-sin do rith Gyi cum na cartach ina rabudur 
airm Colobron, uair roböi cairt fo lan airm aigi, 7 rofuadaigh Sir 
Gyi biail böllethan este, 7 robuail [co] borbnertmur ar Colobron 
di, 7 robuail indera fecht 6, 7 rodicenn fo deöidh, 7 doben a cenn 
de, 7 dorug in cenn leis a fiadhnuse in rig. Tanic in rig 7 
maithi a muindtiri 7 lucht uird na cathrach ina proseisiam a 
comddil Sir Gyi, 7 rogab an righ ar laim e, 7 rofer failti fris, 
7 dorug leis ar laim isin cathraigh mur-sin e. 7 Eothair in righ 
a rogha diuiciacht a Saxanaib do Gyi, 7 rodiult Gyi sin do 
gabail, 7 roan s6 tri li faris in righ, 7 rogabh ced imthechta 
iarum 7 [roimigh] roime asa haithli, 7 docuaidh in righ ar fod 
fo leth leis. Adubairt in righ: ^A muidh D6', ar-se, 4nnis dam 
c6 tu fein, 7 ca tir duit\ Adubairt Gyi: *A tigerna', ar-s6, *da 
tugtha firinne gan mo scela di'nnsin co cenn da flehet^) la, 
d'inneosaind mo scela duit'. Tug an ri in daingen-sin dö. 
Adubairt in senoir: 'Is misi Sir Gyi Berbuic', ar-se, 7 roscar 
risin righ iarum. Conidh e comrug Colobron 7 Sir Gyi conicL 

42. Dala Sir Gyi iarum dogluais roime co Berbuic, 7 fuair 
Feilis a ndorus an halla 7 da bocht dec aca ndil aici ar gradh 
Dia 7 ar anmain Sir Gyi Berbuic. 7 Roiar Sir Gyi derc für 
in righain mur gach mbocht ele, 7 rofhech Feilis fair, 7 tug 
toil 7 gradh dichra, döfulaing don t-shenoir, 7 nir aithin 6. 7 
Adubairt ris: 'Tarra lium don halla', ar-si, '7 dogebuir betha 
aniugh agum-sa ann'. Docuaidh Sir Gyi don halla, 7 fuair 
anoir na righna, 7 fuair oirchisecht [343 b] da meis budhein. 
Doraidh Feilis: 'A muidh D6', ar-si, 'atai-si anbann, 7 ni 
hinaistir tu budesta, 7 an agum-sa gud bethugudh ar gradh Dia 
7 ar anmain Sir Gyi Berbuic'. Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Co n-ica 
in firdhia furordha in anoir-sin rit-sa, a bainntigema*, ar-se, 
7 gebhud-sa in derc-sin uait, 7 rachad-sa fan furais-so renar 
taebh', ar-se, 'd'atac 7 d'edurguidi mo Dhia 7 mo Duilemun, 
uair ni hinadh crAihaidh amesc morsluaigh; 7 cuirfed mo gilla 
gach ls§ arcenn mo proinne sa cathraigh'. 'Dogebha tu-sa sin 

^) No Space in MS. 
«) MS. .XX. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


CO craidhi', ar an cunndais. Dala Sir Gyi iarum docuaidh 86 
san furais, 7 f uair ditreabach ann a n[d]iiirrtfaech ^) ag edarguidhi 
an duileman, 7 robennaigh Sir Gyi d6, 7 roiar pairt don duirrtech 
air CO fuin an betha. Dercos in ditreabhach fair, 7 adnbairt: 
'Dom döigh', ar-s6, 'robadhuis uair ecin 7 roba dil anora tu, 7 
dogebuir oired rium-sa dhe in fedh bus beo tu'. Dorug Gyi a 
buidechus-sin risin ditreabach. Dorindi Gyi slechtain co fhirluath 
iar-sin. Dolabuir in t-aingel osa cinn, 7 adubairt: *A Gyi, ullmuigh 
tu arcinn do tima^) i. in t-Athur Nemdha an t-ochtmad li 6 niügh'. 
'Deo gracias', ar Gyi. Mur-sin do co cend an t-ochtmad la, 7 
docuir a gilla in tan-sin co Feilis, 7 adubairt Ms: 'Ber mo noi^) 
mbennaclitad d'innsaighi na bainntigema, 7 ber leth an fainne-so 
mur comurtha cuici, 7 innis di co fuighir-sa bis san uair-so; 7 
abair r6 guidhi ar mo son docum Dia, 7 ticedh si do breit a 
mbethaidh orum'. Docuaidh in gilla co firluath co Feilis, 7 
roinnis scela Gyi di, 7 tug leth an faindi di, 7 roaithin si 6, 
7 roaithin gurb 6 Gyi robüi a rieht duine^) aici is derthecL 
Dala na cunndaisi iarum rogluais roimpe ina reim roretha 
coruigi in derthach, 7 fuair-si Gyi Sinti [344 a] ar urlar in 
dertaighi, 7 a aghaidh soir, 7 6 ag fagbail na hanma; 7 ro- 
sgrech in rigan co rechtaicenntach 7 roger iar n-aithni Sir Gyi 
di. Eofhech Gyi für in righain, 7 docrap s6 a cosa cuigi in 
tan-sin, 7 tug se builli uadha dibh co prap, 7 doben se doch 
don urlar ag fagbail na hanm,^) 7 ata feidm moirseisir a himcar 
ar bara. 7 Dochunnaic Feilis cusmailius coluim gleghil ag tiacht 
as bei Sir Gyi 7 ag dul süas a üaithemnus Dia. Conidh 
amlaidh-sin fuair Feilis a hitci on duileman, uair roiaradh si ar 
Dia builli da suil 7 da radarc d^faicsin do Gyi sul nach scaradh 
a anum ris. 7 Rolin[adh] «) an derthach do dethbaludh ainglidhi 
gur sharaigh na huili luibh 7 spisradh 7 gum ar dethboludh. 
Docuredh Sir Gyi a n-eiledrum 7 dob ail leo a breith sa cathraigh 
dia annlucadh, 7 a roibhi a Saxanaibh uili ni thoigeobdais asin 
ait-sin 6. 7 Rohannlaicedh co hordamaU annsa derthach-sin 6') 

I. duirrtheeh^ as below? 

^ 1. tigema. 

>) MS. .9. 

*) bockt omitted? 

*) 1. anma, 

^ MS. indistinct. 

^ 7 expunged in MS. after e. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 

100 F. N. BOBINSONy 

an uair-sin. Dorindedh iar-sin sepel sidhamail, socharthanach 
ina timchill, 7 dorindedh mainister m6r minalaind a timcill an 
t-seipeil, 7 docuredh ord craibtech cananach innti; 7 tag Feilis 
bethngndh don mainistir-sin co fain an betha^ 7 roordaigh deich 
sacairt flehet ^) do beth ag serbis co siraidhi annsa mainistir-sin. 
Dala Feilisi iar-sin roullmuigh si hi fein, 7 faair h&s a cinn 
deich [la] fichet^) tareis na mainistreach-sin do crichnngfudh, 7 
rohannlaicedh a n-sentnma re Sir Gyi hi, iar mbreith buidhi doib 
demhun 7 domun, 7 atait a cuirp a bns isna talmannaibh 
coitcenna coleicc, 7 atait a n-anmanna ar nimh idir ainglibh. 
Conidh amlaidh-sin docrichnuighedh betha an senridiri is lugha 
dob olc da roibhi ina aimsir. 

43. [344 b] Dala Sir Heront docuaidh se do lorgairecht a 
dhalta ar fud in domun .i. Roighnebron, mac Sir Gyi Berbnic, 
7 dogabadh 6 san Afraicc, 7 robüi se secht') mbliadhna a prisnn 
ann. 7 Adubairt i n-aroile la: *A tigerna', ar-s6, 'is truagh 
nach bäs dotugais dam sul dobeinn isin carcair-so. Is m6r do 
gaiscedh maith dorlghnns riam ge taim ag toitim isin prisun-so'. 
7 Robüi in seighler ag eistecht na mbriatbar-sin, 7 docuaidh 
mar a roibhi Ambrail, 7 roinnis na scela-sin do, 7 adubairt gur 
doigh leiss co coiscfedh se in ridiri 6g robüi ag innrudh 7 ag 
argain na crichi. 'Tabur cuguind co lüath e', ar Ambrail. 
Tugadh CO latbair 6, 7 fochtuis Ambrail scela de, 7 ca tir dö. 
Adubairt Sir Heront: *Sasanach me', ar-se. Adubairt Ambrail: 
*Narb aitlinid Gyi Berbuic?' ar-se. *Dob aithnid', ar Heront, 
'uair is m6 cet ridiri docuir s6 ara seilbh riam'. 'Is mogenar 
agam beith an ridiii-öin anois', ar AmbraiL 7 Adubairt Ambrail: 
'Ata ridiri og ag farrach 7 ac feoilgerradh mo muindtiri re s6 
bliadnaibh, 7 da ticed let a chosc dim doligfinn amach thu con 
do muinndtir'. Adubairt Sir Heront: 'Mata fer a coisc sa domun, 
nach mairenn Sir Gyi, is misi 6', ar-se. Ls ann tucad sdet 
faithech, firescaid do Sir Heront, 7 trealam comdaingen catha^ 
7 airm arrachta, urrunta, 7 rofreagair in comruc^) asa haithli, 

^) MS. .X. sacairt .zx. 

«) MS. .X. XX. 

») MS. .7. 

*) in comruc repeated in MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


7 torchair deichnemar >) ridiri co prap leis. Tanic EoigDebron co 
lathair in comraic, 7 adubairt: 'A senoir', ar-se, ^is adhuathmur 
in bail doberidh arna sluaghaibh', ar-se, ^7 toitür fein ann'. Is 
an[n]-sin docomruic Sir Heront 7 Roighnebron re ceile, 7 dorin- 
dedor [co] föigh fergach, fimertmor, fuileach^ foburtach, 7 ni fes 
aran fedh-sin [345 a] cia acu doclaidhfigh isin comruc. 7 Adubairt 
Sir Heront: *A ridiri oig', ar-s6, *ni mg og na sen a comfad-so 
as damh riam gan toitim liom ach tu'. Adnbairt Eoighnebron 
*A senoir ecuind', ar-se, 'is gerr co tuitfe tu-sa lium-sa'. Adubairt 
Sir Heront: 'Innis scela dam c6 tu, 7 ca tir duit'. 'Ni dingen', 
ar-se, 'no co mbenar in cend gruagach-sin dit-sa'. Adubairt 
Heront: 'Is [s]ine*) misi na thö', ar-s6, '7 innis scela dam a 
n-anoir Dia 7 mo seinnserachta, uair is mör fhailtigus mo menma 
romud, 7 ni du[th]raic lium do marbadh'. Adubairt Eoighnebron: 
^Indeosa misi scela duit', ar-se, 'uair is ridiri Saxanach me', 
ar-s6, '7 Roighnebron m'ainm, 7 mac do Sir Gyi Berbuic m6'. 
lama clos-sin do Sir [Her]ont dothuirrling co prap, 7 rothoirbir 
Boighnebron do pogaibh co dil, diehra, deththairisi. Adubairt 
Heront: 'A Roighnebron', ar-s6, 'in aithnighenn tu misi?' 'NI 
aithnigim', ar Roighnebron. 'Is misi Sir Heront i. h'oidi-si', 
ar-s6, '7 docuredh orum a Saxanaibh gurb 6 do reic-si re luing 
cennaigh doronus. 7 Docuartaigh me moran don domun gut 
iaraid, 7 ataim secht^) mbliadhna am cime crapaillti a laim 
annsa cathraigh-so re da thaebh ag Ambrail, 7 is e romcuir^) 
cum comruic aniugh me ara son'. Dala Roighnebron iar clos na 
scel-sin do, fa domesta met a luthaire. 7 Dorindedur in dias-sin 
sidh idir Argus .L righ na h-Afraice, 7 Ambrail, nech lugha ceim 
na ri, 7 fa mo na diuice, 7 doligedur in da ri rathmura, rouaisli* 
sin amach gach a roibi a laim acu ar gach taebh mur anoir don 
da ridiri-sin. 7 Roindis Sir Heront gurb e goid Roighnebron 
dorindedh uadha, 7 gurb aga iaraidh robuL 7 Dosgar- [345 b] 
udar risna rightibh in tan-sin, 7 dorucadur buidechus an anora 
riu asa haithili, 7 docuir Sir Heront a muindtir 7 a long roime 
a crichaibh Saxan. Ck)nid amlaidh-sin rofaghadur in da ridiri-sin 
cricha na h-Afraice. 

») MS. J:. 

*) Haplography in MS. 

•) MS. .7. 

*) Note the Infixed prononn repeated by nie. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

102 P. N. KOBINSON, 

44. Dala Roighnebron 7 Heront rogluaisidur rompo fedh 
tre fhasaigibh fairsinge, furlethna, [7] 1) nach facadur duine na 
ainmidhi, 7 robadur fein 7 a n-eich cortha, ocurach a nderedh 
ls§. 7 Docunncadur tor comdaingin cloichi natha, 7 pailis daingin, 
dobreoiti ina urtimcill, 7 furaiss fhairsing do lethtaebh in 
caislein-sin, 7 roiaradar fhoslogudh rompa, 7 rofhiar[f]aigh in 
doirrseoir cuidh robui ann. 7 Adubradar-san 2) ^aendias ridiri 
ina n-senar'; 7 doronadh a n-nraghall, 7 doleiced asteg iat, 7 
rogabadh a n-eich uatha, 7 doronadh umalassazc doibh, 7 tucadh 
a lördsBthain bidh 7 dighi cuca, 7 docaitedur [djaethain^) de. 
Rofhiarfaigh Roighnebron cr6d tucc in tir-sin a nfasac nile. 
Adubairt:*) *Ri diwmsach, diablaidhi, drochbertach docuir cocadh 
oruind', ar-si, '-] romarbadh ar muindtir les, 7 roben ar n-uili 
maithus din, 7 rogab no nomarb^) tigerna in tiri-so; 7 is e f a 
fer dam-sa. 7 Rob6-sin iarla Aimistir Amundae, 7 Sir Gyi 
Berbuic docosuin riam coniici-so e, nair is aigi roMi ina oclach'. 
Adubairt Roighnebron: *Rachad-sa', ar-s6, *do lorgairecht ferceile 
duit, uair dob oglach dorn athair-si e'. Roeirigh Roighnebron 
ar maidin iar[na]mh[ar]ach, 7 rogluais, 7 nii- lig se Sir Heront 
leis, 7 roimigh ina aenar, 7 robui co cian ac siubal roime, 7 tarrla 
dorusbel uama fair, 7 docuaidh astegh innti, 7 roimigh teora 
mili fo thalam, 7 roeirigh soillsi taithnemhach ar fagbail na 
huam«) d6, 7 fuair sruth seitreach, sirlaidir, 7 tricha') troigh 
ar doimne ann, 7 ni fuair Roighnebron sligi thairis. 7 Docuaidh 
ar cumairci na Trinoidi, 7 ro [346 a] ben leim asa ech für in 
sruth CO sircalma, 7 dorug si hairis e, 7 docunnuic se cathair 
fhairsing, firdaingen, 7 docuaidh astegh innti, 7 docuartaigh a lan 
don cathraigh, 7 ni fuair enduine innti; 7 docuaid iar-sin ann 
halla rigdha, romor, 7 fuair enduine mör, diblidi, deroil ina 
shuidhi sa halla, 7 ilimud iarainn fair; 7 dobennaigh do, 7 
dofreagair in t-oglach in bennugudh. 7 Adubairt: *A ridiri 
oig', ar-se, ^is truagh do thecht isin cathraigh-so a coinne do 
biis', ar-se. *Cia tu-sa?' ar Roighnebron. *Is misi iarla Amistir 

No Space in MS. 

'-') MS. a. .1 

") MS. has no space for d\ another case of haplography. 

*) Ad written twice in MS. 

*) 1. romarh. 

«) 1. uama. 

') MS. .XXX. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Amondae^ ar-s6, '7 ataim secht^ mbliadhna a laim ann-so, 7 
Sir Gyi Berbuic dorinde ridiri dim, 7 is aigi robadhus am 
oglach'. Adubairt Roighnebron : *Tarra ar mo culaibh-si', ar 
Koighnebron, '7 berud lium tu', ar-se. 'Da ndechar', ar an 
t-iarla, 'ber-si cloidhemh in ri let ata ar sliasait na fuindeogi 
üd, uair ni hetir dergad air le harmaibh ele, 7 ca fis nach da 
cloidhem fein ata a ndän a marbadh'. 7 ßoglnaisidur rompa asa 
haithli, 7 docunncadur in ri sidha dia [rochtain],*) 7 domallaigh') 
in ri do Roighnebron. Adubairt Roighnebron re hiarla Aimistir: 
'Tuirrling'; 7 doroine iarum, 7 docomrac Roighnebron 7 ri 
in t-sigha comrac nertmar, naimdighi reroile urthosuch na 
maidni mochsoillsi co medhon Ise, 7 ni fes cia haccu doberadh 
buaidh in cathaighi frisin r6-sin. Tue iarum Roighnebron builli 
brigmur, bithneimnech don ri sigdha, 7 rotrasgair e, 7 rothu- 
irrling fair dia dicennudh. 7 Adbert an ri: *A thigerna', ar-se, 
'gab misi mur oglach cugud, 7 tabur m'anum dam, 7 dober mh6 
fhein con mo maithus^) duid; 7 roshailes nach roibh sa domun 
fer mo coisc acht Gyi Berbuic no nech ecin da fhialus'. Tue 
Roighnebron a anum don ri [346 b] 7 rolig in righ sighdha 
braigdi iarla Amistir amach uile do Roighnebron, 7 roaisig a 
maithus uili don iarla, 7 roinnlaicc tar an sruth iat. 7 Dochu- 
adur mur a roibhi Sir Heront 7 ben iarla Amistir, 7 ba luthaireach 
leisin mbainntigerna a fer cona muindtir d'faicsin iarna mbeth 
secht») mbliadhna gan faicsin di, 7 rofer si failti michar, muinn- 
terach re Roighnebron. Conidh amlaidh-sin rogab Roighnebron 
nert für in righ sigdha conicci sin. ») 

45. lar forba in morgnima-sin re Roighnebron roimigh 
roime asa haithli, 7 Sir Heront marsen ris, 7 ni derrnsad com- 
naidhi co rangadur cricha na Burguine, 7 fuaradur ina fasach 
gan suidhiugudh hi, 7 a cathracha ina mblodhuibh brisdi, buan- 
rebtha. 7 Rofhiarfaigh Roighnebron cr6d tue in tir mur-sin* 
Adubairt fris: 'Iarla SaluaV ar-se, 'romill tigerntus diuice na 
Burghuine, 7 ata enridiri og, arrachta, oire[gh]dha ina farrud re 

MS. .7. 

') Written obscnrelv in the margins of the MS. 

^) I am nncertain about the expansion; MS. domall-. 

*) mait^ is maithes or maithius. 

«) MS. .7. 

•) MS. 7 conicci'Sin, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

104 F. N. BOBINSON, 

treimsi, 7 ni tainic tosnch in domuin a commaith do ridiri, 7 
is e roairg 7 ToiDuraUh in crich-BO. 7 Ata s6 ar inn na tulca 
nd ar bar comuir a coim^t na conaire, 7 ni ligenn se eladhach 
betha thairis gan marbadh, 7 ata fiche cet ridiri marbh ina 
timcill torcair lais. 'Rachud fein do cathugudh ris', ar Roigh- 
nebron. *Eachad-sa let', ar Sir Heront; 7 docuadur iarsin ar 
muUach in cnoic, 7 nir cian doib ann in tan rocunncador in 
ridiri colga, cetfadhach ina ndochum, 7 6 faenais re Roighnebron. 
Adubairt Sir Heront: 'A Roighnebron', ar-s6, *bidh ar do coim6t 
festa, uair ata in ridiri feramail, firarrachta ac techt inar 
comdhail'; 7 docuaidh Roighnebron ina coinne, 7 roferudar gleo 
gaibhtech, graiuemail reroile, 7 robadur isin [347 a] gliaidh-sin 
CO medhon M, 7 ni fes cia acu docläidhfi. Doräidh Roighnebron: 
'0 rogabus airm laich im laim ni mg do comhog in comfad-so 
damh gan toitim liam', ar-se. 'Dogebuir-si misi do gnath mur- 
sin', ar an ridiri, 'no co toitir lium'; 7 dobadur a fad na 
diaigh-sin a cathugudh reroile. Adubairt Sir Heront: *Scuiridh 
seal d'ar cathugudh', ar-s6, ^7 innsim scela d'aroile'. Adubairt 
in ridiri: *Ni thiur-sa scela dibh', ar-se, *no co mbenar indera 
cend-sin dib-si'. 'Indis scela duind ar gradh h'einigh 7 h'edh- 
namha, uair ata ar craidhe furbailtech romhud, 7 ni mian linn 
do dhochur do denum.' Doraidh in ridiri: 'Inneosa misi sc61a 
dibh', ar-se, *uair is ridiri Saxanach misi', ar-se, '7 mac do Sir 
Heront me, 7 ridiri do muindtir Sir Gyi Berbuic, 7 Sir Aslog 
m'ainm', ar-se. 7 Docuaidh m'athair .i. Sir [HJeront, do lorgairecht 
a dalta .i. Roignebron, mac Sir Gyi Berbuic, 7 dogoidedar 
foirenn luinge cennacht uadha san Afraicc he, 7 atait secht^) 
mbliadhna duaidh er an lorgairecht-sin, 7 ni fuaramar enfocal 
do scelaibh cechtar dibh risin r6-sin. 7 Anuair fa tainic ais 
gaisgidh dam-sa, dogabus gradha gaiscidh 7 deisi ridiri chugum, 
7 tanag do shiubal an doman do lorgairecht m'athar 7 mo derbh- 
comhdhalta. 7 Rofostaidh iarla Salua me do cogud ar diuice^) 
na Burguine, 7 rohinnradh 7 roharged in Burguine lium in 
bliadhain-so. 7 Ata^) coimet na slighedh-so re bliadhain, uair 
is i-so conuir coitcenn gach sein shiubhlus in doman soir no 
siar, 7 nir siubhuil in conuir-so re bliadhain senridiri nar 

MS. .XX. 
«) MS. .7. 
•) MS. duicuice. 
*) 1. atä ac? 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


fiabhroighesa scela m'athar 7 mo derbcomalta dlbh, 7 ni fuarus 
enfocul [347 b] da sceluibh risin re; 7 or nach fuarus, nir leigis 
eladach bethad orum dibh gan marbadh; 7 is iad-sin mo scela 
dib-si. 7 Fos doden in cetna rib-si i. boinfed adharcenn dibh-si 
sul nach sgarud nh\ Adubairt Sir Heront: 'Ni coir duit sinne 
do marbadh', ar-s6, *uair is misi h'athair, 7 is 6-sin Roighnebron 
rena fuil tu a comrug'. larna clos sin do Sir Asloce dothuirrlig ^) 
CO luath, 7 dothoirbir teora pog co dil, dichra, dethtairis[i] do 
Roighnebron 7 do Sir Heront mur an cetna. 7 Docuadur a millsi 
briathar 7 a caine comraidh re ch6ile, 7 docuadur iarsin a cenn 
iarla Salua, 7 dorönsad sidh itir e 7 diuice na Burguine. 7 Tan- 
gadur a Saxanaibh iar-sin, 7 ni rüg Roignebron b6o ara mathair 
ann, 7 doglac s6 oighrecht a shenathar cuigi .i. iarlacht Berbuic, 
7 iarlacht Boicigam, 7 tug s6 barüntacht do Sir Heront, 7 ilimud 
maithusa ele rechois. 

The Life of Sir Guy of Warwick. 

[Irish text p. 25] 1. There was an exceedingly rieh earl 
in England whose name was Richard of Warwick, and he had 
two earldoms, namely Warwick and Buckingham, and a rieh and 
well-bom man was the earl with an abundance of all good 
things. He had a comely and beautiful daughter worthy of himself, 
Feiice by name, and there was not in her time a woman who 
was better in form and figure, in handiwork and knowledge, in 
embroidery and noble manners, 3) than that maiden. A great 
teacher was set to instruct her in the gentle arts, and it was 
not long afterwards that she surpassed*) her master in every 
art, so that the master gave her the rod^) of his instruction 
after being outstripped by her in every kind of knowledge even 
at the end of her seventeenth year. Her fair fame spread 
throughout all the world for knowledge, dignity and honor, for 
piety, gentleness and discretion, for purity, wisdom and prudence, 
untü the princes and nobles of the whole earth were fQled with 
love and longing for her. Now there was at that time a 
Steward, noble and honorable, in the Service of the Earl of 

1- dothuirrling. 

*) On thifl name cf. p. 17, above. 

*) For this collocation cf. do thecasc druinechais 7 bescna doibh, Marco 
Polo, CZ. I, 368. 

*) comeüadh, perhaps rather to be expanded comella, The meaning 
is also donbtfol. I have taken it from millim, 

^) I have noted no exact parallel to this nse of slat 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

106 p. N. EOBINSON, 

Warwick, Siccard by name, and he was a strong man and very 
brave, winning victory and fame in every exploit that was 
suitable for any one to engage in. If the earl was alone, he 
had no fear of host or army, provided only that noble baron 
were there to defend him. It was he that coUected the taxes 
and imposts*) for the earl; and if there were any who made 
complaint or resistance^) to him about the taxes of the earl, he 
wonld impose upon them expulsion and banishment fi'om his 
realm. That steward had a son worthy of himself, Guy by 
name; and he surpassed all the young men of his time in size, 
beauty and gentleness, in courtesy, strength and prowess, in 
pride, spirit and courage, so that the whole country and the 
neighbouring provinces were füll of his fame and his praise. 
And everywhere that Guy heard of games at fair or festival 
or assembly throughout the length and breadth of the free and 
noble English land, he entered them and won the victory of 
every Company, surpassing all 3), and defeated the men utterly 
at every kind of feat.*) And he gave alms and frequent 
offerings^) to the churches, and gave [p. 25] gifts and clothing 
to God's poor,«) and buried the dead without murmur and 
without negligence, and visited the people who were in prison 
and in bonds, and performed all the works of mercy which 
the church praised in his time, and he was strong and zealous 
in the catholic faith. The Earl of Warwick made Guy a squire 
at that time. It was then that a Whitsuntide banquet and 
feast was prepared for the Earl of Warwick, and he assembled 
the nobles of his retinue to partake of it. The earl summoned 
Guy to him, and made him welcome, and said: *Guy', said he, 
*I assign to thee the Office of serving and attending Feiice 
throughout this feast which we are celebrating; do it with good 
cheer and with love'. Guy answered: *My lord', said he, 'I will 
do my best for the noble lady.'*^) As for Guy, then, he put a 
Shirt of thin satin next the brightness of his white skin and a 
wonderful tunic of gold thread and a fine, scarlet gown outside 
of it; and in that splendor he went to the maiden's bower, 
and blessed her (l e. greeted her with a blessing), and feil 
on his knees in her presence, and told her that it was to him 
had been assigned the duty of serving her and her attendant 

*) On eis and cain cf. KZ. XXXVI, 440 and XXXVH, 255. 

*) The translation of doible is conjectoral. It is the same word as 
duibhle, Battle of Magh Rath, p. 8 (translated 'rage' by O'Donovan)? 

') MS. CO barruil? Dr. Meyer suggested the reading in the text. 

*) laniach means properly *hurling'. Cf. Irische Texte IV, 274. 

*) I have noted no other case of otrala, nnlesa it is the same as othrola, 
RC. XIX, 380, which Stokes translates 'prayers'. Sliould we read ofrala? 

^) Translation doubtful. Read deblenaibh *poor, orphans'? But there 
is also an obscnre word dtbend in O'Mulconry's Glossary, Archiv I, 271. 

^) The more nsnal meaning, ^queen', is not suited to the passage. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


women. Feiice asked for an account of him, who he was and 
what was his country and race. Guy said, 'I am the son of a 
noble baron of thy father's retinue, and my father is Steward 
and marshall of the house to the Earl of Warwick; and my 
name is Guy*, said he. *I have heard of thy repute and thy 
noble manners', said the maiden, *and thou art welcome«) to my 
attendance and Service.' The lady arose, and washed and adorned 
her face and shining countenance, and her women did the same. 
As for Guy, then, he dispensed fresh food and old ale without 
restraint to the lady and her attendanta for the space of three 
days and three nights, tili Feiice and her women were grateful 
and blessed Guy for the Service he had given them throughout 
the length of this feast. And the women conceived a very 
strong love for Guy because of his deeds; and Guy conceived 
an ardent, unendurable love for the lady, so that he was fierce, 
drunken and mad by reason of love and great longing for her. 
As for Guy, then, he made his obeisance and his humble Sub- 
mission before the lady, and thereupon took leave of her, and 
went to his Chamber; and he was in sickness and heavy 
affliction there, and his people asked what ailed him. Guy 
said that he did not know what ailed him, — *and it seems 
to me', said he, 'that death is near to me'; and it was 
reported throughout all the town that Guy was dangerously ill, 
and much grief did that cause to everyone. The earl, moreover, 
sent [p. 26] a very skillful physician to Guy, and he asked what 
ailed him. Guy said it was fiery heat, heavy and strong, and 
cold, severe and very grievous. The physician said that it was 
fever with . . .'^) that was upon him. A fortnight was Guy 
thus without Company, without cheer, without pleasure. And at 
the end of that time Guy went directly to Feiice, and paid her 
respect and honor, and said: *0 gentle maiden of the black 
eyebrows, and fair damsel of many beauties', said he, *grant 
me help füll truly and faithfuUy in the honor of the Trinity, 
for I know no secret or rule to eure my sickness now; for the 
fulness of it is upon my body and my frame by love and long 
affection for thee kindled and set on fire; and my life will not 
be long without decease and everlasting death, unless I obtain 
from thee the retum of my love, noble lady', said he. Feiice 
answered: *It is shameless, foolish impertinence that thou dost 
begin to utter, Guy', said she', *for heavy is the insult and the 
disgrace thou hast put upon me in seeking me for thy wife 
with thy soft, shameless words. For there is no son of a high 
king, or duke, strong and very brave, or noble, honored earl. 

^) Lit. *it is welcome [thou art]'? In the English veraions it is only 
the fatner's fame she mentions. 

') I cannot translate buidertha caiisdin. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


or rieh, landed chieftain in the west of Europe, that has not 
conceived a great love for me, — as many of them as are in 
unmarried and Single State; and I have not granted the retum 
of his love to any man of them; and it is improper for thee, 
my servant and attendant, to think of taking me as wife'. 
Feiice said: ^0 Guy', said she, *leave me instantly; and it 
shall be upon pain of thy life, if thou return where I am nntil 
the time of thy death.* Then Guy went to his Chamber, and 
the increase of his disease and his sickness, lasting and grievous, 
grew upon him because of the answer of the fair woman; and 
he was lamenting and complaining and defying death, for he 
preferred death to life; and he was reproaching and reviling 
love. It was then that Guy looked at the strong tower of stone 
where the lady was, and said sorrowfuUy and piteously: 'It is 
fair for thee, tower*, said he, 'if only thou hadstreason, for fair 
is the sight that is within thee; and it is sad that I cannot get 
a glimpse of her with my eye.' 

The noble baron, Guy's father, was sad because Guy was 
in such danger, and so likewise was his mother. And as for 
the Earl of Warwick, he himself and all his Company were füll 
of grief and sorrow because Guy was sick. One day, then, Guy 
said in lamentation: *I shall soon get my death from the sharp- 
ness of my love for the lady, [p. 27] if I remain long in this 
State; and I will rather meet death at the earl's hands after behold- 
ing his daughter, than be killed by love'. Then Guy went to the 
tower where the lady was, and gazed upon her, and feil straight- 
way unconscious; and he rose quickly from his swoon, and no 
one observed him in that State. And it was reported to Guy 
that the lady was in a secret arbor beside the tower, i) and Guy 
went into the arbor, and knelt at the lady's feet, and begged 
her favor. And Guy said: 'I have come to thee, lady', said he, 
against thy command, and I have deserved to receive death, and 
have thou mercy upon me.' The lady refused him, and threatened 
him, and said: *If the earl were to hear that speech, Guy', said 
she, *he would put thee to death'. When Guy heard that he 
feil in a swoon and a fainting fit, and there never would have 
come to burial anyone who was fairer in form and countenance 
than he(?).2) The woman who attended upon the earl's daughter 
said: 'It is a pity, my lady', said she, *for it is cruel, hard and 
merciless thou art with the gentle, kindly squire. And I give 
my Word', said she, 'if I were the daughter of the emperor, and 
the high kingdom of the world in my power, I would not leave 
him there to get his death from love of me without the succor 
of gentle, sweet-sounding words.' Feiice answered the girl: 

^) One indistinct word is otuitted in the translation. 
*) I am not eure abont this sentence. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


^Kaise Guy', said she, Ho a sitting-posture, and support him 
a^ainst thy bosom and thy Shoulder'. And the damsel did so. 
And Guy rose then from bis swoon, and again addressed tbe # 
lady; and sbe refused bim, and tbreatened bim on her fatber's 
part, and told him that he would meet bis death because he 
had addressed her. Guy said: 'Lady' said he, *it is in thy 
power to put me to death, justly or unjustly, for it is from thee 
that I cboose to receive death', said he. And he feil in a collapse 
and a beavy swoon after these words. The lady seized him 
by the band and said: '0 Guy', said she, *I will not give my 
love to any man except to a knight surpassing in form and in 
fair figure, surpassing in speech and eloquence, surpassing in 
bonor and wisdom, surpassing in deeds and in feats of war. 
And if there were any one like that, I would give myself to 
him'. Sweet were these words to Guy, and he quickly left the 
arbor, and went to bis Chamber, and put on bis accoutrements 
for tbe tourney and the assembly, and went wbere tbe Earl [p. 28] 
of Warwick was, and he was made welcome there. Guy said: 
* Gracious lord ', said he, ' every good deed that I have ever done, 
it is for thee that I have done it, and every good deed that 
I sball do, it is for thee that I shall be pleased to do it; and 
de thou now give me the order of knighthood.' The earl said: 
^I will give it to thee with good heart, and a great present 
besides. ' And then tbe earl made a knight of Guy after hearing 
mass on tbe Sunday of the Holy Spirit, and twenty were raised 
that day to the rank of knighthood as an bonor to Guy. And 
the earl with bis Company prayed tbe one God who made beaven 
and earth that the choicest gift of grace and of knighthood 
should be upon Guy. It was then that Sir Guy, füll of joy and 
love, went in bis knightly armor to the daughter of tbe earl, 
and showed himself to her, and said: *Lady', said he, 'understand 
that until now I have been in great suffering and doubt because 
of my love for thee, and it is for thee that I have taken upon 
me tbe order of knighthood.' Feiice said: 'Rejoice not in being 
a knight in the hope of winning my love, for it is a young 
knight thou art without proof yet of bravery or deeds of arms. 
And if thou prove thy strength, both near and far, in battles 
and in conflicts, then I will do thy will. ' Guy thanked tbe lady 
for these answers, and went afterwards to bis fatber and motber, 
and told them that he had taken order of knighthood, — * and I 
sbjJl set out to make a circuit of lands and peoples to prove my 
strength and my bravery'. The baron said: 'Our blessing upon 
thy adventure and thy success', said he; and bis motber said 
the same. And thereupon Sicart called to bim Sir Eront, a brave, 
victorious knight, and Sir Uront and Sir Uri, and told them to 
be *tbree strong, brave picked men, and three pillars, manly 
and truly courageous, about Sir Guy to keep and protect bim 
in the distant foreign lands in which he plans to go; and guard 

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him well/*) And they took it upon tliemselves to do their 
best for him. The noble baron put a füll supply of food and 
^ drink into the ship with them. Thus far the illness and peril 
of Sir Guy of Warwick for love of the daughter of the earl, 
et reliqua. 

2. Äs for Sir Guy, then, he went into his ship with his 
three knights, and they puUed an eager, strong, swift-bounding 
stroke -) on the old sea, and reached a saf e, well-sheltered harbor 
in Normandy. And afterwards they came to a great city of 
Normandy, [p. 29] and they found a hostelry for the night there, 
and partook of food and drink. And Guy said to the inn-keeper: 
' I have Seen breastplates being roUed (?) ,3) and spcars being 
polished, and swords bumished, and shields put in order, and shoes 
put on chargers and flne horses, and saddles made firm, and 
daggers sharpened, and all the accoutrements of battle being made 
ready, and I do not know what is the reason for it.' The inn- 
keeper said: *The emperor has a fair, unmarried daughter, and 
she will be pleased with no man but him who bears the palm 
of valor and deeds of arms in the whole world ; and the emperor 
believes that there are not ten valiant knights in the world 
whom he could not conquer singly. And now the sons of the 
king of Spain, and of Africa, and of Greece, of France, of Sicily, 
of Hungary, of Fuardacht, and of Deolann (?) *) and of the four 
tribes of Lochlann, and of all the world besides, have come to 
the city of the Emperor to this jousting; and it is to go against 
him that the hardy warriors of this city are preparing their 
arms and their many weapons. Whoever wins the victory in 
this tournament, he is to receive two shining white falcons, and 
two steeds with long manes,^) and two very keen hunting-dogs 
of the same color, and the noble, famous princess, the emperor's 
daughter, to wife, and the heritage of the emperor after his 
death. Now Guy gave a steed, stout and very strong, to the 
keeper of the house as a reward for his information, and bade 
his foUowers be of spirit and good courage, and said they 
would go to the Castle of the emperor to see the fighting and 
the hard conflict. Thus far the course of Sir Guy in Normandy. 

3. As for Sir Guy, on the morning of the next day he set 
out with his three knights, and he did not stop or delay until 

*) The mixture of direct and indirect discourse occurs frequently in these 
texts. Cf. pp.312b, 318a, 319b, 324b, 342a, 360a. 

") araccudf literally *laceration, tearing'. 

*) Translation donbtfnl. 

*) I am not snre abont the Identification of Fuardacht and Deolann. 
The former appears to mean the * Cold Country '. Cf. also Üardha (Fuardha), 
* Caithreim Con^hail \ p. 70. Should Deolainn be emended to Dreolainn ? For 
this name see Sie 'Eachtra Cloinne Rifh na h-Ioruaidhe ', ITS. 1, 179, note. 

s) The translation of sdimUbra ib nncertain. See the gloasaiy. 

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he came to the emperor's Castle. And he saw the host on the 
green, and a Single knight, bold and valiant, in his strong 
trappings of battle on the field of the racing and the jonsting; 
and Sir Gny asked for an account of that knight And he*) said: 
'That is one of the sons of the emperor, and he expects to find 
no man who can overcome him in battle or in conäict, and his 
name is Sir Gayer. ' When Guy heard that, he went resolutely 2) 
to meet him, and they fought a fight, bloody and most virulent, 
for a Space and a while, and Sir Gayer sent a spear through 
Sir Guy's shield and breast plate, and the spear came out, and 
did no härm to his body; and Sir Guy dealt the Emperor's son a 
blow, vigorous and powerful, and smote him three [p. 80] paces 
from his saddle, and took his horse from him, and gave it to the 
squire who was with him. Then came Otun, DÄe of Pani,') 
fiercely and very bravely to fight with Guy, and Sir Guy sent a 
spear through his shield and his shoulder-blade, and threw him to 
the ground, and took his horse from him. The own brother of Duke 
Otun's father came proudly *) and valiantly to the place of battle, 
and angrily said: *Thou hast killed my brother's son', said he. 
*and evil is the injury, and thou thyself art the compensation. 
And Sir Guy went to meet him, and the duke was thrown to 
the ground by Sir Guy, and Sir Guy seized his horse by the 
bridle; and when the duke rose from his swoon, Sir Guy gave 
him his own horse. And Sir Guy said : * Thank me, Duke Rener ', 
Said he, 'for giving it to thee (?),^) for it was not to kill men 
that I came here, but to put them in bonds and fetters without 
killing them.' Then Duke Eener mounted his steed, and said: 
* Brave and valiant knight, teil us thy country.' Sir Guy said: 
'I am from the free and noble land of the English; and Sir Guy 
of Warwick is my name and title and description among the free 
and noble hosts of the English. ' Then came Duke Anan to meet 
Guy, and they waged against each other a fierce, mad fight, 
and the grass was torn and bloody in very truth from the 
struggle.*) When Sir Eront saw this, he came to the help of 
Sir Guy against that attack, and gave the duke a strong, mighty 

>) The Speaker is not designated. 

*) cetfadach seems to have besides its ordinary meanings ^ sensible, discreet, 
pertaining to the senses', the meaning 'bold' or 'resolute'. Cf. 'Caithreim 
CoDfifhail^p. 77, note; and for other instances of its occnrrence see the 'Life 
of Hngh Boe O'DonneU' (ed. Murphy), pp. 222 and 318, and the 'Battle of 
Moyra* (ed. O'Curry) pp. 94, 216, 224. 

*) On the Insh form Fani see p. 11, above. 

*) CO poinnighi; translation donbtfal. It might he for poinnmiche, 
'stately', 'grand', though it is always spelled withont m. For the cases of 
its occnrrence in these texte see the glossary. Perhaps we shonld rather 
compuee painidh, 'strong' (O'Brien, O'BeiUy). 

») Or, *for sparinff thee"? 

•) aforgait = athforgait. 

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112 F. N. BOBINSON, 

blow, so that he drove a spear throiigh Ins shield and through 
his heart, and the Duke feil dead and lifeless. 

Duke Vadiner came against Guy, and a broad-trenched, 
shining,!) hard sword in his hand, and threatened Guy with 
instant death. Then Guy went eagerly and swiftly to meet the 
duke, and they fought a brave, hard fight for a long time; and 
there came bold, eager hosts of lords and high nobles of the 
army to the help of Duke Vadiner against Sir Guy, When Sir 
Heront saw this, and the two other spirited, valiant knights, 

Sir Turont and Sir Uri, they came 2) brave, manlike and 

heroic, about Sir Guy to protect him from the arms of his foes. 
They fought with each other a battle, fierce, bloody and very 
deadly, tili it was not thinly the piain was sown with men laid 
low by the fierce, eager strokes of Guy and his three knights; 
and many there were who feil on that day at the hands of those 
four, and especially at the hands of Guy. [p. 31] And this is the 
number that is remembered, 3) namely six hundred knights who 
feil in the fight that day at Guy's hands alone. Then the hosts 
fled in every direction for fear of Sir Guy, and the piain was 
left clear before him, and battle and combat was refused him. 
Sir Guy with his foUowers thereupon went into the city, and 
they found a hostelry there; and Sir Guy took off his armor, 
and on his body were wounds, wide and very deep. Then the 
emperor came into his court, and said in the presence of the 
host: *The strong, brave English knight has overcome us all, 
and there is no man in the world equal to him in combat. And 
let messengers be sent to him — namely, to Guy of Warwick — 
with the prizes that were promised to the man who should win 
the tournament' Then a squire was sent with the prizes to 
Sir Guy, and gave them to him: two very beautiful falcons, and 
two brave, noble hounds, and two steeds with long manes and 
arching necks; and those six treasures were all of one color, the 
color of a beautiful swan. And the squire who brought them 
gave Sir Guy a very fair greeting, and said: *May the true God, 
the excellent, make broad [thy way] before thee in every strait 
and every difficulty in which thou mayst be, for the courts and 
eitles of the whole world are füll of the reports of thy deed 
and of thy bravery. And Bloinsiflugar, the daughter of the 

^) cainnknach. The translation is entirely coniectaral , and I have 
noted no instance of the word outside of this text. If it is connected with 
coinnlirij 'stem, blade of ^ass', it might mean ^tapering'. If deri^ed from 
coinnelj 'candle^ it would also be a natural epithet for a sword. Of. tri 
claidhmhi coindli catha, 'Leabhar na g-Ceart', p. 84. Also tri cloidhmhe 
coinnealda^ 'Caithreim Conghair, p. 128, translated by Mr. MacSweeney 'taper- 
ing, flaminfi[\ 

*) nathfuaithnedhaibh; reading and translation both donbtfol. Perhaps 
na athfaaithnedhaibkj 4n their terrible onslanghts\ 

') für cuimne] translation donbtful. 

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emperor, sends thee life and health, and thou art her choice of 
husband, if tlion hast not a gentle wife before her'. Sir Guy 
gave thanks to the gracious and very noble lady for her gift 
and her offer, and proposed to make a knight of the squire 
who came with the gifts from the daughter of the emperor; and 
the squire refused this, for he said he had not reached the age 
to receive rank and presents. Sir Guy gave the squire gold and 
silver without deficiency, and after that he left him. As for Sir 
Guy, then, he sent messengers with those gifts to England to the 
Earl of Warwick, and they were given to him; and the messengers 
spread tales of the perüous and terrible [doings] of Guy from 
the time when he left England until that hour, and the tales 
put pride and high spirit into the earl and his Company. And 
the king of England and the nobles of his great household 
rejoiced at the brave achievements of Guy, when they heard 
those stories. Thus far Sir Guy's first deed of bravery after 
leaving England. 

4. [p. 32] As for Sir Guy, then, he went to the broad, fair 
land of France and to the strong, brave land of Lombardy, and 
he found plenty of fighting and hard battle in those lands, and 
he wrought destruction among them, and it was not possible to 
count the number that feil at Guy's hands in those lands; and 
he obtained plenty of gold and silver and many jewels in those 
great countries. And Sir Guy fought a battle after this with 
the Duke of Lombardy, and defeated him ») mightily and cruelly, 
and slew his men, and he was twelve weeks from one month's 
beginning to another^) cutting down and killing the Lombards, 
and he took from them their gold and their treasure and all their 
possessions. Then Sir Guy saw ten hundred brave and valiant 
knights of the Lombards coming against them, and strong battle- 
armor upon them, and one knight of great spirit and courage in 
front of them, and a skittish, prancing horse beneath him. He 
said to Guy angrily and fiercely: 'Violent') and wicked knight^ let 
US have a share in thy bravery and prowess, and give us part 
of the spoils of the Lombard land.' Sir Guy said: 'Thou shalt 
have a share of my spoils and my booty', said he, *if thou art 
asking it in friendliness and courtesy; but if it is in threat and 
in ill-nature that thou saidst those words, thou shalt have death 

1) Literally 'them'. The construction changes. 

") Possibly sS is the prononn. Bnt if 86 caicis is to be taken together, 
it means 'three mouths*. Calland is literally 'culends'. 

') The exact sense of rechtaigenntach is doubtful. It occurs twice in 
the 'Battle of Yentry': at p. 48| where Meyer did not translate it, and at 
p. 51, where he rendered it 'right courageous'. But the first element seems 
to me mope likely to be recht, *rage, fury \ Cf. rechtbruth, RC. XXII, 203, 429 
and recht, rechtmar in this text. (S^ the Glossary.) Fnrthers reference in 
'Irische Texte' IV, 425, ß. v. airrechtach. 

ZaitMhrift f. oelt. PhUologie VI. 3 

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114 F. N. B0BIN80N, 

and destruction at once.' It is thus the knight was [armed]: a 
slender, long spear in one hand, and a short, stränge (?) jousting 
spear in the other.«) And they spnrred their horses one against 
the other, and Sir Guy passed under the long, sharp-bladed spear 
which the knight had, and put a spear through his side, and 
held him fasts) on the spear. Sir Guy leaped down, and seized the 
knight, and said to him: 'Ask mercy now, or thou shalt get 
instant death.' Then the knight uttered a threat and made light 
of Guy's words. And the knight blew a fierce, mighty blast on 
the end of the hörn that was under his neck, and his foUowers 
came to him. Sir Guy said: 'I understand, knight, that thou 
art a traitor and afratricide', said he, *and now defend thyself.' 
He spoke thus, and bared his sword, broad-trenched and deco- 
rated,4) and Struck the knight a strong, bold blow, so that he 
drove the sword mightily through his heart, and the knight feil 
down dead, without life. The other ten hundred brave knights 
came on the iield at the call of the hom, and they fought a 
hard, flerce fight with one another, and flve hundred of them 
feil at Guy's band before mid-day, and two hundred more feil 
[p. 3'J] after mid-day, and two hundred made off at füll speed of 
their horses. Thus far the destruction of the Lombards by Guy. 

5. As for [Guy], then, [ ] and went to the land of Britanny ; 
and there was an earl in Britanny whose name was Earl Birri, *) 
and he had a fair, unmarried daughter, and she wished no one 
for husband but the choice of the warriors of the whole world. 
And the earl proclaimed«) a tournament of three days to be 
held by the brave knights of the world for his daughter; and 
three hundred bold, warlike French knights were Coming to this 
tournament. As for Sir Guy, now, he maimed and wounded sii 
hundred strong, valiant knights füll readily on the flrst day, 
some of them on horses and some on foot. Then on the second 
day Sir Guy came to the tournament, and no man answered him 
(i. e. accepted his challenge), and some of them said: 'He is the 
knight who slew [six hundred] warriors in Lombardy in a Single 
day.' And they began to recount and to praise his deed and 

*) For the various applications of grennmur in this text see the Glossary. 

*) Literally, 'in his hand in his hand\ 

«) docunnaibh = docongaibh, Cf. RC. XIX, 384. 

*) The varions nses of comurthach in this text are collected in the 
Glossary. As applied to a sword it might mean either 'decorated' or 'gashed, 
scarrred'. Cf. Meyer, ' Contribntions \ sub voce. 

^) But cf. Diiiice o Dirri^ p. 306 b. He has no connterpart, so far as I 
know, in the French and English versions. Cf. p. 13, above. 

') I am donbtfnl abont the sonrce and exact meaning of craidhail For 
the cases of its occurrence in this text see the Glossar^. Is it a loan-word 
from French crier or its Middle English äquivalent? The Irish mi^ht idso 
go back to 'trial' (OF. trial), sabstituting er for ^r as in Cratdhamarf 
*Triamour*, below. 

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bis bravery, and they all refused to fight with Sir Guy on that 
day. And on the third day Sir Guy came to the tonmament, 
and challenged all the hosts before him to fight with him; and 
they all refused him, and set out thereaf ter for their own Castles. 
As for the Earl of Birri, moreover, he sent messengers to Sir 
Guy with two horses, pure white and swift in action; and he 
offered Guy his daughter as wife with all his possessions be- 
sides; and he said there was no man in the whole world whom 
he would rather have marry his daughter than Sir Guy. Sir 
Guy thanked the earl for the honor of his offer, but he refused 
the maiden for the sake of the daughter of the Earl of Warwick; 
and he said that in recognition of his offer he would serve the 
earl's profit and adyantage in every difflculty he might be in. 
And Guy gave forty nobles of red gold to the messenger of the 
earL Thus far the course of Sir Guy of Warwick in the mighty 
land of Britanny, et reliqua. 

6. As for Guy, then, he retumed to England, and went 
to the king; and the king and the nobles gave Guy a veiy fair 
welcome because of the greatness of his fame and honor in the 
distant lands where he had gone. Then the King of England 
gave Guy gold and silver and every treasure besides. After 
this Sir Guy went to the Earl [p. 34] of Warwick, and the earl 
with his followers paid honor to Sir Guy. And thereupon Sir 
Guy went to the beautiful bower of Feiice, and said to her: *I 
have done many deeds of bravery and prowess for love of thee, 
lady, and in thy honor', said he, *and now fulfil thy promise to 
me.' 'If I should do that', said she, Hhou wouldst more 
fair deeds of valor and of bravery; and in truth thou shalt 
never be my husband unless thou win the prize of bravery and 
prowess from the knights of the whole world.' Sir Guy said: 
'It is not likely that I should win that prize', said he, 'for there 
are many brave knights of good renown in the world, and it is 
hard to win the prize. Yet I will fall before them or conquer 
them. ' Then he went to his f ather and mother, and took leave 
of them, and both young and old were sorrowing after him. 
Thus far Guy's course in England. 

7. As for Sir Guy after this, he went on to Normandy. 
And the Eing of France at that time had a young unmarried 
daughter, surpassing in form and figure ; and the Eing of France 
took an oath by the one God almighty that he would not give 
her to any man except to him who should bear the palm of 
bravery of the entire world. Moreover the king of France 
proclaimed a three days' toumament to be fought for his daughter 
npon the green of the Castle in the presence of the kings; and 
whoever should be strongest among them, he should receive the 
maiden as his wife, along with all her possessions. Now the 


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8on of the Duke of Birri came to this toarnament od the first 
day, and six bold knights were very quickly laid low before 
him. Then Sir Guy came to the spot, and he laid low the son 
of the Duke of Birri together with his horse at the first attack; 
and the foUowers of the duke's son quickly and courageously 
lifted him up, and put him on another steed, and he returned 
boldly and confidently to meet Sir Guy in the battle. As for 
those two worthy and noble knights, they broke their long, 
sharp-tipped lances on each other, and Sir Guy dealt the son 
of the Duke of Birri a mighty blow with his spear upon the 
top of his breast and his bosom, so that he threw him backward 
upon his saddle, and broke his long, slender, fair-thighed back 
with that blow, [p. 35] and he died instanüy. And Sir Guy 

Ichallenged to] combat after this exploit, and every one refused 
lim; and the hosts departed in every direction when Guy had 
won the victory in the tournament. The King of France offered 
his daughter to Guy as wife, and Guy refused her. 

8. As for Sir Guy, then, he went to Germany, and he saw 
a great, noisy city before him, Bruges by name, and the rieh, 
prosperous lord of that land was in the midst of his great 
retinue on the edge of the market-place with a numerous Company. 
The flerce, strong lord of Bruges said: * Sir Guy', said he, *thou 
hast killed my brother without cause, and thou shalt die for it 
thyselt ' Guy said: *It was not without cause that I killed him, 
but fighting with him in battle and in tournament; and if he 
had had the strength, he would have killed me; and I gave him 
back such payment') that he feil before me.' As for the king 
of Bruges, then, he sent seven hundred strong, brave knights to 
fight with Guy and his three knights. Nevertheless Guy fought 
skilfully, fiercely, savagely*^) against those warriors, and they all 
feil by mid-day; and at the end of that fight Sir Guy received 
a deep, incurable spear-wound in his side, so that he was not 
able to guard or defend himself longer at that time. Thus far 
Guy's journey to Bruges. 

9. After performing this great feat Guy set out through 
the broad, vast deserts of Lombardy. When Ottun heard this, 
the Duke of Lombardy, he sent fifteen knights, who had been 
often tested, to go against Guy in their strong accoutrements 
of battle. And there was a noble, famous earl at the head of 
them, and the rest were barons and knights. And they were in 
ambuscade against Guy in a narrow pass of the forest. And 
these are the Orders the Lombards gave to their foUowers: 
to kill without mercy the three knights who were in Guy's 

^) Not quite literal; cumain has the sense of 'payment', ' Obligation \ 
^) yärarmachf literally ' sharp-anned '. 

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Company, and to deliver Guy himself to them for his punishment 
As for Sir Guy now, there was no avoiding that road for him, 
and he was not long advancing on the way when he heard the 
neighing of the horses in the wood and saw the tops of the 
helmets. Guy said: * Noble knights', said he, *defend yourselves 
bravely and doughtily, for treachery has been played upon you, 
and there is an ambush before you in this wood'. *Leave us', 
said they, *for thou art not able to fight: and if there is a swift 
horse [p. 36] under thee, make for the broad and open country 
and leave us to settle with everyone. Guy said: *Not for the 
wealth of the whole world would I do that', said he. It was 
then, moreover, that the ambuscade sprang to attack them, and 
they fought with each other bravely, manfuUy and bitterly; and 
Guy killed two knights quickly, and Eront killed a knight and 
overthrew another, and üront killed a knight, and a knight feil 
at the hands of Uri. And Uron and Uri were slain in that 
fight. Then [came] Sir Gincadh, the son of Duke Otun's brother, 
to Guy and said: Guy', said he, *yield thyself, and I will take 
thee captiye to Otun; and thy three knights have been killed, and 
thou thyself art not able to fight against me, for I see the blood 
of thy body flowing; and if thou wilt not consent to be captured, 
I will certainly kill thee.' Guy said: *I had rather die', said 
he, Hhan be taken captive by the Lombards'. Then Guy Struck 
Sir Ginchadh a fierce, hard blow with his sword, so that he 
broke off half of his beautiful helmet with violence, and pierced 
his armor upon his Shoulder; but he wounded not his body or 
his fair flesh. However, Guy gave him another blow and Struck 
off his right arm at the Shoulder; and then Sir Gincadh fied, 
after being disfigured with scars, and Guy pursued, but did not 
overtake him; and the knight brought the news to Duke Otun. 
Guy retumed to his foUowers in high spirit, and found them 
dead on the same road; and there came back alive of the fifteen 
knights only one knight with a Single arm. Guy leapt down, 
and found Sir Uri and Sir üront dead before him, and Sir Eront 
with littie life in him. Guy put Sir Eront across his fsaddle?] 
in front of him, and left the forest füll quickly, and there was 
a deep wildemess to be traversed. And a hermit met him, and 
Guy greeted him, and asked Information of him, whence he came. 
The hermit said : * In tbe seclusion of this forest I live ', said he. 
Guy Said: *Do thou bury in the forest beside thee the two knights 
of my Company who are dead, and I will give thee a strong, 

') fairsingi 7 fireitech occnrs again on p. 313 b. The 8econd word is not 
clear to me. Is it for fir-reitech? Cf. modern Irish reidhteach, ^ piain, field', 
and see the note on the nses of Sc. Gaelic reiteach in Carmichaers Carmina 
Gadelica, 11,320. O'Brien's dictionary gives a fonn eithreach, * wildemess*, 
which sQggests the emendation fir-eithrechj but the repetition of fireitech on 
p. 313 b is against this. 

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1 18 P. N. EOBINSON, 

brave steed in reward for thy work'. 'I will do that gladly', 
Said the seiTant of God. And they went throi^h the forest 
together, and took the bodies of the knights with them, and 
buried them honorably. Then Sir Gay set out, with Sir Eront 
in front of him, and it was not long for him before he saw a 
great, famous monastery, and the abbot and the Company of 
Canons in its door. Sir Guy begged them for God's sake [p. 37] to 
give honor of burial to the dead knight before him, and promised 
that he would pay them the reward of their labor. And he 
told how the Duke of Lombardy had betrayed him, and how 
his Company had been killed. The congregation took pity upon 
him, and received Sir Heront from him. And it is thus that 
Duke Otun betrayed Guy. 

10. As for Sir Guy, then, he set out from the monastery, 
and it was not long for him before he saw a special servant of 
God Coming toward him on his road, and he feil on his knees 
before Guy, and begged alms of him. Now Guy gave him 
twenty nobles to secure his prayers for himself and his three 
knights, because he expected that he himself would die of his 
wounds. The hermit thanked Guy for his alms, and the old 
man said: *0 Guy', said he, *stay with me for thy healing and 
for the eure of thy wounds, for there is not in the whole world 
a healer of wounds who is better than L' As for Guy, then, 
he stayed twelve days with the old man for his healing, and 
he was whole and sound thereafter. Thus far the healing of 
Sir Guy. 

11. As for the Abbot with whom Heront was left, he bade 
every priest of his convent say thirty masses for Sir Heront's 
soul. And one of the canons said, taking hold of Sir Heront: 
*This knight is still alive', said he, *and let him be cured'. 
The abbot said: *It is a good reward I would pay for his eure V) 
said he. Three months and flve days was Sir Heront in illness, 
and thereafter he was well. Thus far the illness of Sir Heront, 
et reliqua. 

12. As for Guy, after getting up from his illness, he pro- 
ceeded to the Castle of the King'^) of Apulia, and the king and 
his household made him welcome. And Guy told him how the 
Duke of Lombardy had deceived him, and how his knights had 
been killed by him. The king said: *0, Guy', said he, 'I will 
be in alliance with thee; have good courage, and I will give 

^) adicfuindsi. The translatioii is conjectnral. 

") On the form cing here and in cing Caulog (p. 341 h) see p. 11, ahove. 
Perhaps the Irish writer regarded Poil as the king's name. Cf. p. 309 a. 

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thee three knights, proved and maiily and brave, and three 
squires like them, and I will giye thee a füll complement of 
bold, brave foUowers of those six'. [p. S8] Sir Guy gave tlianks 
for this offer to the Heavenly King and to the King of Apulia. 
And Guy remained there for a wMle in very great honor. 

13. As for Sir Heront now, after getting up from Ms ill- 
ness, he said to the abbot and to the Community, 'I wiU put on 
the garments of a penitent', he said, ^and I will go to seek my 
lord; and if I find him alive, I will pay well for my healing; 
and if I do not find him, there is nothing for me but to pray 
for you in retum for my healing.' And the abbot and the 
Canons gave him leave to go. As for Sir Heront, then, he pro- 
ceeded to the country where Sir Guy was. One day when Sir 
Heront was travelling about that country Sir Guy came upon 
him clad in his armor of battle, and he on a hunt and a great 
chase, and Sir Heront was weeping and complaining mourn- 
fuUy. And Sir Guy asked him the cause of his sorrow, and Sir 
Heront said: 'It will not profit thee to know if, said he. Sir 
Guy said: 'Teil me the story for His sake who suffered the 
passion on our account'. *I will certainly do if, said Heront. 
M am joumeying about the lands and provinces of the whole 
World in search of my lord; and if he is alive, there is not in 
the World a Single warrior stronger and braver than he; and if 
that brave warrior has fallen, could I leam where his grave 
and his resting-place is, I would dig up the earth, and I would 
Stretch myself upon his neck, and in that manner I would die'. 
Guy said: 'What is thy land', said he, *and who was the lord 
thou hadst?' Sir Heront said: 'I am an Englishman', said he, 
*and Heront is my name, and Sir Guy of Warwick is my lord. 
And the Duke of Lombardy deceived us, and slew^) three 
knights of us, who were in attendance upon Guy, and two of 
US were buried, and I got up after a long illness; and there 
were wide, deep wounds on Sir Guy's body, and he came out 
of the slaughter alive but wounded,^) and I do not know 
whether he is living or dead, and that is the cause of my grief ', 
said Heront. Guy said: 'Art thou Eront?' said he. 'I am he', 
said Heront. Guy leaped down quickly, and cast off his helmet 
from his head, and gave Heront three kisses when he had re- 
cognised him, and a swoon and a heavy faint came over both 
of them because of the greatness of their joy. Guy lifted up 
Heront [and put himl behind him, and then they went into the 
dty, and Guy took leave of the king, and left a farewell for 

*) fan-chosgar, literally 'fian-breaking-up, slaughter (of deer)*? Cf. 
Stokes, Irische Texte, IV, Glossary. 

') Literally 'killed', though this was true only of the other two. 

') öeogonta apparently means ' not fataUy wounded \ cf . BC. XX TI, 408. 

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him and his household. Thus far the course of Sir Guy in 
Apulia. 1) 

14. [p. 89] As for Sir Guy, then, he proceeded with his 
Company, and when he came where Duke Milon was [J, and the 
Duke paid him honor and respect; and the Duke offered Guy 
gold and silver and abundance ot* goods, and Guy took them 
not from him. And he went thence to Flanders, and he was 
on the point of going to England, and a pilgrim met him at 
the end of the day, and Guy asked news of him. And the 
pilgrim said: *I have news', said he, 'for there is a war and 
conflict between the Emperor and 2) Rener and the Duke of 
Lorraine, and the Emperor's brother feil in that flght against 
the Duke of Lorraine, and the Emperor has plundered and laid 
waste the land and fair territory of the Duke of Lorraine, and 
that is my news', said the pilgrim. Guy said: 'Stay with me 
to-night, man of God', said he, 'and thou shalt have food and 
sustenance for the night in honor of Jesus'; and thus the night 
passed for them. In the moming Guy said: 'Heront', said he, 
'what is thy counsel for us to-day?' Heront said: 'My counsel 
is ready', said he, 'namely, that thou shalt go to the support 
of the Duke of Lorraine, who has shown thee favor and great 
honor, and who offered thee gold and silver and an abundance 
of goods. And take with thee fifty knights, strong, tried and 
invincible, of the flerce, brave men of France'. They decided 
upon that plan. As for Sir Guy he set out, and sixty knights 
with him, into Germany to meet the Duke of Lorraine, and the 
Duke gave Guy three kisses fondly, fervently, faithfuUy. The 
Duke said: 'Dear brother', said he, 'it is well thou hast come 
to my aid, for I was never in such plight or such need as I 
am now'. The Duke of Lorraine said: 'Guy', said he, 'I give 
thee command over myself and whatever I have of possessions.' 
Guy said: 'It will not be long tili I win the battle and conflict 
with the emperor for thee', said he. Then they went to mass, 
and the Duke set Sir Guy on the same seat beside him in the 
church; and they went out of the church, and Sir Guy saw a 
host, armed and equipped, surrounding the city, and he made 
inquiry who they were. Someone said: 'That is the Emperor's 
Steward', said he, ' Coming to capture the city from the Duke 
of Lorraine'. When Guy heard this he stuck two spurs into 
the horse, and went to meet the Steward. The Steward of the 
emperor said: 'I see a knight, [p.40] bold and brave, Coming out 
to meet us, and beneath him a nervous, swif t steed that is swifter 
than any horse in the world; and I think it likely that that 
horse will remain with me', said he. The Steward came out 

') Or *with Poeil*, taking it to be the king's name. 
-) Or perhaps the 'Emperor Rener'. 

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fiercely and courageously to meet Guy, and they spurred the 
horses against each other, and dealt each other two blows on 
the breast, and the Steward was thrown to the ground by that 
onset. And they bore off the Steward in spite of Sir Guy, and 
his foUowers were weeping and lamenting about hira; and Sir 
Guy pursued them, and they fought each other boldly and bitterly, 
and the Steward and his foUowers were defeated by Guy. And 
[Sir Guy] captured the Steward himself with the best of his 
army, and took them with him as captives, fettered and hard 
bound, and put them in prisons. Guy told the Duke of Lorraine 
to be kind to the prisoners of the emperor, and that it would 
be easier for him to make peace by guarding the emperor's 
foUowers and protecting them from death and slaughter. Then 
Sir Guy sent a message to his friends and comrades, in whatever 
quarter they were, to aid and defend him in that conflict; and 
they came to him thereupon in companies and troops and con- 
f ederated (?) 2) battalions from every quarter where they were. 
As for Sir Guy, then, by him were captured the cities and 
Castles and strongholds 3) of stone that had been captured before 
this by the emperor from the rule of the Duke of Lorraine. 
Thus far the first battle of Sir Guy against the emperor. 

15. Then news reached the emperor that his foUowers 
had been captured and killed by Guy of Warwick. Wrath and 
keen anger and a red burst of f ury (?) <) seized the emperor 
when he heard this news, and he made a Tally and a muster of 
his people from every quarter where they were. When the em- 
peror's foUowers had gathered in one place before him, he com- 
plained to them of those exploits. The Duke of Pani^) said: 
*My lord', said he, 'I will give thee good counsel: namely, to 
let me and Rener, Duke of Sision *), and Duke Vadiner seize 
the city of Greasmont; and we wUl take it, and make fettered, 
fast bound captives of the Duke of Lorraine and of Guy of 
Warwick, and we will slay their foUowers.' The emperor said: 
'That is good counsel', said he. Then the three dukes came 
boldly and bravely to lay siege to the city of Greasmont, and 
terrible, vast armies along with them. And there were a 
hundred füll bold warriors in the armies of these three dukes 
against every man who was in the city of Greasmont. Fear 
and terror seized the Duke of Lorraine with his household upon 

') cedaib] literally ^hundreds'. 

') catharda means primaril^ ^belonging to a city'. Its exact sense 
here is not clear to me. Sc. Gaehc catharraf 'warlike', snggests a possible 

•) cuirtenna, ordinarüy *courts, palaces'. 

*) buinne roda rechta? The translation is nncertain. 

*) On the form Fani see p. 11, above. 

") On the fonn Sision for Saxony cf. p. 11, above. 

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122 F. N. BOBINSONy 

seeing [p. 411 these hosts comiog against them. The Duke of 
Lorraine said: 'Sir Guy', said he. *what is to be done now?' 
'To do bravely ' »), said Guy. Then Sir Guy called Sir Heront to 
him, and took counsel with him, and said: 'Sir Heront', said he, 
'take with thee three hundred knights in their streng battle- 
phalanx about thee, and fight a brave, hard fight with the Duke 
of Pani, and conquer the pride and the haughtiness and the 
high spirit of the Duke of Pani, because he has called us both 
false and fratricidal traitors, and has put shame and Insult upon 
US. And I will be behind thee, and a thousand knights with 
me; and Sir Heront, make a brave fight, for I will be near 
thee.' The Duke of Lorraine said: 'I will be near you, and the 
hosts of the city, in our defence; and we pra3r the God of all 
power to strengthen us to-day', said he. Now Sir Heront entered 
the fight flercely, bravely and valiantly, and he saw the Duke 
of Pani Coming against him, and he recognised him. And he 
said: '0 fratricidal, false and envious duke, thou didst twice 
deceive my lord and me myself, and by the will of God thou 
shalt have evil return for this to-day', said he. Then they 
fought with each other bravely and bitterly, mightily, manfully 
and madly; and afterwards they unhorsed each other, and rose 
again quickly and very lightly, and bared their decorated swords, 
and made a fiery, fierce attack upon each other, and the Duke 
of Pani was thrown on the back of his shield by Heront's 
mighty blows. Then came the bold, valiant hosts of the Lom- 
bards to the aid of the Duke of Pani. When Sir Heront saw 
them he sprang quickly and very lightly upon his steed, and 
the duke did the same. And they fought with each other anew 
***i) and tirelessly, and the Duke of Pani avoided combat 5) 
with Sir Heront. As for Heront now, he took to cutting down 
and slaughtering the Lombard warriors. The Duke of Pani said 
with a loud, terrified and trembling voice: *One Single knightis 
killing and slaying us all', said he, 'for our friends and com- 
rades have all fallen at his hands; and now fight boldly'. Then 
the battle was fought angrily and flercely, and a multitude of 
mighty, violent blows were dealt upon Sir Heront's shield at 
that time. Then anger and great rage seized Sir Heront, and 
thereupon his foUowers closed about him, and [p. 42] the followers 
of the duke of Pani did the same. And this is the number of 
the army of the duke that feil by Heront's band in that 
onslaught: a hundred and twenty knights, either captured or 
killed, did Heront defeat there. And Heront was ten hours 

^) This qaestion and answer constitnte a recurring formula. Gf. p. 353 a, 

*) I do not nnderstand numaigi. nemarrsaid ought to mean 'not old'; 
here 'freshly, tirelessly, unweariedly '. 

ä) Literally * place of combat'. 

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of the day in that flght, and no one came agalnst him in that 
time whom he did not valiantly overthrow or kill. The Lom- 
bards, however, gathered very bravely, and the Germans very 
boldly, aboat Sir Heront, so that he could not put his hand 
upon his bosom nor upon his girdle nor upon his fine garment 
because of the pressure of the warriors on his back in that 
fight. It is then that small, broken^) pieces were made of Sir 
Heront's shield, and his beautiful, soft-silken Standard was 
lowered and badly tom, and the fair, golden helmet was shattered 
that shielded his head in the fight; and at that time Sir Heront 
had no strength to guard and defend himself, but only to endure 
pain and suffering. Then Sir Guy went into the battle against 
the Lombards, and he left Sir Heront behind him. Then Sir 
Guy saw Otun, the Duke of Lombardy, and said to him in a 
high, clear voice: *0 fratricidal duke', said he, 'wickedly and 
boldly didst thou deceive me, and didst kill my foUowers.' The 
two made for each other swiftly and madly, and they fought a 
Woody, warlike and ferocious fight, and the Duke of Lombardy 
was overthrown by Guy on that battle-field. And the duke got 
up bravely, and mounted his steed, and fought with Guy again, 
and Guy quickly overthrew him a second time. And he mounted 
his steed again, and Guy overthrew him the third time, and 
drove a spear through his Shoulder -blade after Splitting his 
shield. But when it pleased Guy to dismount to behead the 
duke, there came between them a thousand Lombard and German 
knights, swift and bold and very brave, and they took the duke 
with them away frora Guy. And they all fought together 
against Sir Guy, and six knights of the fierce, bold warriors 
feil at that time at the hands of Sir Guy. Guy's followers, 
moreover, were on every side of him cutting down and utterly 
destroying the Lombards. Then the battle was won by Guy, and 
the Lombards fled to a deep, dark glen that was before them. 
[p. 43] And the Duke of Sision and Earl Vadiner of Cologne 
were in this glen with their armies, and Guy saw them and 
told his followers that they were in that ambuscade. Guy said: 
'The Lombards and the Germans have joined into one force 
against us', said he, 'and we have no way of escape from them; 
and fight boldly in our defence, and let us rise in the name of 
God and of John the Baptist to make an attack on them yonder.' 
Then did each of the battalions make the attack on the other, 
and no civil strife was ever to be compared to it,^) for the 
sore combat there was keener, and the enmity was fiercer, and 

^) bordbristi. The first element appears to be bord^ 'edge, border'. 
Cf. CO na m-bordaib d'ör, 'Leabhar na ^-ceart', p. 166; bord-nuide, 'Battle of 
Magh Bath', p. 224. Possibly we shoold read oorbbnsti, cf. boirb-briseadhj 
Life of Hugh Roe 0' Donneil \ p. 298. 

*) Translation nncertain. 

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124 F. N. EOBINSON, 

the strong men were stronger, and the warriors were braver. 
Then did Sir Guy see Eener, Duke of Sision, and he fought 
with him fiercely and savagely, and laid him low with the first 
blow, and weakness and infirmity seized him after his fall. 
Moreover Sir Heront and Earl Vadiner of Cologne came together. 
and fought hard and bravely, and the earl feil at the end oi 
the fight and a knight of his Company along with him; and Sir 
Heront was brave and victorious in that combat Then Duke 
Rener rose from his swoon, and mounted his steed, and fought 
again with Guy desperately, fiercely and savagely. Guy gave 
the duke a mighty blow, rough and strong, so that he laid him 
low füll bravely for the second tima Then Guy saw Sir Gilmin 
Coming toward him, — a brave, victory-bold knight of the 
foUowers of the emperor, and brother to the Duke of Louvain 
was he; and he had a high commission from the emperor to 
keep every fair forest that he possessed; and there were a 
thousand fierce-spirited, arrogant knights in his own strong 
battle-troop around him. And this was the desire of Sir Gilmin 
and his Company, that Sir Guy should fall füll quickly at their 
hands. Then Sir Guy and Sir Gilmin fought with each other 
manfuUy, mightily and füll bravely, and Sir Gilmin feil at the 
end of the fight before Guy's perilous, horrible blows. There- 
upon the Duke of Sdragbom, and terrible, mighty hosts about 
him,i) came into the fight to seek Sir Guy, and there was not 
of the great armies of Lombardy, nor of the brave, warlike men 
of Germany a Single band that was stronger at winning battles 
and combats than that duke. And fear and terror seized Sir 
Guy, after being three days and three nights in his armor 
without food, without drink, and without sleep. Sir Guy sent 
messengers then to the city of Greasmont to the Duke of Lorraine 
to ask for aid. The Duke of Lorraine said: 'Whatever be the 
danger or peril in which Sir Guy is', said he, *he is no more glad 
to receive aid and succor than I am to give it to him'. And 
he set out quickly and very readily, and three thousand [p. 44] 
knights, fierce-spirited and courageous, along with him. Then 
those two slaughtering armies attacked each other. As for 
Guy, then, it was not credit, or fame, or honor in his eyes that 
a battle should be fought and maintained against him; and his 
lion's wrath, and his serpent's venom, and his soldier's strength, 
and his warrior's spirit, and his champion's ardor awoke, and 
his flame of battle rose upon his breath,'-^) and he staked his 
fame on the fight, and he brought defeat upon the Lombards 
füll bravely, and upon the Germans füll swiftly, and made a 
slaughter of them in that battle; and there were captured dukes. 

») I hftve not been able to identify the name Sdragbom. See p. 13 above. 
') uas [a] andil. For this expression see Windisch's Wörterbuch , s. v. 
aüal, and his edition of the Täin B^ Cualnge, p. 64. 

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and earls, and barons and many nobles and high men of the 
army. And Sir Guy returned to the city of Greasmont in 
victory and triumph with many spoils >) and with an abundance 
of all kinds of possessions. And Sir Guy told the duke to keep 
the hostages of the emperor well, because 4t is they whom we 
expect to bring us peace yet from the emperor.' Thus far the 
third fight wMch Sir Guy fought with the foUowers of the 

16. The emperor, then, on the day of that great fight, 
was in his own city, and the King of Hungary along with him, 
and games of chess going on between them. And they saw Sir 
Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri, Coming towards them, and a broad- 
trenched, decorated sword bared in his band, and wide, deep 
wounds on his body, and blood flowing in streams down the sides 
of his body, and his shield in broken fragments at his side, and 
Tirri himself with a very sad face upon him. Tirri said: 'My 
lord', said he, *though thou art gay and cheerful, stränge and 
unrecognizable are thy foUowers, for of those who went to battle 
and to combat against the Duke of Lorraine there remains in 
safety and alive no one but myself only; and Duke Otun was 
heavily wounded, and not much remains of him; and Duke Rener 
and Earl Vadiner have been captured. And it is Sir Guy of 
Warwick who has done all these deeds, for no one tastes of 
life upon whom he deals the force of his blow, and the men of 
the ponderous 2) world could not def eat him by reason of strength 
or prowess. After the emperor heard this news, wrath and 
quick anger seized him, and his sense and reason left him 
entirely. The emperor said: *I swear', said he, *by the One 
who made heaven and earth, that I will never stop until I 
capture the city of Greasmont, and until I hang the Duke of 
Lorraine and Guy of Warwick.* The emperor made a rally and 
a muster of the armies of the whole empire in one place, and 
then he advanced with them to the city of Greasmont. [p. 451 
Sir Gayer, moreover, a fierce-spirited son of the emperor, and 
another noble earl along with him, and five hundred knights, 
bold-hearted and splendid, came in advance of the armies to 
reconnoitre the city; and five thousand knights were sent after 
them to defend and support them strongly and irresistibly, and 
five thousand more as a reinforcement to these, and three 
thousand behind them; for there were thirteen thousand knights 
and half a thousand supporting each other at the entrance of 
the road, and the emperor with a great host behind them. 
Then the people of the city of Greasmont saw the mighty, 

MS. CO nelaib? O'EeiUy has neal, * noble'. But the text should 
doubtlefls be emended to read co n-Mdlaibh imdhaj 'with abondant spoils'. 
GL p. 317 b, below. 

•) tromoidigh (= trornfhöidigh), literaUy * heavy-ßodded '. 

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126 F. K. ROBINSON, 

multitadinous armies Coming against them, and fear and terror 
seized them at the sight. The Duke of Lorraine put on his battle- 
armor, and mounted his horse, and went to Guy, and told him 
the news. Guy said to the duke: *Do thou keep the city-secure' 
Said he, * and I will go out to fi^ht the army \ — and a thousand 
knights along with him. As for Guy, then, he went into that 
connict quickly and very swiftly, and he saw a detachment of 
strong, bold footmen coming behind the five hundred knights 
who were at the head of that heavy army. Then Sir Guy saw 
the emperor's son Coming, and he went straight to meet him, 
and they fought a bold, valiant battle with each other, and Sir 
Gayer was thrown, and afterwards captured, and three hundred 
of his foUowers with him, and the remaining two hundred feil 
before Guy. Sir Guy went to the city with the captives for 
their safe keeping, and afterwards went [back] to fight with 
the same army, and he saw nothing over all the land at that 
time except the host, armed and equipped for battle. When the 
emperor heard that his son had been captured, sorrow and 
melancholy seized him; and those heavy forces, strong and brave, 
came in one body against Sir Guy when they recognized him. 
And a bloody, angry, violent battle was waged between them; 
and though there were many strong, brave warriors in that 
battle, it was Sir Guy and Sir Heront who had the upper band 
of them on every side. And though it was thick about every 
one in that fight, it was broad and open fleld ^) about them both. 
Then a multitude of brave hands were laid on them, and it 
was hard for them at that time, and at that time was the be- 
ginning of slaughter for the hosts of the city of Greasmont. The 
Duke of Lorraine [and] three thousand knights came out of the 
city then to help Guy. Then Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri, 
met the duke, [p. 46] and they fought a manful, angry fight, and 
the duke was thrown by Sir Tirri, and he got up quickly, and 
Struck Sir Tirri a mighty blow, and it is a long, lasting*****) 
that he gave there. There coUected bold, irresistible troops of 
soldiers, fierce-hearted and haughty, around the Duke of Lorraine, 
and he was suffering pain and punishment, and was wounded 
bloodily, and had no strength to defend himself. Sir Guy saw 
the danger and the peril that the duke was in, and went to 
his aid, and killed four knights around the duke with four 
mighty, mortal blows. Now a fierce-spirited knight was killing 
and slaying and cutting in pieces and utterly destroying the 
duke, and he cast him from his saddle, and Struck him to the 
ground, and would fain have beheaded him. And Sir Guy came 
to the scene of this heroic fighting, and he gave the knight a 

*) On fireitech cf. the foot-note to p. 307a. 

') I cannot translate uilligi. Perhaps Mt is a componnd of fuü (fuU- 
lige, *blood-bed'?) and means 'wound, hurt, iiyury'. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


mighty blow so that he made two exactly equal pieces of him 
with one stroke; and Sir Guy then put the duke on bis steed. 
The man^) said to Guy: 'I am weak and sorely wounded, and I 
cannot. giye thee support or assistance', said he, ^and I had 
rather thou wouldst go into the city with thy followers, for we 
are not in sufficient number to fight against them yonder, and 
it is not befitting us to be taken in bonds'. Sir Guy said: 'I 
will do thy will in this matter, my lord', said he. Thereupon 
they went together into the city. The emperor told bis followers 
to sack the city boldly and fiercely. Then the army of the 
emperor came against the gates of the stronghold; and there 
were many beautiful, variegated Standards on the gates of the 
city, and they began to destroy and to raze the walls and the 
fortiflcations. The people of the city began to defend it bravely 
and strongly: some of them with short, terrible javelins, and 
some with arrows, sharp-tipped and skilfuUy made '^) some with 
dangerous, perilous guns, and others with bulky^) stones from 
slings, and others with spears, flat-tipped and smoothly-polished; 
others still with great rocks and with stones of the wall, big 
and destructive*), throwing them down from the turrets of the 
great city, — and all sorts of projectiles besides. Fifteen days 
they continued that labor and that hardship without peace or 
rest or repose; and this is the number that feil in that time at 
the hands of Guy and of Heront, a hundred fierce-hearted horse- 
men and fp. 47] a thousand strong, bold footmen; and there was 
no count of those who feil before the armies of the city in 
addition to them. There came, then, to Guy secretly a dear 
and beloved friend from the forces of the emperor, and said to 
him: *Sir Guy', said he, *I have good news for thee, for the 
emperor will come to-morrow morning early with flve hundred 
knights, without arms or weapons, to hunt in this forest; and a 
tusked boar has been put in it for him; and do thou, Guy, be 
in the forest to-night with men enough to destroy them, and do 
thy will with the emperor*. Sir Guy said: *For that news', 
said he, *I will give thee a thousand plates of beautiful, reflned 
pfold'. The traitor said: 'Keep me with thee tili thou provest 
it, and if thou do not find it to be truth, I give thee the right 
to hang me'. Then went Sir Guy and Sir Heront, and three 
knights with them, to the duke, and he in his Chamber playing 
skiÖully and cleverly at chess; and Guy greeted him^ and 
told him that the emperor was to be alone in the forest in the 
morning. When the duke heard this news, he rose quickly to 

\) Read 'the doke'. 

" I, ingfenious, well-wrorufht?' segh 'strenfifth'? 


*) seghnuray 'cnrioos, ingenious, well-wrou^ht?' segh 'strenffth'? 
») tairthecha is probably for Mrtecha; toiriech means *bulky', 

tdrt *a bnlky maM'. 

«) mikta, properly 'warlike, soldier-like ' ; here applied to the stones. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

128 F. N. ROBINSON, 

liis feet, and he gave Guy three kisses, and said: ^Forgive me, 
warrior, that I have allowed thee to come to me with a message', 
Said he, 'and that it was not I who went to thee'. Guy said: 
*I will go out yonder to meet the emperor, and I will bring 
him with me by consent or by force to make peace with thee/ 
And the duke praised that plan. As for Sir Guy, then, he 
proceeded to his inn; and when the early part of the night had 
come, Sir Guy set out from the city secretly and silently. and 
a thousand knights along with him, and went into the forest, 
and they went to (or upon) the hill that was there. In the 
moming, then, Sir Guy saw the emperor coming into the forest 
with a small Company about him, namely, flve hundred knights. 
without weapons or armor, of the gentlemen and noblemen or 
his Company. Sir Guy said to his followers: *The emperor is 
Coming upon us', said he, 'and we are between him and his 
Company, and he has no power to escape us; and flght bravely 
and well, my bold knights!' said he. Then the emperor looked 
off, and saw the hosts, with weapons and armor, coming to Sur- 
round him. The emperor said: *We have been sold and be- 
trayed to Guy of Warwick', said he, 'for I see Sir Guy with his 
followers coming against us'. Then [p. 48] Sir Guy went before 
his followers to meet the emperor, and a oranch of olive in his 
band as a sign of peace. And Sir Guy said to him, as he 
approached the place: 'Let no man of you off er battle or conflict 
to the emperor's Company', said he, 'and if he does, I will strike 
off his head'. Sir Guy said: 'God be thy life, noble and brave 
emperor'! said he, 'and there is a feast prepared for thee to 
eat by the Duke of Louvain; and do thou come to pärtake of 
it and to make peace with him; and he will give up himself 
and all his possessions to thee'. Then came up the thousand 
horsemen who were with Sir Guy, and a branch of peace in 
the band of every man of them, and Guy bade them pay homage 
and honor to the emperor, and they did so. Sir Guy said to 
the emperor: 'Let us be off now to the city', said he, 'for thou 
hast no power to refuse to go with me whatever way I wish'. 
The emperor said: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'if thou wouldst swear 
to me surely that I shall not be betrayed, I would go with 
thee'. Sir Guy said: 'I swear', said he, 'by Him who suffered 
the passion for the human race: have no fear of anything in the 
city yonder'. Thereupon the emperor dismounted, and put his 
two hands about Sir Guy's neck, and gave him three kisses fondly, 
fervently and faithfuUy, and then said: 'Brave and victorious 
knight, pious, merciful and virtuous, I will go with thee now'. 
After that they went to the city; and there was no wasted (?) 
old man, nor tender youth without years, nor brave, triumphant 

the wofd 

^) spalmach, The translation is whoUy co^jectnral. I have not seen 
)rd elsewhere. spealaim sometimes means 'I waste, grow poor\ 

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hero, nor strong and valiant warrior, nor soldier courageous and 
famous, nor maiden fair and very comely, in the whole city who 
did not pay homage and honor and great respect to the emperor 
and to Guy. After that they went to the duke's palace, and 
the emperor with his retinae was served and provided by Guy 
Dirith the choicest of every kind of food and drink, and the duke 
did not come to them on that night. As for the duke, he arose 
the next moming, and released the prisoners of the emperor, 
and told them to take the roads they chose, and enjoined upon 
them to ask of the emperor favor for him; and the prisoners 
aJl gaye thanks to the duke. As for the prisoners, then, they 
asked the duke to go with them to the emperor; and he went 
readily, and took oS his splendid, silk garments, all except one 
fine silk shirt next the brightness of his white skin, and he 
went with them all into the presence of the emperor, and beut 
his right and left knees beneath him, and knelt in the emperor's 
presence. The duke said: *My lord', said he, ^I am at thy mercy, 
and I have deserved to receive death [p. 49] at thy hands, for 
it is I who killed Sir Sadon, thy own brother; and I give my- 
self up to thee without Opposition (?),2) and do thy will with 
me now', said he. Sir Gayer, the emperor's son, said: ^Mylord*, 
said he, 'give the duke assurance of peace, for he is a brave, 
victorious man, faithful and veiy wise, and wrong has been done 
him\ Duke Rener said: 'Do this, mylord', said he; 'for it was 
justly that he slew thy brother's son, and though he should say 
this were not true, I would undertake to prove it on him'. 
Earl Vadiner said: 'Do this, my lord', said he, 'for the duke 
has not deserved that wrong or in justice should be done him; 
and he has always been a friend to me, though I am now 
against him; and if peace is not made with him quickly, I will 
go back to the city of Cologne, and I will bring hosts of good 
troops together, and I will make war against thee in Company 
with the Duke of Louvain'. And the emperor said nothing at 
that time. Sir Guy said: 'My lord', said he, 'fulfil the promise 
thou madest to me in the forest And dost thou not see that 
the duke has been long on his knees, and that he might refuse 
to be so? For he is stronger here than thou art, my lord; 
and I ^ive my word that unless assurance of peace is given 
him quickly I will bring destruction and ruin on thee and on 
thy followers'. The emperor said: 'It is for the duke to give 
thanks to the one God who made heaven and earth for the day 
when he saw thee, Sir Guy', said he; 'and I will fulfil my 
promise to thee; for I pardon the duke for having killed the 

^) sremnaigi » srebnaide. This is often translated 'bright, shining', 
bnt it seems to nave reference primarily to the texture of the material. Cf. 
Irische Texte m, 2, 531. 

') On comaiihes see the foot-note to p. 308 a, above. 

ZttitMfarift f. oelt. Philologi« VI. 9 

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130 7. K. BOBDrsoir, 

one man who was dearest to me of all who were ever on the 
earth, — Sir Sadog, my own brothert son; and I give him 
assnrance of peace'. Then all the hosts rose to their feet, and 
gave the emperor three shonts of blessing for the mercy he 
had shown to the dnke. And the hosts torned together to Sir 
Gay, and gave him shonts of blessing, and said with the Yoice 
of one man: '0 brave, yictorions knight, and strong, yaliant 
warrior, it is becanse of thy brayery and prowess, and thy 
wisdom and skill, that this peace has come to be made'. The 
news of this peace was heard by the hosts that were outside 
aronnd the city. Then came Oton, the Dnke of Lombardy, 
angrily and wrathfnlly to the emperor and said: 'My lord', 
said he, 4t is wrongly that thou hast made peace with the two 
traitors, the most false and envions who are in the whole world, 
the Dnke of Lonvain and Sir Gny of Warwick'. When Sir Gay 
heard this, he clenched his fist right boldly, and stmck the 
dnke on his nose, and [p. 50] his blood spurted ont qnickly, and 
he threw him to the gronnd. He wonid fain have strack him 
again, bat the emperor asked him as a favor not to strike him 
the blow. 'I will grant thee that favor, not to strike him or 
any other man to-day', said he. Sir Gay said: 'He has betrayed 
me twice withoat cause', said he; 'and with God's permission I 
will not leave that withoat vengeance yet', said he. Then the 
two hosts kissed each other in the greatness of their joy becanse 
of this [peace]. And then ended the war between the emperor 
and the Dnke of Loavain. Dnke Rener of Sision said that he 
woald take the daoghter of the Dake of Loavain, and that he 
desired to have friendship with him, and this betrothal was 
made. And the emperor gave the daaghter of his father's own 
brother's son to the Dnke of Loavain for his wife, and promised 
him great wealth and sovereignty with her, and that alliance 
was made. Sir Gay said that he would depart. 'Do not go', 
said the Duke of Loavain, 'for I will give this city to thee, 
and half my realm; and do not leave me'. Sir Guy thanked 
him, bat did not take it. 

17. As for the emperor, then, after making that peace 
and that alliance with him, he took leave of the Dnke of 
Louvain; and Sir Guy set oat along with him. As for the Doke 
of Loavain, he was fifteen days withoat food or drink or sleep 
from grief at Sir Guy's departare from him; and little remained 
of him becanse of his love and strong affection [for Sir Guy]. 
Then the emperor came into Germany, and Sir Guy along with 
him; and the emperor offered Sir Guy eitles and Castles and 
parks and beautiful forests for hunting; and said that he would 
give him a dukedom, and that he would give him abundance 
of gold and treasure and of all kinds of riches. And Sir Guy 
refused to accept it, and then took leave of the emperor. 

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18. As for Sir Guy, now, he went on his way and took 
with him for foUowers only a hundred tried, brave knights of 
the German noblemen; and he proceeded along the margins of 
the vast sea until he saw a great ship with an abundance of 
all kinds of goods, which had entered the harbor; and Sir Guy 
asked tidings of it. A brave, well-spoken man of them answered 
and Said: *We have come from the city of Constantinople, and 
this is the reason why [p.51] we have come: because the Sultan 
[has won] the realm of the Orecian Emperor, and his foUowers 
have been killed in battles and conflicts; and there is none of the 
realm of the emperor left, which has not been taken from him 
by the Sultan, save only the city of Constantinople. And the 
Sultan with his hosts is coming to take it; and we came aboard 
the ship here to seek some place where we might find peace 
and quiet to dwell in, and we have brought some part of our 
possessions here with us, and those are our tidings', said the 
young man; *and now do your pleasure with us'. And there 
was fear and terror on the [ship'sj Company. Sir Guy, however, 
went up ashore, and collected two hundred other knights in 
addition to those he had, and went to the same ship. And he 
told the Company to make the ship ready, and that they must 
go back with him over the same course to Constantinople. Thus 
far Sir Guy's course in Germany. 

19. As for Sir Guy, then, he went aboard the ship with 
his three hundred knights, and the ship's Company along with 
him. And they took a swift course, eager and very bold, through 
the streams of the ancient sea, and t^ough the perilous, awM 
waves of the blue sea; and they were fifteen days on the ocean 
because of a great storm, and they found a harbor, sheltered 
and secure, in the city of Constantinople. And they raised the 
lofty Standard of the English, the banner of St. George, above 
the boat. The emperor was then on the battlements >) of the 
Castle praying the Lord for help out of the difflculty he was in, 
and he saw the ship, füll of men and very great, and the 
Standard of St. George raised upon it. And he sent a messenger 
to get news, and to make the English welcome, and to bring 
them into his presence. The messenger went to the ship, and 
asked tidings of the ship's Company. [Sir Guy]*) arose and 
answered: 'An English knight is here', said he, 'and Sir Guy of 
Warwick is his name; and there are three hundred fierce, 
courageous, high-spirited knights in his Company, who have 
come to the support of the emperor'. Moreover Sir Guy gave 

^} taidhlib, to be emended to taibhlib. For this form see CZ. 1,437; 
«Battie of Magh Bath', p. 168; 'Life of Hngh Roe O'Donneir pp. 146, 162. 
The speUing taidhbli is noted by Stokes, CZ. I, 898. 

*) Name erased, bat no other substituted. 


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182 F. N. ROBINSON, 

a scarlet gown to the messenger, and he proceeded to the 
emperor, and reported this news to him. When the emperor 
had heard it, he looked np to God, and gave bim thanks for it. 
And he said: *]i it is Sir Guy [p. 52] of Warwick that is there' 
Said he, ^there is not a knight in the world that is strenger of 
band'. And the emperor bade the people of the city go in pro- 
cession to meet Sir Guy. Then came the men of every church in 
the city with tapers and with ***** i)^ and with bright lamps, 
with belbs and with staves and with relics; and the people of 
the city with splendid garments of silk and of gold thread, and 
the king with his crown on bis head, tightly bound,*^ set with 
jewels and adomed, and the musicians of the city playing the 
Organ, and the guitar (?), ') and the trumpet, and the tabor and 
the pipes and the fiddle and the harp, and all the other instm- 
ments besides. And they all went out thus to meet Sir Guy, 
and a great welcome was given him; and the emperor kissed 
him three times fondly, fervently and faithfully, and took him 
by the band, and put his other band about bis neck, and it is 
thus that the emperor took Guy with him into the royal palace, 
and the emperor placed Sir Guy at his own side to eat bis 
food. Then the emperor ordered a high Chamber to be made 
ready for Guy and his foUowers, [andl everything to be given 
to them that they might ask for. Then the emperor went to 
the Chamber with Sir Guy. After this the emperor said: 'Sir 
Guy', said he, *I look to thee for protection, for the Sultan has 
taken from me all my realm except only this city; and he is 
Coming to capture this from me, and twice twenty thousand of 
my foUowers have fallen in a Single day at their hands; and I 
bave no children besides one daughter, and she is my heir; and 
I will give her to thee as wife, and do thou win my land and 
my sovereignty for thyself '. Sir Guy said: 'It is not to get a 
wife that I have come, but to fight in thy support; and I will 
do my best for thee, and I take it upon myself to protect thee'. 
And it was not long like this with Guy, after the emperor left 
him, when he heard a cry and a shout of terror and complaint 
throughout the length of the city; and Guy sent a messenger 
to get news, and this is what someone told him: 'An Amiral^) 
whose name was Coscras. the son of the Sultan's uncle, and king 
of the Turks, has come with a thousand Turks to capture this 
city; and they have laid siege around it '. When Sir Guy heard 
this, he told his foUowers to put on their armor, and to fight 
bravely; and Sir Guy went out of the city [with] the tlJee 

^) I cannot translate priceduibh. 

*) For the varioiu nses of cengaüte in these texts see the Glossary. 

*) gitart. I have not fonnd this word in other texts. Perhaps organ 
should De translated rather * pipes'. Gf. Irische Texte 11, 2, 27. 

*) In the Irish Ambraü seems sometimes to be mistaken for a 
proper name. 

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hundred knights, Fand] was himself in the face of the enemy,^ 
and he fooght a nerce, bold, destructive fight in the midst of 
the brave warriors. And Sir Guy and Coscran^) fought with 
each other, and Sir Guy drove a spear through Coscran's shield 
powerfully [p. 53] and valiantly, and through his heart mightily, 
and leaped down upon him, and Struck off his head. And he 
sent a messenger with the head to King^) Heirrneis, which was 
the name of the emperor; and he never received, before or after, 
a gift he was more glad to get than that. The king of the 
Turks and Sir Heront met each other in the battle, and they 
fought boldly and valiantly, and the king of the Turks feil at 
the end of the fight from the warlike, mighty blows of Heront 
And six hundred of the Saracens feil at Guy's hands before 
mom of that day came, and two thousand seven hundred after 
mid-day. Three days and three nights was Guy fighting that 
battle. As for Escladata, a streng knight of the Sultan's army. 
he left the battle with a spear through his body, and half oi 
his head missing, and he went to the Sultan and said: ^I have 
bad news for thee, mylord', said he, 'for thybrother [has been 
slain (?)], and I saw his head Struck off him. And the king of 
the Turks has been killed, and there has not come out alive 
any of thy Company but myself alone, and I shall die in this 
hour*. The Sultan said: *They have rallied some strong army', 
Said he. The knight said: *They have', said he; 'namely, a 
Christian knight whose name is Sir Guy of Warwick, with 
three hundred knights in his Company'. The Sultan said: *I 
swear by the gods', said he, Hhat I will capture that noisy 
city within fifteen days, and I will hang the emperor and Sir 
Guy on a Single cross'. Then the knight who brought the news 
feil down and died. As for Sir Guy of Warwick, now, he came 
into the city, after winning victory and triumph, with plenty of 
spoils in his possession, and he and his followers were weary 
from the fighting after that battle, having been three days and 
three nights making the fight without food or drink or sleep. 
And after this the people of the city gave him three shouts 
of blessing. 

20. As for the emperor, moreover, he said that there was 
not in the world any pursuit that was dearer to him than the 
hunt and the chase — , *and I have not dared for a long time 
and a great while to go out beyond the gate of this city for fear 
and for terror of the Sultan and of the [p. 64] Turks, until Sir 
Guy came to my help. And to-morrow I will go into the forest 
to the hunt and the chase, and I will stay fifteen days in the 

I have snpplied words to complete the conBtrnction. 

*) The mconsistency m the name {Coscra»^ Coscran) is in the Irish. 

*) On cing cf. p.ll, aboye. 

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forest, and we will have sport and diversion there for that 
time*. When the next day came they went into the forest; 
and some of them set to hunting on the sea with nets to catch 
fish, and others with hawks to catch birds, and others with dogs 
and nets to catch stags and tusked boars and swift hares and 
all the other wild creatures besides. Then the pangs of iealousy 
came npon the Steward of the emperor, — Sir Morgad[ur] the 
steward's name; for hateful envy towards Sir Guy seized him, 
becanse the emperor had offered him his danghter in marriage, 
for the Steward [feltj great and enduring love for the emperor's 
daughter. As for Sir Morgadur, he was considering how he 
could härm Sir Guy, and he came where Sir Guy was in the 
forest, and said to him: *Sir Guy', said he, 'I cannot bear^) in 
my body and my flesh the strength of my love for thee; and I 
have courts and Castles and land and property and gold and 
silver and all kinds of wealth besides; and it is to thee that I 
wish to give them all to control and to enjoy. And come with 
me to the emperor's daughter, and let us play chess in her 
presence; and we will retum to the emperor, for he will not 
leave the forest this week'. Thereupon Sir Guy went with the 
Steward into the city to the emperor's daughter; and Sir Guy 
won three games from the Steward at first. The Steward said 
to Sir Guy: 'Wait a while here', said he, 'until I go on some 
business'. The Steward went to the emperor in the forest, and 
the emperor asked him for news, and the Steward said: *It is 
bad news I have', said he, 'namely that the false, treacherous 
knight that is with thee, Sir Guy of Warwick, has forced thy 
daughter in her own Chamber; and let him be put to death at 
onca And I will go at my own cost to the German Emperor 
to obtain a force and an army to aid thee'. The emperor said: 
'I do not believe wrong of him', said he, 'for I am füll of love 
and great affection for him'. And since the emperor did not 
believe that evil report, the Steward went to the city to Sir Guy 
and Said to him: 'So great is my love for thee, Sir Guy', [p. 55] 
said he, 'that I cannot make a secret of the thing that might 
come to härm thee. Leave this city quickly, for if the emperor 
find thee in it, he will put thee to death'. Sir Guy said: 'It 
is hard to put trust in a lord after the emperor', said he, 'for 
great is the good I have done him, even though he is on the 
point of killing me; and still more good would I have been glad 
to do him untü now; and now I will go to the Sultan to get 
revenge upon the emperor'. Then Sir Guy went to his foUowers, 
and told them to put on their armor of battle and to leave the 
city of Constantinople; and they put on their armor quickly, 
and raised their Standards on staffs, and proceeded out of the 

^) tuiüinn, LiteraUj, * the strength of my love fits not (hence , is too 
great for) my body'. 

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city. The emperor was then on the summit of a hill in the 
forest, and he saw a brave and terrible host^ leaving the 
city, and he asked who they were. Someone told him: *It is 
Sir Guy of Warwick yonder', said he, * going away with his 
foUowers, since trouble has been made between him and thee'. 
The emperor said: *Do ye all remain here', said he, 'and I will 
go to Sir Guy'. And the emperor went eagerly and füll swiftly, 
and asked Sir Guy the cause of his departure. Sir Guy said: 
*I heard', said he, Hhat thou didst not desire to have me with 
thee, and that thou didst wish me to leave thy land and thy 
fair realm, and that I am of no more use to thee'. The em- 
peror said: 'I swear', said he, *by the God who endured the 
passion for my sake, that I did not say that, and that there is 
no man in the world who is dearer to me than thou art'. And 
thns he was reconciled to him. Thus far the injury which the 
Steward did to Sir Guy, et reUqua. 

21. As for Sir Guy, then, [his] messengers were getting 
news in the land of the Sultan; and they came to him and told 
him that the Sultan would come in füll force on the next day 
to rase and destroy the city; and Sir Guy told this to the 
emperor, and then they took counsel. The constable of the city 
said (and he was a noble duke, and had a long white beard 
down to his breast, and he himself a venerable old man): 'Do 
as I shall teil you', said he; 'for there is a high mountain 
between us and the Sultan, and they can not vary their course, 
and let us take up our position against them in the open space on 
the mountain, and let us keep the [p. 56] Sultan and his followers 
below US in the steep places, and there will be narrow forest 
passes between us and them And we will send missiles among 
them from every kind of engine for projectiles, and neither a 
wound nor a Scratch from them will reach us against the ascent'. 
And Sir Guy and everybody praised this plan, and they carried 
it out. Then the emperor with his troops came upon the 
mountain; and they did not see a Single bit of the land vacant, 
but all füll of battle-equipped horses and armed men. Then Sir 
Guy went to the road that leads up the mountain, and he de- 
termined that he would not let any man pass him on that road; 
and the army of the city of Constantinople from this time forth 
was to defend the narrow passes that led up the mountain. 
The Sultan bade Eliman of Tyre lead the attack, — 'for there is 
no man in the world who has overcome thee in battle or in 
conflict or in combat'; 2) and he was a noble, brave king. So 
Eliman of Tyre came to the entrance of the road, and a thousand 
fierce, valiant knights along with him, and they fought a Woody, 

^) Reading ancertain. 

^) For pandlela to this danse of direct quotation see p. 303 a, foot-note. 

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136 F. N. EOBINSON, 

violent and venomous batüe with each other, until the thousand 
brave, fierce knights feil by Guy's fearful, perilous blows. Anger 
and true rage seized Eliman of Tyre, and he said that he would 
not desist until Sir Guy and his Company should fall at his 
hands in payment for his own Company. Then Sir Guy and 
Eliman of Tyre fought with each other courageously and spirit- 
edly, savagely, fiercely and implacabljr, and Sir Guy gave Eliman 
of Tyre a strong, bold blow with his spear, and drove it out 
through his body backwards so that he feil dead, without life. 
The Sultan said to the king of Nubia: 'Dost thou see my men 
being slain at the hands of a Single knight, and that we are a 
hundred gallant and noble knights put down by the knight of 
those who are against us? And do thou take my followers 
with thee, and Surround the enemy there, and bring death and 
destruction upon them, for I shall have no happiness or rest 
until mischief is wrought for them there. And after this they 
went together against Sir Guy, and he withstood them alone, 
and began to kill and destroy them without cessation; and the 
horse was killed that was under Sir Guy, and his shield was 
broken. And then he bared his sword, and the sword was of 
this sort: it is among the Nubians that it was made, and it is in 
Germany [p. 57] that Sir Guy got it, and quaking and terror came 
upon him who saw it naked before him, and he whom it wounded 
tasted not of life. As for Sir Guy, then, he was kiUing and 
injuring the Saracens with that victorious, hard sword, and he 
was coUecting and arranging the wounded bodies around him 
to defend himself against the missiles of his enemies. As for 
Sir Guy, then, he ordered a great number of slings to be made 
and missiles to be thrown from them all in every direction; and 
in this way very many of the Saracens were mercilessly slain. 
And it was hard for Guy at this time, and he sent a messenger 
to ask Sir Heront to help him out of that danger. Then came 
Mirabala*), who had been newly made a knight on that day, 
and fought bravely, manfully and heroically against Sir Guy, 
and at the end of the fight Sir Guy dealt Mirabala a strong, 
savage blow, and inflicted a dangerous wound upon him, and 
Mirabala got away then by virtue^) of his spear-swift running. 
As for Mirabala, then, he went on to meet the Sultan, and told 
him to take a strong, swift horse, and to liee quickly from the 
battle, — *and I shall not live myself, said he, 'with my limb 
cut off, and it is little that remains of thy army'. Then the 
Sultan saw the loss of his army: twenty-eight score of thousands. 
His dark and devilish gods were watching over him on that 
day, Termagant and Mahoun, and he said to them: '0 false and 
lying gods', said he, *much have I ever done in your honor and 

On the origin of the name Mirabala see p. IX, above. 
«) LiteraUy 'by fruit of\ 



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worship, and it is ill that ye have treated me to-day\ Then 
he seized a great, stout club and set upon them madly; and 
the Sultan left the battle at that time, and all that survived of 
his foUowers along with him. Sir Guy, moreover, came back to 
Constantinople with his Company after winning the victory and 
the triumph. Sir Guy said: * Noble and adventurous knights, 
honor and magnify the one God who formed heaven and earth, 
and made the creatures out of nothing, for it is He who brings 
you victory in the battles and the many conflicts in which ye are, 
and it is good help He has given [p. 58] you to-day', said he. 
Thus f ar the second battle which Sir Guy rought with the Sultan. 

22. The treacherous, envious and horrible Steward said to 
the emperor: *My lord', said he, 'though many of the hosts of 
the Sultan have fallen before thee, they are but few in com- 
parison with those whom he has still alive; and he is angry 
and bitter against thee; and thou hast the one knight whose 
deeds and whose rank are the greatest in the whole world; 
and do thou stake thy right and thy claim upon a Single combat 
with the Sultan; and if it goes against thee, give the Sultan 
satisfaction and showhim honor; and if it goes against him, let 
the same be given you by him'. And the emperor praised that 
plan. And this is the reason why the Steward gave this counsel 
to the emperor, because it would be Sir Guy who would go out 
there and who would be killed there. The emperor coUected 
and gathered together his followers from every direction, and 
he explained this plan to them. The duke, namely the head of 
the army and the constable of the city, said: *I am a hundred 
years of age', said he, 'and if I were able to fight, I would 
go on that business and that errand. But I should not come out 
alive; and the curse of theweak and the strong») be upon him 
who gave thee that counsel, for it is bad counsel'. Yet the 
emperor still sought a knight to go to the emperor of the 
Turks with that message, and every one there refused to go. 
[As for] Sir Guy^ now, his eyes flamed brightly and angrily in 
his head; and Sir Heront understood the reason, and came to 
Sir Guy, and said to him: *Sir Guy', said he, 'I know what is 
in thy thought; and do thou cease considering that, for thou 
wilt not come back alive from the land of the Sultan if thou 
goest into it, since his enmity against thee is great. And send 
me', said Heront, 'for my death is a small matter in comparison 
with thine.' Sir Guy said: 'God forbid that I should send my 
knight to his death to get honor for myself.' Then Sir Guy 
rose to his feet, and put on streng armor of battle, and went 
into the presence of the emperor, and took leave of him. The 

That is to say, the curse of aU. Truagh 7 tr&n is a recnrring formula; 
cf. 'Passions and Eomiliea' 1.4291, and 'Dänta Seathrüin Ceitin', 1.615. 

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emperor said: 'The true God, most glorions, who made heaven 
and earth, forbid that thou shouldst go into so great danger as 
that!' *I will surely go there', said Guy. 'We will go with 
thee', Said Sir Heront and the three knights. We are of thy 
retinue'. *No man sball go with me', said Sir Guy. And after 
this he set out alone; and he was not long joumeying on the 
[p. 59] road when he saw the Emperor's host in camp; and fifteen 
miles was the length of that camp, and the same distance its 
breadth, and they were ranged in a circle like sphere or compass, 
and the stakes of the tents Standing side by side^ (?). Now the 
Sultan's tent was in the very middle, and a great spear-shaft 
rising out of it, and the figure of an eagle, of beautiful, red, 
refined gold, on the top of the shaft; and a carbuncle — that is, a 
precious stone — high above the tent; and a fair summer's day 
was not brighter for them, and the sun with bright face at band, 
than were the long winter nights with the virtues [of that stonel. 
And thus were the Sultan's tents, covered magnificently with 
cloths of silk and gold thread from the top to the ground. Sir 
Guy, now, rode into the tent on bis horse; and it is thus that the 
Sultan was at that time, eating and drinking at many-colored 
tables with the nobles of bis retinue. Sir Guy said: *God al- 
mighty suffered the passion for the sake of the righteous, and 
separated day and night from each other; and it is He who 
made cold and heat, and brings fuU-tide and ebb-tide upon the 
seas, and made the world and all things besides, and made every 
good for thy profit, Sultan, sinful, false and recreant, — for 
evil are the devilish gods in whom thou believest, and thy bed 
is flaming in lower hell. And my lord emperor sends [word] to 
thee to choose a day for combat, and one knight from thy side 
and another knight from the emperor's to be there; and whichever 
of them survives the fight to receive money and tribute for bis 
lord, without resistance or strife, from the lord of him who is 
overthrown in the combat. And if it please thee, here am I 
ready for the battle, and I would come on behalf of the em- 
peror and the rigrht, to prove upon thy Champion that the wrong 
is with thee'. *What is thy name?* said the Sultan. *Sir Guy 
of Warwick is my name', said he. *It is thou who killed my 
brother', said the Sultan, 'and thou shalt die for it^) thyself '. And 
the Sultan gave Orders to seize Guy füll quickly, and to put him 
in prison as a bound captive while they were eating their feast. 
Guy said: *If it is killing me without reason that pleases thee', 
said he, 'I will give thee cause for killing me'. And he spoke 
thus, and stuck two spurs [p. 60J at once into the horse that 
was beneath him, and made a great, streng leap away, and drew 
out bis bright, hard sword, and Struck the Sultan a death-blow, 

^) Idiom uncertain. 

') ann, Literally, 'in it'. 

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fitrong and sayage, so that he separated bis head from bis body; 
and after tbat be picked np bis bead, and placed it in the 

of bis sbield. As for Sir Guy, tben, be set out after tbis 

exploit, and a cry was raised after bim on tbe east and tbe 
west, and on tbe nortb and tbe soutb, and Sir Guy was cutting 
down and slaying tbe warriors around bim. Tben tbey seized 
bim by tbe bridle, after tbey bad surrounded bim, and tbey killed 
tbe steed tbat was beneatb bim, and it was tbe driving of a 
flock of birds2) tbat be wrougbt upon tbem, cutting off tbeir beads 
and tbeir feet. As for Sir Guy, moreover, be advanced toward 
a round-toppedj rocky bill, and in spite of tbem be got to tbe 
top and summit of tbe bill; and be began to tbrow down tbe 
buge rocks upon tbe warriors füll migbtily; and wboever reacbed 
tbe place, Guy killed bim witb one stroke of bis sword, and be 
made a great cairn of tbe bodies of tbe soldiers and warriors 
round about bim for bis defence. And tbere feil before bim 
tbirteen bundred of tbem at tbat time. Tben two tbousand very 
brave knigbts of tbe army surrounded bim, and tbey discbarged 
a swift sbower of arrows upon bim at tbat time, and tbey pierced 
tbe body of tbe valiant figbter witb sbarp-tipped, easily burled 
lances, and witb sbarp, terrible, dangerous javelins, and witb 
every otber missile besides. And Sir Guy at tbat time was like 
tbe fierce wild boar of tbe wildemess torn to pieces among tbe 
bounds, — wounded by every keen, bold tbrust tbat was given 
bim witbout restraint; [and] not one of tbe enemy escaped 
witbout beavy injury from Guy's perilous, terrible strokes. And 
yet be did not bave strength to guard and protect bimself at 
tbat time against tbe beayy fighting tbat was prostrating bim 
and overwbelming bim. Sir Heront was in deep sleep in tbe 
city of Constantinople, and be saw a terrible vision, as it were 
a field füll of lions around Sir Guy, and Guy being slain in tbe 
midst of tbem. At tbis Sir Heront sprang up from bis sleep, 
and summoned bis followers to bim, and said tbat Sir Guy was 
in difficulty and overpowered by numbers; and be set out füll 
quickly, and tbe tbree bundred knigbts along witb bim, and tbey 
found Sir Guy in tbe midst of tbe bosts Tp. 61] being beaten 
and lacerated. As for Sir Heront, now, be Durst upon tbe bosts 
strongly and valiantly, and seven hundred streng, brave warriors 
feil before tbem in tbat Charge. And from the sea of sand in 
tbe south to tbe fiery sea in the nortb 3) tbere was not a Saracen 

>) gail a sceith. Apparently in the hoUow, or on the spike, of his 
shield, bnt I have no other cases of gail in either sense. Is it an error for 
gaile, 'stomach'? For varions terms for the hoUow of the shield cf. Dr. Hyde's 
'GioUa an Fhiugha', I.T.S. 1,202. 

") A recnrring companson. See, for example, Oided mac n-üisnig, 
'Irische Texte* ü, 2, 138. 

I am 

') These geographica! indications are not in the Middle En^lish versions. 
uncertain ahout the identification of the 'fiery sea'. One thinks naturally 

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140 F. N. BOBINSOK, 

capable of fighting who was not in that one army. And they 
all fled at that time before Sir Guy and bis foUowers, and [Guy's 
men] wrought great slaughter upon them at that time. Sir Guy 
came, moreover, with the meed of victory and triumph, with 
plenty of booty, and laid the head upon the ground in the 
presence of the emperor. «) Such was the end of the war between 
the Sultan and Sir Guy. 

23. As for the emperor, on the next day he went to the 
bunt with bis retinue, and he was sitting on the top of a hill, 
and Sir Guy in bis Company there; and they were not there 
long before they saw a lion, sharp-toothed and füll brave, and 
a dragon, bold, dark and unconquerable, in struggle and conflict 
with each other ; and the lion was weak and lame, and the tail 
of the dragon coiled around the lion, and the horrible, dark- 
yawning^) jaw of the dragon opened so that a knight with bis 
armor on could enter its mouth. Sü* Guy said that he bimself 
would go quickly to the help of the lion, for it was weak in 
the fight, and he said that no one should dare to go with bim 
into that fight. When the emperor beard this he fled with bis 
foUowers for fear of the dragon. Sir Guy mounted bis steed, 
and spurred the horse against the dragon, and gave the dragon 
a strong, bold blow of the spear in its mouth, and drove the 
spear out througb the back of its head, and jumped down 
upon it, and Struck off its head. The lion came to Guy, and 
was licking bis feet and bis fair body, and Sir Guy stroked the 
lion's back with bis band, and the lion foUowed bim thereafter 
everywhere that he went. One day when Sir Guy was eating 
bis meal at the emperor's table, the lion was asleep in the arbor 
that day at the foot of a tree, and its tail up towards the sun, 
and the emperor's Steward saw it lying thus, and gave the lion 
a mighty thrust with bis spear, and pierced it, and let out its 
vitals and its entrails at its feet. The lion bowled and roared 
loudly, and went to Sir Guy and crouched [p. 62] at bis feet, and 
its vitals outside of it, and it feil down thereupon, and dropped 
dead, without life. As for Sir Guy, then, he took bis steed, and 

of Mandeyille's Sandy Sea and of Marco Polo's account of the desert of Lop, 
and both of these writers were translated into Irish. For evidence that the 
Sandy Sea was re^arded by the mediaeval Europeans as one of the onter 
limits of the world see the article on 'The Dry Sea and the Carrenare' by 
Dr. J L. Lowes in Modem Fhüology in, 1 ff. 

This is the Snltan's head, as appears from the English yersions. 

*) gnus-ghorm. This epithet is used three times in these texts to de- 
Bcribe the jaw of a dragon, cf. pp. 352 a and 356 b. I do not know whether 
to translate it 'dark-yawning' (JnüiSy ' fissnre ', &c.) or 'dark-visaged' (gnüia, 
'visage, coontenance'). The latter is snpported by such Compound^ as gnuis- 
lethan, 'Battle of Magh Eath'^ p. 184; gnuis-liath, ibid. p. i82; gnuis-dergi, 
ibid. p. 118; gnw-dordha , *Life of Hugh Roe', p. 194; gnuis-dholaiSj I.T.S. 
I, 140. 

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mounted it^ and seized his sword, and went [to] the emperor; 
and he asked everyone who had killed bis lion, and he did not 
find ont from anyone. As for Sir Guy, he said that if anyone 
woold teil hün who killed the lion he would give him his reward, 
a thonsand poonds of beautiful, refined gold; and he did not 
find it out then. Then a female slave, one of the attendants of 
the emperor's daaghter, came to Sir Guy and told him that it 
was the emperor's Steward who had killed the lion, and told him 
how it was killed. When Guy heard this, he proceeded to the 
Chamber where the Steward was, — and his brother at that 
time in the Chamber with him. Sir Guy said: 'Steward', said 
he, *I never yet have done thee barm or injury; why didst thou 
kiU my lion without cause ? ' ' I did not kill it ' , said the Steward. 
*Thou surely didst', said Guy. *And thou hast deceived me 
twice before, and thou shalt not do it the fourth time to me or 
to anyone eise'. And he spoke thus, and gave the Steward a 
fierce, strong, evil, deadly blow, so that he made two pieces of 
him, just equal in weight and size, Now the steward's brother 
drew out a keen-edged sword, and gave Sir Guy a mighty stroke; 
and Sir Guy Struck a strong, bold blow, and cut off his right 
band at the Shoulder, and let him go thus disfigured. When 
the emperor heard this news, he said that Guy had killed the 
Steward justly, and that he had deserved death before this at 
Sir Guy's hands. 

24. As for the emperor, then, he said to Sir Guy: 'Great 
is the benefit thou hast done me, and I do not know how to 
describe it for its greatness; and be ready to-morrow moming 
to marry my daughter; and thou shalt have half my kingdom 
during my life, and the whole of it after my death'. Dixit 
Guy: *I will do thy will, my lord', said he. When the morrow 
came, Sir Guy went and his three hundred knights with gowns 
of silk and fur(?)0 about them; and they went to the church, 
and there came the bishop of the city and his clergy, and they 
asked Sir Guy whether he had a wedding-ring. Sir Guy opened 
his pouch, and this is the ring that came to his band, the ring 
that had been as a token of remembrance between him and the 
daughter of the Earl of Warwick; and he meditated upon it then, 
and a swoon and a fainting-fit came upon him. And when Sir 
Guy arose from his swoon, he said: [p. 63] 'My lord', said he, 'I 
am not now able to be married, for the pressure of heavy illness 
has attacked me ; and do thou give me time to regain my health '. 
Sir Guy was fifteen days in bed, and he allowed no one to 
approach him during that time but Sir Heront alone. Sir Guy 

>) The tranBlation of co fer (cofer?) is conjectnral. I have taken fer 
to be a loan-word from the Miadle EngllBü f^eirf veir^ familiär, in the com- 
bination feir and gris (Old French vair et gris), Of cooise the English word 
'for' is etymologically different 

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142 P. N. B0BIK80N, 

Said to Sir Heront: 'Heront', said he, 'what shall I do with 
regard to the emperor's daughter? For I have a great, unen- 
durable love for the daughter of the Earl of Warwick; and thou 
knowest that this is true'. Sir Heront said: 'I know', said he, 
*that the emperor's daughter is the woman of fairest form and 
figure in the whole world, and that thou wilt get the empire 
along with her; and if it were the daughter of the earl that 
thou shouldst marry, the wealth thou wouldst have would^) be 
no more than the earldom'. Sir Guy said: *I understand from 
this, Sir Heront, that thou art displeased with me for not taking 
the emperor's daughter. And dost thou know, Sir Heront', said 
he, 'that it was from love and affection for the daughter of the 
Earl of Warwick that I did what I have done of bold and 
brave deeds, and was once at the point of death besides?' 
Dixit Sir Heront: 'I did not know that; and since now I 
know, 2) I hold her to be better for thee'. Sir Guy got up 
after flfteen days, and went thereupon to the emperor; and the 
emperor was glad that day to see Sir Guy well. And Sir Guy 
passed that day in the emperor's Company. And Sir Guy said 
to the emperor: 'My lord', said he, *I cannot take thy daughter 
to wife, for there is a pledge between me and the daughter of 
the Earl of Warwick, and I would not change it tili tiie time 
of my death; and I have been with thee seven years, and now 
I would fain have leave to depart'. Greatly did this grieve the 
emperor and all the hosts of the city. Then the earl») gave 
Guy three great measures of beautiful, refined gold, since he did 
not take any other lordship from him. And Sir Guy refused to 
take that, and said that he had plenty of gold and riches, and 
that it was not to seek anything eise that he had come, but 
only to help the emperor. When Sir Guy did not take the gold, 
the emperor distributed it to Sir Guy's Company. Then the 
emperor said: *Sir Heront', said he, 'thou art the other knight 
who is strengest of band of all I have seen, — Sir Guy of 
Warwick and thou. And since Sir Guy has refused the damsel 
for his wife, [p. 64] I would give thee lordship and riches and 
treasure, Sir Heront', said he. Heront said: 'If thou wouldst 
give me the whole empire', said he, 'I would not take it from 
thee and desert Sir Guy'. Then Sir Guy took leave of the 
emperor, and thereafter he departed. Thus far the adventure 
of Sir Guy with the Emperor of Constantinople. 

25. As for Sir Guy and his followers, they proceeded on 
their way, and they made no stop or delay until they came to 
the city of Cologne in Germany. The emperor with his retinue 

>) The tenses are inconse<][aeiit in the Irish. 
>) Read 08 anoü ato, iH m ferr lium agud, 
•) Read 'emperor*. 

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bade Guy welcome, and showed them great honor, and offered 
Sir Guy treasure and lordship, and Guy refused it^ and said 
that he would not delay until he should come to England. And 
after this he went onward, and he saw an impregnable city 
before him at the hour of evening prayer. And Sir Guy said: 
*Sir Heront', said he, *take the knights with thee, and enter 
the city, and find a hostelry for us; and I will remain here a 
while to say my prayers and to listen to the song of the birds'. 
And they did so. As for Sir Guy, then, he was not long Walking 
in the forest when he feil asleep from the song of the birds; and 
this is what woke him out of bis sleep, a fearful cry of distress 
that he heard. And he went where be heard the cry, and f ound 
a wounded knight, complaining and in peril, and bis blood flowing 
down the steep places of the forest. Sir Guy asked him bis story. 
The wounded knight said: *It will not profit thee to have my 
story', Said he, *for it is not likely thou hast the courage to 
hear my story'), and my expectation does not tum to thee for 
help' (?).«) Dixit Guy: *For the sake of the one God almighty, 
teil me thy own story', said he, 'and I will give thee aid, if I 
can'. Diocit the wounded knight: *Pledge thy troth', said he, 
*that thou wilt help me'. 'I do', said Sir Guy. The knight 
looked up and said: * Great thanks to thee for any help', 
said he, *for thou art a strong, brave knight; and before God 
who made heaven and earth, it is a pity that thou art not Guy 
of Warwick'. 'Teil me now thy story', said Guy. *I will', said 
the knight. 'I am Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri; and the 
daughter of the Duke of Lorraine feit a strong, unendurable 
love for me, and I feit the same for her; and Otun, the Duke 
of Lombardy, came to take her; and a day was set for their 
wedding, namely the seventh day from to-day; and she sent to 
me to come for her [p. 65] in that time. And I came', said he, 
'secretly with ten very brave knights to the city of the Duke 
of Louvain; and I sent messengers to the damsel, and she came 
out to them in the bright, early morning. And I set her behind 
me, and left the city; and the people of the city saw me setting 
off, and raised a cry after me, and the two dukes pursued me 
with their hosts, and my ten knights feil before them at that 
time. And there feil at my hands a bold, destructive band of 
this army; and there happened to be a great- waved arm of the 
sea in front of me, and I made an eager, light leap on my 
horse out into the sea, for I chose to be drowned in the sea 
rather than to fall at the hands of the Lombards. And the 
daughter of the Duke of Lorraine chose rather to be drowned 
than to be the wife of the Duke of Lombardy. And the steed 

*^ Or, 'thy spirit wiU not be the better for hearing it'? I am donbtful 
aboat tne sentence. 

") For the idiom cf. ni th'ari-siu teit ria (Briu 1, 134)? 

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144 F. N. B0BIN80K, 

brought US to land, and they could not pursue us in the 
water, and we came to this wood; and I was weary and heavily 
wounded, and I put my head on the woman's bosom, and told 
her to keep watch, and that it was necessary for me to have 
sleep and long slumber. And a fit of sieep and long slumber 
feil upon me, and fifteen knights came against me, and drove 
their five [fifteen?] spears through my body, and took my wife 
away f rom me, and they are in a small tent in the midst of the 
forest'. Dixtt Sir Guy: ^I am in bad plight to go against 
them', Said he, *for I have no arms'. Tirri said: 'My sword is 
in the shadow of the oak yonder at thy disposal'^), said he. 
Then Sir Guy seized the sword, and went into the tent, and 
said: * Noble knights, why did you slay the son of Earl Aimbri?' 
said he. One of them said: *Thy honor will not be better', 
said he, 'for the same shall be done to thee'. Then Sir Guy 
bared the sword, fierce and warlike, and the fifteen men feil 
before him except a Single knight from whom he Struck off one 
band, and who made his escape. And Sir Guy brought the 
daughter of the Duke of Lorraine and Sir Tirri's horse with him 
to the place where he had left the wounded knight, and he found 
nothing there but the place where the knight had been. As for 
Sir Guy, then, he left the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine 
there, and went in search of Sir Tirri; and he had not gone far 
[p. 66] when he saw four very brave knights carrying Sir Tirri 
on a long, firm hier, and Sir Guy asked them for an acconnt of 
themselves. One of the men said that it was Sir üighi, the Duke 
of Lombardy's brother, that was there, and three knights along 
with him. 'And Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri, is in our 
hands, to be taken to the Duke of Lombardy for his execution'. 
Diant Sir Guy: 'Give him up at once', said he, 'for he is a dear 
friend to me, and I will not leave him with you any longer'. 
One of them said, turning to him : ' We will take thee and Tirri 
with US, so that ye shall both have one cruel death'. As for 
the two knights who had turned to meet him, he Struck off 
both their heads. Dixit Sir üighi, the own brother of the Duke 
of Lombardy: 'Foolish and Ignorant young man', said he, 'thou 
art a poor compensation for the deed thou hast done, but thou 
shalt die for it'.^) And he fought quickly with Sir Guy, and 
Sir Guy Struck off his head with one blow, and Struck off one 
band of the fourth knight, and that was his appearance as he 
went to meet the Duke of Lombardy. After this Sir Guy set 
Tirri on a horse, and brought him back to the spot where he 
had left the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, and he found 

Perhaps ar h-inchaibh shonid here be rendered sunply 'near thee, 
beside thee\ For a similar use of it cf. 'Batüe of Yentiy'^ p. 35; tue urchur 
don chraisigh ... bai for a inchaibh (Hhe spear that was in his possession'). 

*) The same formula occnrs again on p. 330 a. 

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nothing but her place there. As for Sir Guy, then, he brought 
Earl Tirri with him into the city, and put liim in a hostelry, 
which Sir Tirri had taken for him. *) At that time Sir Guy 
heard a cry and lamentation, sorrowful and wretched, and Sir 
Guy asked the cause of that complaint. Sir Heront said: 'Since 
it seemed long to me not to see thee tili night, I came into the 
same wood to seek thee, and I found a damsel, fair and res- 
plendent, complaining pitifully; and I brought her with me, and 
it is she who is uttering the cry that thou hearest now; and it 
is she who was there, namely the daughter of the Duke of 
Lorraine'. And Sir Tirri's heart was cheered when he heard 
this, although he was weak. And after this he was treated 
and became well. Then Sir Tirri remained with Sir Guy, and 
they became sworn brothers one with the other. And that was 
the first bond between Sir Guy and Sir Tirri. 

26. One day Sir Guy, with his breast against the chamber- 
window, was observing the city about him, and he saw a knight 
approaching. and a swift horse under him, and Guy asked news 
of him. The knight said: *I am of Earl Aimbri's Company', said 
he, 'and I am searching for his son, Sir Tirri; and I do not get 
a word of news about him, and I do not know if he is alive. 
In revenge for the way he carried off with him the daughter of 
the Duke of Lorraine, the Duke of Lombardy and the Duke of 
Louvain [p. 67J are pillaging and destroying the possessions of Earl 
Aimbri; and he 2) has destroyed it all except Aimbri's city alone, 
and those two haughty dukes are going to the city of Gormisi^) to 
capture it; and that is [my newsj ', said the knight. Dixit Sir Guy: 
*Dismount', said he, *and thou shalt stay with us to-night, for it 
is with US that thou art more likely to get news of Sir Tirri'. 
After that the knight came in, and he found Sir Tirri before 
him, brave and joyful, and he paid him homage and respect. 
Then Sir Tirri said: *Guy', said he, *though thou hast given me 
much help and great honor hitherto, I have more need of thee 
now than ever before, for \ Y^ to plunder and pillage my 
father, and to rob and insult [himj on my account. Dixü Sir 
Guy: *I will bring the strength of my band to thy aid', said 
he. After that Sir Guy went into the city and collected ten 
hundred bold knights. And they advanced thereupon to the city 
of Gormisi. And Earl Aimbri and his followers paid homage 
and honor to Sir Tirri. Sir Tirri said: *It is better to pay 
honor and respect to Sir Guy of Warwick than to me ', said he, 
* for it is he who saved my lif e for me, and it is in his retinue 
that I am'. When the earl and his Company heard that, they 

Or, 'had taken for the pnrirase'. 
') Inconseqnent change of snbiect. 
*) 'Gonnoise' in Fr. and Engl, yersions. 
^) Something omitted. 

Zeitschrift f. celt. Philologie VI. 10 

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146 F. N. ROBINSON, 

paid honor to Sir Guy. Then they heard a shout and a clamor 
and cries of distress and helplessness throughout the whole 
length of the city. And Sir Guy asked the cause of those 
shouts, and somebody told him that it was the crafty, bold 
hosts of Louvain, and the numerous, brave warriors of Lom- 
bardy, who had come to capture the city of Gormisi. Dixit Sir 
Guy: *Sir Tirri', said he, Hake with thee two hundred knights 
of thy Company, and give them brave, victorious battle there, 
and let us have good knowledge^ of thy bravery and prowess 
in the day's fighting to-day. As for Sir Tirri, then, he went 
boldly and valiantly to meet those battle-brave warriors, and 
ten hundred soldiers, fierce and bold and proud-hearted, were set 
against him, and they fought each other madly, eagerly and 
savagely. Ten bold warriors feil at Sir Tirri's hands in the first 
onslaught, and not long afterwards [p. 68] two hundred, discomfited 
and wounded, feil round about him. After this a thousand fierce, 
proud knights were set to fight against him, and Sir Tirri fought 
the battle anew at that time, and six hundred of them feil quickly 
before him. Then two thousand knights, heroic and hardy, were 
set to fight against Sir Tirri, and Sir Tirri was in the battle- 
field from bright, early dawn until mid-day without having help 
from anyone but himself and his two hundred knights, and it 
was hard for him then because of the number of the Lombard 
warriors about him. Sir Heront said: *Guy', said he, *let us 
bear^) aid and assistance now to Sir Tirri'. *We wiir, said Guy. 
Then Sir Guy with his two hundred knights went to Tirri's 
aid, and Guy said to him: * Tirri', said he, *give up the fight 
now, and go into the city, and leave the battle to me for the 
rest of the time'.^) Thereupon Tirri went into the city, wounded 
and victorious in battle, and Sir Guy went into the fight, fiercely 
and resolutely,*) and burst upon them like a lion, eagerly and 
bravely. Sir Guy, moreover, was fighting that battle fiercely 
and valiantly from mid-day until night, and the length of the 
night without cessation, cutting down the warriors, until sunrise 
of the next day, and the length of the second day until noon; 
so that at that time there did not remain alive any of them 
except sixty of them as prisoners, bound and fast fettered, and 
twenty more maimed and injured, cross- wounded and deadly 
pale(?),^) to go to the two dukes with the news. One of them 

I take findum from findaim, finnaim, 'I learn, know\ 

') Or perhaps, 'shall we bear'? Can da m-beramf Mf we bear', have 
au Interrogative force? Cf. iarraim ort-aa da cathaighter rw, RC. XIX, 286. 

*) LiteraUy, 4eave it between me and the fight'. 

*) On cetfadaeh see p. 803 b, above. 

*) With cro8-ledartha cf. cros-guinech in Meyer's *Contribution8\ p. 530. 
crobhainech is not clear to me. cro-bhäinech might be compared with cro-bdn^ 
* deadly pale'; cro-bhainnech would apparently mean 'dropping göre' (cf. cro- 
bliainne, 'Irische Texte* IV, 392). 

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Said: *It is an evil place in which ye put us', said he, *for not 
a fugitive of our number escaped alive except only twenty of 
US, wounded and scarred and mutilated, with the loss of limbs 
and of strength'. Anger and great rage seized the Duke of 
Lorraine on hearing this news, and he asked who did these 
great deeds. The messengers said that there were three colunms 
of defence and pillars of valor who had done it, namely Guy of 
Warwick, terrible and valiant, from the noble, fair land of the 
English, and Sir Tirri, strong, powcrful and contentious, the son 
of Earl Aimbri, and Sir Heront, brave and high-spirited, the 
bold and resolute warrior. The Duke of Lombardy said: *I 
had rather [p. 69] come upon those three in the city of Gormisi 
than have a great part of the wealth of the whole world; and 
I will Surround them', said he, Ho-morrow in the bright, early 
dawn of the moming'. As for Sir Guy, after the triumph and 
victory in that battle, he came back to the city of Gormisi 
with the honors of the adventure and with booty. And this 
was the end of that battle. 

27. As for Sir Guy, on the next morning he went to hear 
mass, and left the church afterwards, and saw the companies 
and detachments of a good army approaching the city. Sir Guy 
said to Tirri: *The strong, brave hosts are Coming against us, 
and let us go out on the smooth plains and into the open 
country to fight and give them hard battle'. They went at 
once, and they fought a long, brave battle with each other. 
Then came the strong, brave Duke of Lombardy and Sir Heront 
together in the battle-fleld, and Sir Heront said: ^Envious and 
fratricidal duke', said he, *thou hast unjustly deceived me and 
my lord'. And he spoke thus, and gave the duke a hard, bold 
blow, so that he knocked half of the helmet, set with jewels 
and tight-bound,«) from the duke's head; and he made a wide, 
deep wound in his Shoulder, and threw him violently to the 
ground, and leaped down upon him to cut off his head. And 
then came a hundred brave Lombards between them, and took 
the duke away from Sir Heront, and Sir Heront pursued him 
through the troop. Then numerous warriors of Lombardy col- 
lected about Sir Heront, and küled his horse, and his sword was 
broken. And then a manly, valiant French knight, who was in 
the retinue of the Duke of Lombardy, came up and said: 'Sir 
Heront', said he, *give thyself up to me now, for thou hast no 
strength to defend thyself. *What is thy name?' said Heront. 
*Sir Gailiard is my name', said he. Sir Heront said: *I would 
give myself up to thee, if thou wouldst give me thy pledge to 
save me*. *I give it', said Gailiard. Then Heront gave himself 
up, and he was taken in captivity to-the duke. Then Sir Guy 

^) Cf. the use of cengailte as applied to a crown, p. 317 a, above. 


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asked for news of Sir Heront, and someone told him that he 
saw him taken captive. Sir Guy said: 'Tirri', said he, 'let us 
foUow Sir Heront, for I shall not find a better time to release 
him than now'. And they followed him quickly, and they did 
not overtake him tili he had been brought into the city. Then 
Sir Gailiard turned-upon Guy, and they fought a fierce, terrible 
battle with each other, and Sir Guy gave Sir Gailiard a keen 
thrust with his spear. [p. 70] Sir Gailiard said: *Sir Guy', said he, 
*give me my life, and let me be thy man; and it is I who saved 
Sir Heront from his death', said he; *and if I can, I will bring 
him back with me'. And he pledged his word to that, and 
obtained his life. As for Sir Gailiard, after this he proceeded 
to the Duke of Lombardy, and asked him for Sir Heront, to 
give him back to Sir Guy, and the duke refused him this. 
Gailiard said that he would go to fight and make war with Sir 
Guy against the duke because he would not give up Sir Heront 
to be sent back to Guy of Warwick, — 'and I will grant tliee 
no delay but to-night only before I go to accomplish thy de- 
struction'. Then came another knight of the duke's followers 
to fight with Guy, and they waged a battle, fierce, angry and 
heroic, with each other, and Sir Guy gave the knight a very 
keen thrust with the spear, and threw him to the gi'ound, and 
leaped down upon him to behead him. The knight dm7: *Guy', 
said he, 'grant me my life, and I will bring thee a good hostage 
for myself, namely Sir Heront'. 'If thou wouldst pledge thy 
word to that', said Guy, 'I would give thee thy life'. Then he 
gave [the pledge], and obtained his life, and proceeded to the 
Duke of Lombardy, and asked for Sir Heront to give him back 
to Sir Guy, and he obtained this at once; and Sir Guy rejoiced 
at Sir Heront's Coming. Then the Duke of Lombardy with his 
Company pursued Sir Guy, when he saw him alone without a 
host, for there was no one with Sir Guy at that time but Sir 
Tirri and Sir Heront. Sir Guy spurred his steed through the 
very midst of the Lombard host, and neither Tirri nor Sir 
Heront expected ever to see him; and the Duke of Lombardy 
met Sir Guy on that battle-field, and he gave the duke a strong, 
hard, violent blow, and the duke beut before that blow, and 
the back part of his helmet was Struck off him, and Guy pierced 
the armor on his back, and through it he cut his fair golden 
garment and the strong-limbed gelding*) with a Single blow; 
and [Guy] escaped from them in spite of him, and put the 
banner of St. George on a staff, and he would fain have attacked 
the army. The Duke of Lombardy said: 'The men yonder have 
done US much härm to-day', said he, 'and they have now attacked 

*) I am not sure that caillte, 'gelded*, is appropriate to the context; 
cailltechj ^ destructive ', would seem more natural. Cf. also in cursuin calma 
cnamremurf p. 332 b. 

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US long and bravely, and let us avoid them, and go to the city 
of Pani, for we are not able to defend ourselves to-day(?)V) 
Said he. Sir Guy came back to the city of Aimbri with abun- 
dance of all kinds of possessions [p. 71] after having won the 
victory of the enemy. After the Duke of Lombardy got up 
from his illness, he came to the Duke of Lorraine, and said to 
Wm: 'Duke of Lorraine', said he, *Sir Guy of Warwick and Sir 
Tirri will take thy realm from thee; and they will do the same 
to me, if they can; and do thou foUow my advice', said he: 
*send messengera to Sir Tirri and Guy of Warwick, and promise 
to make an alliance with Tirri and peace with Earl Aimbri and 
Sir Guy; and say that thou hast a wedding-feast for them. And 
I will be with my foUowers in our strong battle-armor in con- 
cealment near you; and we will capture Tirri and Sir Guy and 
Sir Heront; and Sir Tirri and Sir Guy and Sir Heront shall be 
bound prisoners in my hands, and Earl Aimbri with his foUowers 
in thy hands; and do what thou wilt with them'. The Duke of 
Lorraine said that he would never betray Sir Guy, *for I am 
under great Obligation to him', said the duke. Dixit the Duke 
of Lombardy: *It was not in earnest that I said that then', said 
he. 'Howbeit, take them to thee and make peace with them'. 
Thus the Duke of Lombardy planned treachery against Guy. 

28. As for the Duke of Lorraine, then, he sent a bishop 
of high rank to Earl Aimbri with his foUowers, and promised 
them peace and an alliance, and [said that] a banquet, long and 
bountiful, was prepared for them. Earl Aimbri rejoiced at these 
words. Dixit Sir Guy: *Earl Aimbri', said he, *believe not those 
sweetly-false, pleasant words. Duke Otun has betrayed me twice 
before, and it is he who is counsellor to the Duke of Lorraine, 
and I would believe that he would do it the third time if he 
could'. Dixit Earl Aimbri: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'have no fear or 
terror, for we do not desire peace with the two dukes there 
more than they desire it with us, and they wiU not betray us'. 
Sir Guy said: 'If you go there', said he, 'take strong battle- 
armor with you'. Dixit Earl Aimbri: 'We wiU not take it', 
said he; 'if we go to make peace, there should not be a 
challenge to battle upon us'. Then Earl Aimbri went with his 
foUowers to the castle of the Duke of Lon-aine, without weapon 
or armor, but with splendid gowns of silk and für 2) about them. 
Then they saw the Duke of Lombardy Coming toward them with 
an army, armed and equipped, which took captive Tirri and 
Heront and the rest of the Company besides. As for Sir Guy, he 
was strong and bold in the midst of the enemy, smiting them 

^) Beading and translation both uncertain. 
>) See p. ^b, aboYe. 

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150 F. N. EOBINSON, 

bravely witli his fists and his elbows. And he seized a stout, 
strong club out of the hands of one of the knights, and dealt 
him a blow with it so that [p. 72] he feil before him. Sir Guy 
saw a knight Coming against him, and a very fine steed beneath 
him, and Sir Guy said to him: *If thou wouldst give me that 
horse under thee', said he, 'I would help thee yet, if I should 
live'. *I swear by my God that thou shalt have it', said the 
knight leaping down; and Guy mounted it instantly and sped 
bravely away among the hosts, and two knights feil füll quickly 
at his hands, and he gave their horses to the knight who had 
given him the steed before. As for Sir Guy, then, many brave 
knights of Lombardy coUected around him, and he made for 
hiraself a path through them, crowded and clamorous;^) and the 
Lombards pursued him, and there chanced to be a deep stream 
before him, and he took an eager, bold leap on his horse into 
the river, and passed over the stream; and there escaped of his 
Company, without being captured or killed, only Sir Guy and Sir 
GaiUard. Thus far the account of the treachery. The Duke of 
Lombardy took Sir Tirri with him in bonds, and the Duke of 
Lorraine took Sir Heront and the other prisoners away. 

29. As for Sir Guy, then, he went to Earl Aimistir 
Amunndae,^) and the earl made Sir Guy welcome. Dixit the 
earl: *Sir Guy', said he, *I am thine, and all my possessions '. 
Then Sir Guy told how he had been betrayed, and how Earl 
Aimbri and his son Sir Heront had been taken, and all the 
hosts besides. Earl Aimistir made complaint and heavy lamen- 
tation at this news. Sir Guy was in the city three days, sad 
and melancholy, and he said: 'Earl Munndae', said he, *it is sad 
for US to be like this'. Earl Munndae said: 'There is agreat,**) 
rieh city near us here, and it is said that the third part of the 
World is in its possession. And the Turk, mighty and povverful, 
is lord and chief there; and no man ever went against him who 
came back afterwards alive; and Single combat or double is held 
there, or the number that anyone desires'. Sir Guy said that 
he would go himself into that city. 'Do not go', said Earl 
Aimistir, ' for thou wilt not come back fi-om there alive over the 
same road'. Sir Guy said: 'I would not fail to go there for an 
abundance of wealth, and I will not take any man with me'. 
'Indeed I will go with thee', said Gailiard, 'for I will not leave 
thee tili the day of my death'. They went on their way then 
into the forest, and Sir Guy blew a strong, powerful blast on 

^) The sense of coitchenn 7 congairech seems to be * public and noisy*, 
i. e. like a street. 

') This is a corruption of Amis de la Mounteyne. See above, p. 13. 

■) cathnrrdhn. I am not snre what this means when applied to 
a city. 

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the end of the bügle that hang at Iiis neck. When the Turk 
heard this, he said in anger and in great wrath: 'Who would 
dare to make this havocO in my forest?' said he. [p. 73] A 
knight of the Turk's Company went to Guy, and told him to 
come into the Turk's presence. Sir Guy came to the Turk. 
The Turk said to him: 'Knight', said he, *it will prove to be 
no time of luck or fortune [for thee] that thou didst blow the 
blast there on the end of the bügle', said he. Sir Guy said: *I 
did not know', said he, 'that there was härm in blowing the 
blast there, for I was not hunting deer or game, but only myself 
astray and seeking Information'. There was a very strong 
steed under the Turk, and Sir Guy said: *Rich and prosperous 
lord, give me that steed under thee', said he. The Turk said 
he would not give it, but that he would give him instant death, 
Sir Guy said: 'My lord', said he, *it is not warlike of you to 
kill without mercy two knights who have come ihto your power; 
and if it seems best to thee to make trial of us in our armor, 
send thy choice of two knights from thy Company to flght 
against us'. *Who art thou thyself?' said the Turk. Sir Guy 
Said: *I am a well-known English knight', said he, *and Guy of 
Warwick is my name'. As to the Turk, he gave Guy a good 
welcome and said to him: *Thou hast done a good thing for me 
before this', said he, *for Duke Otun's brother feil at thy hands, 
who has done me injury before now. And the good horse shall 
be thine, Guy', said he, *and there is not in the world altogether 
a horse equal to it; and if I had three like it, thou shouldst 
get them'. The Turk gave another fine horse to Gailiard in 
Guy's honor. Guy thanked the [Turkish] lord for that present, 
and they went on to meet Earl Munndae. Thus far Sir Guy's 
adventure in the land of the Turks. 

30. As for Sir Guy, after he had been nine days in the 
Company of the earl, he said: *It is a long time', said he, Hhat 
I have been without going to get news of Sir Tirri and Sir 
Heront; and I am afraid they are slain, and I will go now to 
find out'. Earl Munndae said: 'I will send ten hundred knights 
of my Company with thee'. Guy said that it would delay him 
long to wait for them, and that he would not take anyone with 
him. *I will go with thee', said Sir Gailiard. And they went 
on their way then, and Guy said to Gailiard: *Mount thy horse', 
said he, 'and take this good horse beside thee'; and Gailiard did 
so. As for Guy, now, he rubbed black [stain] [p. 74] on them both, 
and put a black, dingy, unrecognisable color on them, and in 
that shape they went to meet the Duke of Lombardy. Guy 
said: *It is a long way, I have come to thee out of the land of 

>) Cf. fian-cho8cary as applied to a hont. 

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152 F. N. BOBINSON, 

the blue menV) said he; 'and I have heard that there is not 
in the world a stronger hand than thine, or a duke who is 
richer than thou art. And I have brought thee the one best 
horse in the whole world to seil him to thee; and he has no 
fault but one, namely, that he will not suffer a driver to manage 
him except the one driver who has known him weir. *What 
is thy name?' said the duke. 'Gebun Marcel 2) is my name', 
said he, *and Greorge the gillie'. * Welcome is your coming to 
me', said the duke; 'and I had rather have had that horse than 
many riches when I captured the prisoner that is with me; 
for if I had, Sir Guy of Warwick would not have escaped by 
the speed of his horse.' 'Who is the prisoner that thou hast?' 
said Guy. 'Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri', said he. 'Is he 
with thee?' said Guy. 'He is indeed', said the duke. 'It is 
a pity I was not with thee at that time', said Guy, 'for I would 
kill that son mercilessly', said he, 'and I would not make a 
prisoner of him; for Sir Tirri killed my own brother', said he. 
'And give me Charge of those prisoners, for it is I that will 
have no mercy upon him'. Then the Duke of Lombardy gave 
the keys of the prison to Guy. As for Guy, after this he went 
into the cruel prison where Sir Tirri was, and asked news of 
him how he was. 'Who art thou?' said Tirri. 'I am Guy of 
Warwick', said he. 'That is ill for me', said Tirri, 'for I had 
hope until now of getting help from thee; and yet it is worse 
for me that thou shouldst be in the danger thou art in than 
that I myself should be', said he. There was a Lombard near 
by, listening to that convereation. The Lombard said: 'Sir Guy', 
said he, 'thou shalt not leave this prison tili the time of thy^) 
death'. Guy said: 'Keep it secret about me', said he, 'and thou 
shalt have plenty of gold and treasure from me '. The Lombard 
refused to accept that from Guy, and set out to teil the news 
to the duke; and Guy followed him, and gave him a strong, 
bold blow with the great iron key that was in his hand, and 
he dropped dead, without life, and he feil in the presence of the 
duke. The duke said: 'Thou shalt fall thyself for that act, 
false traitor', said he. Guy said: 'My lord', said he, 'I do not 
know why it was wrong to kill him, for he was on the point of 
letting Tirri out of prison, [p. 75] and gave him his choice of the 
food and drink of the city'. The duke said: 'Thou hast killed 
him justly', said he; 'and now we will give thee assurance of 

*) Simply 'men of dark color\ The Middle English says from *ferre 
contree'. For fir gorrna (= Norse Blämenn) cf. O'Donovan's ^Fragments of 
Irish Annale ', p. 162, und A. Bugge, 'Caithreim Cellachain Caisir, p. 141. 

*) Yon m the Fr. and Engl, vereions, where George the Gillie is not 
mentioned. The source of Gebun Marcel ^ which strangely resemhles Giboi7i 
le Mancell in 'Raoul de Cambrai\ is unknown to me. Marcyll is the name 
of a Saracen in the * Foure Sonnes of Aymon '. 

*) The Trish lias für m-bais, plural. 

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peace*. Sir Gay went into the prison, and broke tlie gray-iron 
fetters that were on Tirri, and gave him a füll supply of food 
and drink, and said to him: 'Tirri', said he, 'go out to Earl 
Aimistir in the early part of the night, and wait for me there; 
and if it be Grod's will, it is shortly that I will be with thee 
there, and Uisin, the daughter of the Duke of Louvain'. Thus 
went the night with Guy. And the Duke of Lombardy said to 
the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine: *Make thyself ready, 
lady', said he, 'for our marriage mass shall be celebrated to- 
morrow; for thou didst not ask for more than twelve days, delay 
before marrying, and they liave passed'. Uisin said: *My lord', 
said she, 'I will do thy will in this matter'. As for the duke, 
he went forth into the beautifol, wild forest to kill boars and 
deer and [other] creatures in preparation for the wedding on the 
morrow. Guy went at that time to the lady, and said to her 
cheerfuUy and joyously: 'Lady', said he, 'dost thou recognize 
me?' 'I do not', said she. 'I am Guy of Warwick', said he. 
The lady said: 'That was not the color that I saw upon Guy', 
said she, 'for he was fairer than the mass of men'. Then Sir Guy 
showed the lady a mark that was upon him, and thereupon she 
recognised him. Sir Guy said: 'Lady', said he, 'get me good 
armor and weapons to-night, and by God's will I will carry thee 
with me away from the Lombards'. And she gave Guy armor 
and weapons secretly. As for the duke, the next moniing he 
put Uisin on a clear white mule to go to the temple. And Sir 
Guy foUowed them on his steed, and strong, indestructible armor 
upon him, and a warrior's weapons in his band; and he overtook 
them, and said: 'Duke Otun', said he, 'I am Sir Guy of Warwick; 
and now be on thy guard, for thou hast deceived me three 
times, and hast slain my knights in the wilderness of this land '. 
Then Sir Guy drove a spear eagerly and boldly through the 
duke's body, and afterwards gave him a blow with his sword, 
and Struck off his head, and split him as far as the navel. And 
he took the duke's head with him, and put the daughter of the 
Duke of Louvain behind Gailiard, and in this way they lef t the 
city. Bold warriors of the Lombards bore down upon them, and 
the brother of the duke said: 'Sir Guy', said he, ' treacherously 
hast thou killed the Duke of Lombardy, and thou thyself art a 
poor compensation for him'. Guy said: 'There is nothing better 
for thee than to let him go his way (?),») for the duke deserved 
to be killed by me many times over '. [p. 76] Guy turned to the 
duke's brother, and Struck off his head with one blow, and killed 
ten more of the Lombards along with him, and they left the 
Lombards thus. When the daughter of the Duke of Louvain 
had put away her fear, she said: 'It is a sad deed the Lombards 
will do now, namely, to kill Tirri without mercy'. Guy said: 

^) Read 7m a ligeiij or perhaps na nw ligen'^ 

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154 F. N. ROBINSON, 

'He has nothing to fear', said he, 'for I told the jailer to be 
kind to him, and by God's will thou shalt see him soon'. Then 
they went on their way to the city of Muimtani, where Earl 
Aimistir was, and they found Sir Tirri awaiting them there, 
having been bathed clean and healed from the wounds of the 
fetters and the hard irons. As for the Lombards, after they 
turned from Guy, they went to the prison to kill Tirri, and they 
found nothing there but the place where he had been. Then 
they brought the Duke of Lombardy into the church, and he 
was buried by them there. Thus did Sir Guy put an end to 
his war vnth the Duke of Lombardy and his knights. 

31. As for Sir Guy, then, he said that he would go to find 
Sir Heront. *I will go with thee, [and] five hundred knights', 
said Earl Aimistir. Thereupon they set out, and they pillaged 
and laid waste every city and Castle that they came upon in 
the possession of the Duke of Louvain, until they came to the 
city of Gormisi where Earl Aimbri was; and great joy seized 
Earl Aimbri when he saw his son and Sir Guy approaching, 
and a swoon and a fainting-fit came upon him through the 
excess of his joy. Then Sir Guy put the head of the Duke of 
Lombardy on the top of a stake at a cross-road in the city of 
Gormisi, and he called Sir Gailiard to him and said to him: 
'Noble and honorable knight', said he, 'I will give thee command 
and leadership of my army, and do thou take six hundred bold 
knights with thee, and bring me prisoners as a pledge for 
Heront '. As for Sir Gailiard, then, he went on to Louvain, and 
he was destroying it without mercy, and he captured fifteen 
Castles there, and seven earls and ten barons. [p. 77] This news 
came to the Duke of Lorraine, and fear and terror seized him, 
and he went to his own Steward, and took counsel with him. 
The duke said: *My realm has been laid waste and pillaged', said 
he, *and the armies and great troop of Guy of Warwick are 
Coming to capture from me this city in which I am; and which 
is better for me, to mount a swift liorse and take flight, or to 
stay and be captured or re-captured?'0 The Steward said: 
'Take my advice', said he, 'if thou desirest to act for thine own 
profit; for Guy of Warwick Struck off the head of the Duke of 
Lombardy and put that head on a stake at the cross-road of 
the market in the city of Gormisi; and he took Sir Tirri, the 
son of Earl Aimbri, with him, and Uisin, thy own daughter. 
Battle or combat against him is not possible, and he will take 
the World if he wishes to; and furthermore, thou hast in thy 
hands a brave, victorious knight of his Company, Sir Heront; and 
do thou let him out in honor of Sir Guy, and all the other 
prisoners along with him, and give them their own possessions, 

^) I take agabail to bß athgabaüf 'reprisal, re-captare\ 

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and much besides along witli them. And send those prisoners 
in an embassy to Guy to ask favor of liim, and to gel 
assurance of peace, for Heront is one of the two ad visers 
who have the strengest influence with him in the world, — 
namely Sir Tirri and Sir Heront; and Guy himself is merci- 
fur. The Duke of Lorraine said: *My blessing straightway 
upon thee', said he, 'for it is good counsel thou hast given 
me'. As for the Duke of Lorraine, then, he broke the bonds 
and fetters of all the prisoners, and gave them every possession 
tbat had been taken from them, whether great or small, and 
an abundance of his wealth besides. And he sent them to 
Guy, and charged them to procure his advantage and to 
establish peace for him with Guy for the love of God. Then 
the Duke of Lorraine told Sir Heront how Sir Guy had killed 
the Duke of Lombardy, and how he had taken Sir Tirri and 
Uisin with him, and every other deed that he had done. This 
news was sweet to Sir Heront, because he had not had a single 
word of news about Guy from the time he himself was captured 
until that hour. As for Sir Gaüiard, he advanced with his six 
hundred knights to the city of Gormisi, and Sir Guy was in 
consultation that day on the top of a hill over against the city 
of Gormisi; and there was no one wfth him but Sir Tirri and 
Earl Aimistir. Aimistir said: *I do not know who the hosts are 
yonder', said. he; *for if they are an army beut on war and 
battle, they are too near us; and I will go myself on my horse 
to meet them'. And he went then, and recognised Sir Heront, 
and they bade each other a friendly welcome, [p. 78] Sir Heront 
said: 'Aimistir', said he, *I beg thee, ask Sil- Guy for me to give 
promise of peace to the Duke of Lorraine, for I am indebted to 
him, and I partook of food and drink at his table, and he did 
not put bond or fetter on me; and not a bit of härm has come 
to me or to any of the other prisoners, and great is our gain 
from what he has given us'. They went on then to meet Guy 
and Tirri, and all together they begged for peace for the Duke 
of Lorraine; and Guy refused to give them that. Sir Heront 
went upon. his knees in Guy 's presence, and the eight hundred 
knights along with him, and they all together begged Guy to 
give assurance of peace to the Duke of Lorraine. Guy said: *I 
will grant you that request, though it is hard for me'. As for 
Gaüiard, now, he and his hosts were at that time laying waste 
and devastating Louvain, and a messenger was sent to him, and 
he was brought back to the city of Gormisi. And another 
messenger was sent to the Duke of Lorraine to ask him to 
prepare a [wedding-feast for his] daughter, to give her to Sir 
Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri. After this they went together 
to the city of the Duke of Lon*aine, and they made peace and 
an alliance, and celebrated the wedding. And thus was waged 
the war of the two dukes with Sir Guy of Warwick. 

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156 F. N. K0BIN80N, 

32. Once when Sir Guy went to the hunt in LoiTaine, a 
wild boar started up before him, and he set bis dogs upon it, 
and foUowed it on bis borse; and Guy parted from bis Company 
at tbat time, and pursued tbe boar tbrougb many well-def ended 
and prosperous lands. And be overtook it at last, as it was 
killing bis dogs; and be dealt tbe boar a strong, bold blow, and 
killed it, and gave its beart to bis dogs, and blew a loud blast 
upon tbe end of tbe born tbat was banging at bis neck, to 
proclaim tbe slaugbter ») of tbe boar tbat had fallen before him. 
And tbe blast of tbat born was beard in tbe city wbich was 
called Florentine, and Duke Florentine bade tbat tbe man wbo 
blew tbat born in bis forest be brought to bim in disbonor. 
Tbe son of Duke Florentine went to Sir Guy, and Struck him 
boldly with bis fist. Sir Guy said: ^Thou hast Struck me un- 
justly for killing tbe boar tbat I have pursued tbrougb many 
lands'. Tbe duke's son said: *I will inflict death upon thee for 
tbat', said he. Wben Guy beard tbis, be Struck tbe son of Duke 
Florentine on tbe bead with tbe end of tbe born, swinging it by 
bis girdle, [p. 79] and be died. As for Sir Guy then, he proceeded 
tbrougb tbe forest, and saw tbe city of Florentine before him, 
and went into it, and asked food of Duke Florence*) for tbe 
love of God, because be' had been tbree days and three nights 
witbout food, or drink, or sleep, in pursuit of tbat boar. Tbe 
duke ordered food to be given to Guy, and plenty was given 
bim and be was eating it. Then Guy beard a cry of soirow 
and lamentation in tbe city, and be saw a body laid on tbe 
floor in tbe royal ball, and the duke was asking wbat body 
they had. *Tby son', they said, 'wbo bas been killed'. 'Wbo 
killed bim?' said the duke. 'It seems likely to us', said they, 
'tbat tbe knigbt wbo is eating at tbe table yonder killed bim'. 
When tbe duke beard tbis, be seized a broad-trenched, warlike 
sword, and drew it out, and Struck at Guy with it; and Guy 
dropped behind tbe sbelter of tbe table and let the blow go 
by. As for Sir Guy then, he seized a sharp-edged dagger tbat 
was at bis side, and was defending bimself bravely; and all tbe 
people of the city collected around bim, and six of them feil at 
bis hands. Guy said: 'My lord', said he, 'it is notbing but 
treachery on your part to kill in your house a Single knigbt or 
a Single man to whom you have given food; and if thou^) art 
a true nobleman, give me leave to go out tbrougb tbe gate of 
the city on my borse, and give me my sword and my sbield, 
and thou shalt have leave to foUow me, and it will be less 
digrace for you 3) to kill me like tbat than to kill me like tbis'. 

^) Perhaps eomartha should be supplied before cosgurtha. 
*) The names are confused. The Middle English versions have Earl 
(or King) Florentine. 

3) The shift of number is in the Irish. 

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Tlie (luke said: 'I give thee leave to depart thus ', saidhe; 'and 
take thy horse and thy arms'. Guy seized his arms, and 
mounted his horse, and set out; and the people of the city were 
lying in wait for him, and attached him on every side, and he 
killed three of them in that onslaught. And the duke Struck 
him a savage blow, and drove a spear through his shield. Sir 
Guy gave the duke a keen thrust of the spear, and overthrew 
him, and took his horse from him; and after that he looked 
upon him. And Guy said: *01d man, aged and infirm', said he, 
*it were more fltting for thee to be alone in churcli praying 
fervently to God than to be fighting now'. The duke said: 'It 
is seventy years now since I have taken arms before, and it 
would be a delight to me to have thee fall at my hands in 
compensation for my son'. Guy said: *I will not kill an old 
man like thee', said he, *and I will give thee thy horse'. As for 
Guy, he went on his way, and the assembled people of the city 
and of the whole land pursued him, and he killed sixty of them, 
[p. 80] and got away afterwards in spite of them. And he was 
travelling on horseback a day and a night, and came to Lorraine, 
and the people of the city were all glad to see him, for they 
did not know what had become of him from the day of the 
hunt until that time; and Sir Guy related his adventure to them 
from beginning to end. Sir Guy said: *Tirri', said he, 'I have 
been seven years without seeing my father or my mother, and 
now I am going to England'. *Do not go', said TiiTi, 'for there 
are many hosts in Lombardy, and they will make war upon me 
after thy departure, if they hear that thou art gone. And I 
will give thee the city of Gormisi, and I will stay myself in 
the city of Lorraine'. Sir Guy said: 'I will not accept that', 
said he; 'for it is known to thee, Tirri, that I am in love with 
the daughter of the Earl of Warwick, and I am going to see 
her now'. As for Sir Guy, he proceeded to England, and went 
to Winchester where the king was, and the English nobles 
about him; and they made Guy welcome, and heard of every 
deed of bravery he had done on his wanderings. It was not 
long thus with them when they saw a knight approaching on a 
steed. The king asked news of him. The knight said: 'I have 
bad news', said he, 'for a black, devilish dragon has come to 
this country, and greater than a well-fiUed tun is the shaggy, 
deep-dark neck that is on him. And he kills every animal that 
he comes upon, whether small or big, and the men of the land 
are not able to combat him, and it will be necessary to give 
up the land and the country to him'. Fear and terror seized 
the king at this news, and for a time he was silent. Guy said: 
*My loa', said he, 'have no fear of this, for by God's will I 
will win the battle of the dragon yonder for you', said he. And 
thereupon Guy rose, and put on his battle-armor, and took three 
knights with him, Sir Heront and two other knights besides, 

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158 T, N. ROBINSON, 

and went against the dragon. And he left the tliree knights 
half a mile behind him, and upon pain of death he forbade them 
to follow him to give him help. As for Sir Guy then, he was 
three hours in battle and flerce conflict with that bold dragon, 
and he could not injure him in that time. Then the dragon 
made a strong, firm knot of his stout, strong-ended tail abont 
Sir Guy and his steed, so that he broke and crushed together 
the bones and the heart of the brave, strong courser, and Sir 
Guy was thrown to the ground in peril. As for Sir Guy then, 
he rose in strength and courage and Struck him a powerful blow, 
and broke his tail off with great might. The dragon Struck 
Guy a powerful blow with the butt of the tail, and gave [p. 81 1 
him a dangerous wound. And when Sir Guy could not wound i) 
him in front, he began to cut and wound him from behind; and 
he Struck him a strong, brave blow in the side, and broke three 
broad, great ribs in him, and the dragon feil, before him, and 
let out a horrible howl. And he raised his tail high in the air 
then, and Guy gave him a swift, sudden blow in the breast, and 
made two pieces of him, just equal in size and weight, and there 
issued from him a black, malodorous vapor. And Guy Struck off 
his head, and measured him, and he was thirty feet long; and 
he went to the king of the Saxons, and showed him the dragon's 
head, and everyone praised that fight. 

33. After Guy had accomplished this feat, the king of the 
English Said: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'I will give thee thy choice 
of the dukedoms in England, besides gold and silver and an 
abundance of all riches in addition'. Sir Guy said: *If I had 
desired it, my lord', said he, *I might have taken the empire of 
Constantinople, besides every other possession that was offered 
to me, and I might have taken a dukedom in Germany, and I 
might have taken an earldom in France, and I might have 
taken an earldom in Britanny, and I did not take any one of 
them, and I will not take this from you, my lord*, said he; 'and 
much honor be thine.^) And my father has died', said he, *and 
I will go to see my own domain now'. Guy took leave of the 
king, and went to his own home, and he found an abundance 
of gold and silver and precious stones besides sent from the 
king because he had not taken any other domain from him. 
Guy said: 'Sir Heront', said he, 'it is long that thou hast 
foUowed me, and much of my evil fortune that thou hast had, 
and thou hast no lordship of thy own; and I give thee this 
manor, and to thy heirs after thee, and a thousand pounds 
besides every year'. And in this way he gave away his whole 
domain to his knights, and said that the earldom of Warwick 

^) MS. deriudi?); donbtless for deraudh, as a few lines before. 
*) This formula recurs on p. 353 b, below. 

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did not seem to Lim too sinall für bimself. Then Sir Guy went 
to the Earl of Warwick, and the Earl of Warwick paid him 
p-eat honor, and thanked God that he had come out of the 
great perils in which he had been. Then Sir Guy went to 
Feiice, the earFs daughter. Sir Guy seid: * Feiice', said he, 4t 
would have been easy for me to get for a wife a lady whose 
wealth and patrimony was greater than thine, and I refased 
them all for love of thee'. Feiice said: *Sir Guy', said she, 'it 
would have been easy for me to marry a king, or a prince, or an 
emir, [p. 82] or a duke, or an earl, if my love had not been kept 
for thee.1) And I should never have had a man or a husband, 
if thou hadst not returned alive'. Sweet was that speech to 
Guy, for the lady had not laid bare her love to Sir Guy up 
to this time. Thereupon Guy went to the earl. And the earl 
asked Guy what kept him without a wife. Guy said: 'I have 
feit unendurable love for a woman since my youth, and if I do 
not obtain that woman, I will never take a wife', said he. The 
earl said: 'Wilt thou be pleased with my daughter, together 
with all my possessions? For I have no son or daughter but 
her, and if it should seem fitting to thee to take her there is 
no son-in-Iaw in the world that we would rather have than 
thee'. Guy said: *It is thy daughter who is the one woman I 
choose to marry in all the world'. That saying gave the Earl 
great joy. The earl went to Feiice and asked her what kept 
her unmarried, and plenty of noblemen wooing her; or whether 
she chose to be always without a husband. Feiice said: 'I have 
loved a man since my youth, and I will take no husband tili 
the time of my death unless I get him'. The earl said: 'Does 
Sir Guy of Warwick please thee?' said he. *He does indeed', 
said the lady, ^for he is my choice for a husband'. Sweet was 
this answer to the earl. The earl went to Guy, and set the 
time for the marriage on the seventh day from that day. And 
the earl and Sir Guy went to the hunt every day during that 
time in preparation for the wedding. Then messengers were sent 
from him to the English nobles, both laity and clergy; and the 
king of the English, and the queen, and the prince came to 
that wedding; and there came bishops and archbishops and 
abbots and herenachs, and friars of the Orders, and canons, and 
monks; and that wedding was nobly celebrated. And after this 
they enjoyed the wedding-feast, and Sir Guy distributed gold 
and silver and garments of silk and gold-thread and gems of 
crystal and carbuncle and all kinds of treasures besides. And 
to all who desired a gift or a reward Guy gave it ...-*) to the 
door of the house that day of gold and silver and virtuous 
stones. And there were a multitude of knights, gracious and 

*) Literally: 4n hoarding in thee\ 

') I cannot translate do bo maith. Apparently something is omitted. 

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160 T. N. ROBINSON, 

splendid, attending upon that wedding; and there was mach 
music and minstrelsy at that wedding; and there was not a man 
of them all whom Guy did not repay with worthy rewards at 
his own pleasure. [p. 83] They were three days celebrating that 
wedding, and then they went to their own places and abodes. 
Thus far the marriage of the Earl of Warwick's daughter with 
Sir Guy. 

34. As for Sir Guy, after this he was forty days and nights 
with the daughter of the Earl of Warwick. At the end of that 
time Guy went one day to hunt, and many wild creatures were 
killed by him that day. And though that was pleasant, it was 
not there that his mind was, but upon his own sins, for the 
fear of the Lord was upon him. And it was his desire to make 
amends for his youth. Sir Guy sent messengers at that time to 
Johannes de Alcino, a holy father, and he came to him at once. 
Guy said: *Holy father', said he, *I put the Charge of my soul 
upon thee; and hear thou my confession quickly in honor of 
three Persons, the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost. 
For many are my sins; for until the sands of the sea are counted, 
and the grass of the field, and the leaves of the forest, and the 
Stars of the sky, there will not be made a count or an estimate *) 
of the men and the innocent lives that feil at my hands because 
of my love for this world, to get myself honor and high repute, 
[and] to put my fame above everyone; and yet I never killed a 
man from love of God'. Dixit Johannes de Alcino: ^If thou 
hadst done a third of that for the love of God, God would be 
satisfied with thee and would forgive thee thy sin'. Johannes 
de Alcino said: 2) *Sir Guy', said he, 'do thou now take my advice: 
keep the ten commandments which Christ left on earth with 
Moses in the tablets; love God beyond every love in heaven and 
earth, et cetera-, avoid the mortal sins, pride, anger, sloth, envy, 
lust, gluttony, avarice and backbiting; and be merciful, humble, 
prayerful, pitiful. compassionate, grateful and füll of benediction. 
Johannes said: *Öbserve, Guy', said he, 'how the saints who are 
in heaven attained the kingdom: part of them by fasting and 
prayer, by pilgrimages and vigils, by frequent confession and 
many alms; others by suffering, by pain, by purgatory in this 
life,(?)3) by bui'ning, by crucifixion, by the distress of every 
disease and every pain, for the love of Jesus'. And Johannes 
said: *Guy', said he, 'make thy confession clean, and be humble 
before God, fp. 84] and be ashamed of thyself, and know that our 
parents were without sin in Paradise only three hours because 
of the deception of the advei-sary. And they were driven out 

rocumdachj literalljr *covering', might mean here ^defence, excwse'. 
') On the source of this whole passage cf. p. 15, above. 
^) Or simply 'purification from the world'? 

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of Paradise, and found much evil in the lands everywhere, and 
afterwards went to hell — and not they alone but everyone 
who was descended from them — until Christ suffered passion 
and punishment for our salvation. Guy', said he, *believe 
what the apostles say in the creed: namely, believe in one Grod 
Almighty who made heaven and earth; and believe also in Jesus 
Christ, who was born of Mary without loss of her virginity, 
without the knowledge of a man; and believe that he redeemed 
the seed of Adam in the midst of the tree of suffering; and 
believe that he rose from the dead on the third day after the 
harrowing of hell; and that he went thereafter to the right 
hand of his Father; and that he shall come to pass judgment 
upon both the quick and the dead; and believe in the Holy 
Spirit, the third part of the Deitj^, and understand further that 
there is one God in Trinity, namely the Father and the Son 
and the Holy Spirit; and believe in the resurrection of the men 
of the World, and the forgiveness of sins, and the life ever- 
lasting, and the communion of the saints aiid the angels, where 
there is life without death and health without disease'. 

35. When Guy had completed forty days in his wife's 
Company, he was [there] one night, and the daughter of the 
earl, with their breasts against the Chamber window, and Sir 
Guy said: * Feiice', said he, 'thou art with child, and shaltbear 
a son; and name him Eoighnebron, and he shall be a good son; 
and give him to Sir Heront to be brought up. And Feiice', 
said he, *not more numerous are the stars thou seest in the 
firmament than the men who have fallen at my hands because 
of my love for thee; and if it had been for the love of God that 
I had done it. He would be satisfied with me; and now I will 
de Service unto God'. Feiice said: *Guy', said she, 'build 
monasteries and temples and chapels and bridges and other 
Spiritual works, and make a house of hospitality for the Lord's 
poor, and still abide [here]'. *I will not do it', said Guy: 'but 
I will go to traverse the land that my Lord Jesus traversed'. 
Guy gave Feiice his sword, and told her to keep it for his son; 
and he said that there was not in the world a sword that was 
better than this; and he cut Short his spear and made a stafE 
of it. Feiice said: * There is a woman in another land who is 
dearer to thee than I am, and it is to her thou art going'. 
'There is none', said Guy, 'and yet we will surely not stay and 
abandon this joumey'. And then they kissed each other, [p. 85] 
and thereupon they feil in a swoon; and Guy got up after this, 
and set out on his way. 'Art thou surely pleased to go?' said 
sha 'I am in truth', said he. 'Take half of this ring with 
thee', said she; and Guy took the ring, and broke it, and left 
half of the ring wth her and took the other half himselt And 
Guy said: 'Do not believe that I have met death until thou get 

Z«itichrift f. c«lt. PhUologle VI. 11 

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162 F. N. BOBIKSON, 

my half of the ring'. Thus did Guy put away from himself 
the worli 

36. As for the earl's daughter, after Sir Guy had left her, 
she was three days and tliree nights in her Chamber without 
food or sleep; and she took Sir Guy's sword and she would 
gladly have driven it through herseif. And she said: *I would 
kill myself ', said she, 'but that I fear it would be said that Sir 
Guy lalled me'. And she went to her father after that, and 
told him that Guy had departed. The earl said: 'It is to test 
thee he has done that'. *Not so indeed', said Feiice, 'and I 
shall never see him again'. As for the earl, after he had heard 
this news, he feil down in a swoon. And afterwards he sent to 
Sir Heront and related the news to him. Sir Heront said that 
he would explore the world until he found Sir Guy. He set 
out again, and he did not leave unexplored a land of those 
he had traversed before with Guy; and he searched in Eome 
for him, and got no news of him, and they came together in 
another city, and Sir Heront did not recognise Sir Guy after his 
change of name (Poor John, namely, he was calling himself), 
and his body emaciated») with fasting and his hair grownlong; 
and Guy did not betray his identity to Heront. Sir Heront 
retumed to England, and reported that he had not found a 
Word of news about Guy, and great were the lamentations the 
English made in mourning him. Thus far the sorrow of the 
English for Guy, and Sir Heront's search. 

37. As for Sir Guy, he made a praiseworthy pilgrimage 
of the World to the city of Jerusalem, and from there to Alexandria, 
and he was three [yearsPJ travelling in those cities. And out- 
side of the city he came upon an old man, advanced in years, 
weeping sorro\irfully. And Guy asked him the cause of his grief, 
and he did not teil him. Guy said: [p. 86] *I beg thee for the 
sake of Christ's passion to teil me thy story'. 'I wiU do so now', 
said the old man. 'Earl Jonutas is my name', said the old man, 
'and I am a Christian; and Craidhamar,^) the King of Alexandria 
came with his foUowers to lay waste my land and my city, and 
I fought a battle with them, and defeated them, and we were 
slaying them mercilessly as far as this city. And they made 
an ambush for us in the woods yonder, and we were deceived, 
and I was captured, and mv fifteen sons, and my followers were 
slain; and we have been [here] seven years, and we have not 
had our half portion of food or drink in that time. And it is 
a fixed custom with the Sultan every year to celebrate a feast 

») tnuiiüeadh means usually *defile, corrupt', and perhaps the refer- 
ence here is to the bodily neglect that accompanied religious asperities rather 
than to the emaciation of abstinence. 

') Trimnour in the English and French romancers. See p. 13, above. 

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on the anniversary of the day on which he was born; and all 
bis followers are with bim at tbat feast. And Craidhamar, tbe 
lord of tbis city, and bis son Faber went to tbat feast, and 
Sodoni, tbe Snltan's son, asked Faber to play a game witb bim, 
and tbey played tbe game. Tbe Snltan's son became angry, and 
Struck Faber witb bis fist, and Faber said: *If tbere were any 
witness of it, I would not let tbee disbonor me', said be. Wben 
Sodoni beard tbis, he Struck bim again, so tbat bis blood ran. 
Faber was angry, and Struck bim on the bead witb tbe chess- 
board, and be feil dead, witbout life. Faber went to bis fatber, 
and told bim about it, and tbey fled to tbis city; and tbey bad 
been only three days witb the Sultan, and tbat feast lasted six 
days. x4.s to tbe Sultan, after he learned of bis son's death, be 
sent a messenger to Craidhamar to Charge bim with tbe deed. 
And tbe King of Alexandria and bis son went to meet the 
Sultan. The Sultan said: * Faber', said be, *it is an evil deed 
tbou hast done, to kill my son without cause'. *Not witbout 
cause did I kill bim', said Faber, and he told bim bow he bad 
done tbe deed. The Sultan said: *I will give tbee a year and 
forty days, time to find a Champion; and if thy Champion is tbe 
stronger, I will relieve thee from thy accusation,») and if thy 
Champion is tbe weaker, I will put thee and thy fatber to death, 
and will take away youi* dominion'. Then they came to tbis 
city', Said Earl Jonutas, ^and they told me tbat tbey would give 
me and my cbildren our lives, if I would find a Champion wbo 
would win the battle of the Sultan for them; and if I did not 
find them one, tbat tbey would put me and my cbildren to death. 
And I travelled througb the land of the Englisb and a great 
part of tbe islands of the sea besides, and I did not find bim 
whom I was seeking, Sir Guy of Warwick, my lord and chief; 
and I did not find Sir Heront, a brave knight of the Company 
of Guy of Warwick. And now I am going back, and I shall have 
to suffer death now, [p. 87] myself and my cbildren; and tbere 
is left of the time before that combat only forty days tbat have 
not elapsed; and that is the cause of my grief ', said he. Sir 
Guy said: *I will go with thee to tbat combat', said he. Earl 
Jonutas said: 'Pilgrim', said he, *do not make mockery of me'; 
and be rose to bis feet then, and feil down immediately; and Sir 
Guy lifted bim to a sitting posture, and told bim to have good 
courage, and that be would remove the cause of bis griei Earl 
Jonutas Said, looking at Guy: 'It would seem likely tbat tbou 
wert once such an one that tbou couldst do a manful, valiant 
deed; 2) and it is a pity before Him wbo made beaven and earth 

*) Or perhaps, 'make amends to thee for the accasation'? This is 
snpported by luach h^eionora, p. 338 a, below. 

*) The idiom is not quite literally rendered. Cf . p. 343 b , below, for a 
similar constructiou. 


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164 F. N. BOBINSON, 

that thou art not Guy of Warwick*. After that they went into 
the city, and Craidhamar came upon them, and he asked news 
of Earl Jonntas, whether he had fonnd a man whom he could 
ask to ander take the battle. Earl Jonutas said: *There is a 
pilgrim with me who promised to win^) it'. The king looked 
at Guy, and made hat little [of himj, and asked him what his 
country was. Guy said: 'I am John the Englishman', said he. 
The king said: 'I like it the vrorse that thou art an English- 
man', said he, *for from that land were the two knights that I 
liked least of all that ever came, Sir Guy of Warwick and Sir 
Heront; for it is Sir Guy who killed the Sultan, my brother, 
and EiUman of Tyre,^) my father; and I was near the place my- 
self when he Struck off the Sultan's head. And [yet] if Sir Guy 
should come to me now, and settle the combat yonder for me,^) 
I would give him assurance of peace'. And the king said: 'Cid 
man', said he, *how wilt thou expect to fight the battle yonder? 
For if thou shouldst fight with the Champion of the Sultan, thou 
wouldst be killed instantly by terror before him; for such is the 
warrior, — black, horrible, huge, bold and unconquerable'. Guy 
said: *I have never feit fear yet', said he, *of anything I have 
Seen'. As for Guy then, Service and attendance was given him, 
frequent baths and food and drink, to the end of forty days and 
forty nights. When the time had passed the King of Alexandria 
said: [p. 88] *01d man', said he, *on what terms dost thou wish 
to fight the battle yonder?' He said: *I wish thee', said he, *to 
release Earl Jonutas and his children, if I am the stronger; and 
if I am defeated in the battle, do thy will with Earl Jonutas'. 
The king said: *I will do that with a good heart', said the 
king; 'and all the Christian prisoners that I hold bound I will 
let out, if thou art the stronger; and I will not make war upon 
a Christian tili the time of my death, if the victory in the battle 
there is with thee'. Guy said: 'Get me strong weapons and 
armor of the same kind'. The king said: *I have them, if a 
strong, brave man were found who could carry them, and no 
such man has been found since the men who owned them came 
to their death, — the breast-plate of Hector, the son of Priam, 
and his sword, and the helmet of Alexander, the son of Philip 
the Blind '.4) 'Give them to me', said Guy. The armor was 

^) C08C is Uterally 'stopi check, restrain'. 

•) See p. 13, aboye. 

>) do C08C. The yerbal nonn practicaUy takes the place of a clanse in 
the protasis. I have not tried to keep the constrnction in the translatiou. 

*) caech might mean either * blind' or ^sqnint-eyed'. Cf. Henebry, 
BJC. XXI, 134. Stokes (KZ. XXXVH, 254) argnes that two different wordB are 
involved. Here the reference is doubtless to Philip's loss of an eye from bein^ 
hit by an arrow. Cf. Orosins, Lib. m, Cap. XII. A nnmber of other classical 
references are given in the notes to the Hayercampus edition (1788), p. 1G9. 
Strictly speaking, then, Philip was only lethcaeck. 

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given to Guy, and he put it on, and it was well that that 
armor suited Guy. Then he went to the Sultan. The King of 
Alexandria said: *My lord', said he, *the Champion is prepared'. 
* Thou shalt have the battle then ', said he. And they were put 
on an Island to fight the battle. Craidhamar prayed the gods, 
Mahoun and Termagant, to give Guy strength. 'I deny them', 
Said Guy, 'and I pray for aid from the Son whom the imma- 
culate Virgin bore, and who endured the passion for the race of 
men'. Amoront, the Champion, came against Guy. Guy said, 
when he saw him: *The man yonder is more like a devil than 
like a man', said he. Then the two rode against each other, and 
they fought with each other a manful, heroic, and valiant fight, 
and Amoront Struck Guy a savage blow, and made [two pieces 
of] the steed that was under him, and Guy came to bis feet. 
And the Sultan laughed when he saw that Guy fought fiercely, 
and gave Amoront a blow, and shattered his warrior's helmet 
and his old, stränge armor, and cut his clothing, and made two 
pieces of bis horse, and Amoront came to the ground, and the 
King of Alexandria laughed. Amoront got up quickly, and they 
smote each other again. And there was fiery heat on that day, 
the next af ter the day of John the Baptist in the summer. [p. 89] 
Amoront said: 'Warrior', said he, *for God's own sakev give 
me leave to go to the water and bathe'. 'I would give it', 
said Guy, *if thou wouldst give me the same in turn, if Ishould 
ask it'. *I will', said Amoront. The Champion went into the 
water, and bathed himself there, and drank some of it; and then 
he was strong and valiant, and they fought bravely thereafter. 
After that the heat overcame Guy, and he asked leave to go 
into the water. 'I would give it', said Amoront, 4f thou 
wouldst let me know who thou art'. *I would', said Guy, 'for 
I am Guy of Warwick'. Amoront said: *I thank the gods for 
that, — for sending thee against me, since it is thou who killed 
my two brothers and my lord, the Sultan; and for all the gold 
in the world I would not give thee leave now'. Amoront dealt 
Guy a fierce blow then, and brought him to his knees. Guy 
said: *The Trinity and Mary protect me', said he, 'for I was 
never before on my knees against my will'. Guy sprang up 
fiercely and savagely, and he drove his sword strongly and 
boldly into Amoront's breast, and gave him a broad, deep wound, 
and his blood flowed terribly, and he feil to the ground. And 
at that time Sir Guy went into the water, and bathed himself 
there, and drank enough of it, and came out. Guy said: 'There 
was never a time when my strength was greater than now', (?) 
said he. And this is the length of time that he was fighting 
that battle, namely, ten hours before mid-day and six hours 
after it; and Amoront feil before Guy at the end of the fight, 

>) LiteraUy, ' in honor of God himself. 

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166 F. N. BOBINSON, 

and he Struck off bis head. Craidhamar said: 'Sultan', said he, 
'now thou seest that thou hast made an unjnst charge against 
my son; if it were not so, the victory in the battle yonder 
would not have been on his side\ The Sultan said: 'Thou shalt 
have assurance of peace on that account, and reparation for thy 
dishonor'. Thus far the battle between Guy of Warwick and 

38. After this they returned to the city of Alexandria^ the 
King and Earl Jonutas and Sir Guy, and Earl Jonutas was 
given his children and all his followers with all their possessions, 
and they went then to the city of the earl. And Sir Guy was 
with the earl fifteen days, and Earl Jonutas offered Sir Guy an 
abundance of possessions; and Guy refused [p. 90] this, and set 
out to depart, and the earl went to a place apart with liim. The 
earl said: 'For the love of Christ', said he, *tell me who thou 
art'. 'I wiir, said he, 'and do not teil of me to anyone eise, 
for I am Guy of Warwick '. And thereupon he left his blessing 
with him. As for Guy, he fasted and prayed and made a 
pilgrimage in every land in which Christ had joumeyed, and 
the story does not speak of him for another while. 

39. As for Feiice, the daughter of the Earl of Warwick, 
after Sir Guy left her she bore a son at the end of her preg- 
nancy, and he was baptised, and was named Roighnebron, and 
was brought to Sir Heront for his education. As for Feiice 
then, she built monasteries and chapels and other good works 
for the soul of Guy of Warwick. As for Roighnebron, at the 
end of his twelfth year there was not a lad of eighteen in 
England who was larger than he. Then there came a rieh 
vessel to trade in that land, and they went to the king, and 
gave him great treasures in return for the privilege of trading. 
Now Sir Heront had Charge of the harbors on the south shore 
of England at that time, and those merchants brought him 
many gifts in retum for helping them. And they went to Sir 
Heront's Castle, and saw the fierce-spirited lad, soldierly and 
proud, among the household, and asked information as to who 
he was. Sir Heront said: 'That is the son of the best knight 
that ever walked the earth, Sir Guy of Warwick'. And not 
long after that he left the Castle, and part of the merchant- 
ship's Company stayed behind him in the city. The ship's people 
stole Roighnebron, after promising him a great treasure if he 
would go out with them, and he went with them in this way, 
and they gave another reward to the gate-keepers for letting 
him out with them. They went aboard their boat, and set forth, 
and came to a harbor in Africa, and they gave Roighnebron to 
the King of Africa, and told him that he was the son of Guy 
of Warwick. When Heront discovered the loss of his ward, he 

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traversed a great part of the world in search for him, and he 
did not get news of him, and afterwards he returned. At that 
time the Norsemen came to capture England, and the King of 
England summoned the leaders of his army to go to meet them; 
and among all who came there Sir Heront in particular came 
with his foUowers, and the king bade him welcome, and took 
counsel with him, for there was no better counsellor in war 
than he, nor a knight stronger of hand, nor one who had been 
oftener proved. [p. 91] Eage and envy seized Moduiant, the Duke 
of Comwall, on this acconnt. And he said: 'My lord', said he, 
'bad is the judgment thou hast passed upon us, to abandon us 
for the false, treacherous traitor who sold his lord's son and his 
own Word to merchants for a petty reward'. Sir Heront said: 
'It is a lie thou has spoken, and I would undertake to prove 
that it is'. The king said: ^Settle that between youV) said 
he. Sir Heront said: *Duke of Cornwair, said he, 'I will explore 
the whole world in the search for my ward, unless I find him 
sooner, until I make everyone understand that it was a false 
reproach thou didst put upon me; and Duke of Cornwair, said 
he^ *if I can, I will make thee repent of that yet'. Sir Heront 
said to the Eing of England: 'My lord', said he, 'send me and 
my followers, and young English knights along with me, those 
who receive from thee reward and payment, to fight a battle 
against the Norsemen'. And it was not long after that Sir 
Heront went to fight that battle against the Norsemen; and the 
battle was fought by him, and the Norsemen were defeated and 
slaughtered. Sir Heront went after that to look for his ward, 
and there were not many lands in the world where he did not 
search for him, and he did not get one word of news of him. 
And he went into Africa, and was exploring that land, or the 
great city of the King of Africa, and the whole land was 
devastated and the city half-devastated; and Heront asked the 
cause why the city was half-devastated and the entire land 
devastated. Somebody told him: *An Emir, mighty and merci- 
less, has captured all this land except only this city, and he 
will now soon take the city unless there should be a young 
knight, not aged, in it to defend it bravely'. As for Sir Heront, 
now, he was going from the ship, and the Turk who was 
attacking the city came upon him, and captured him with his 
followers, and he was seven years a prisoner, bound and fast- 
fettered, and there was not a word of news about Roighnebron 
in that time. Thus far the imprisonment of Sir Heront in 

40. As for Sir Guy of Warwick, after he had made a 
praiseworthy pügrimage of the world, he thought of retuming 

*) Literally, ^checkj oppose each other\ 

Google — 

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to liis own couiitry; and one day when he was travelling in 
Lombardy, he came upon a poor man complaining at the foot of 
a cross. And Guy asked the poor man the cause of his com- 
plaining. The poor man said: *Thou wilt find no profit in my 
Story', [p. 92] said he. *Tell me in God's honor', said Guy, *and I 
will give thee freely ») of my counsel', said he. *I will teil thee 
in truth', said Tirri, *for I am Sir Tirri, the son of the Earl of 
Gormisi', said he, *and I and Berard, the Duke of Lombardy, 
fought a battle with each other, and the battle went against me, 
and my followers were slain, and I myself was captured; and I 
have been seven years in captivity', said he, 'in the city of the 
emperor, and everyone said that it was unjust of the emperor 
to hold me captive in his city. When the emperor heard this, 
he ordered me to be released on a special condition, namely, 
that a Champion should be found on my part within a year and 
two months; and if that Champion should fall, I should be put 
to death and my domain should be at the disposal of the Duke 
of Lombardy; and if my Champion should be the stronger, my 
life should be granted me, and my domain given me. And there 
is not a man in the world who is stronger of band than the 
Duke of Lombardy, and he is most powei-ful with the emperor, 
and is his Steward, and I am not able to fight against him. And 
I had a dear friend who saved me twice from death, namely, 
Sir Guy of Warwick; and I have been a year and two months 
looking for him in England, and in many other Islands of the 
World, and I have not found a word of news about him in that 
time. And the one son that Guy of Warwick had has been 
Stolen, and Sir Heront is searching for him throughout the 
world, and no news has been got of either of them; and that is 
my Story', said Tirri. Guy said: *I will go to the emperor with 
thee ', said he, ' and perhaps he will take my counsel with regard 
to thee'. And after that they set out on their way. And Tirri 
said that he longed for sleep, and Sir Guy said: 'Sleep and put 
thy head on my bosom', said he. And Tirri put his head on 
Guy's bosom, and sleep feil upon him; and Sir Guy saw the 
likeness of a dove or a pure white weasel Coming out of Tirri's 
mouth and going into a hole in the ground in a strong rocky 
crag on the side of a great hill; and the creature came back 
again, and went into Sir Tirri's mouth, and wakened Tirri from 
his sleep. And he said: 'It is a pity before Him who made 
heaven and earth that the vision I saw is not true'. 'What is 
that?' said Guy. 'I saw', said he, 'how I should go, and Guy 
of Warwick, into the hill thou seest^) yonder before thee, and 

*) I take digeann to be the same word as digainrij digoinn, 'plentifal, 

«) dociid, really 2 pl. These texts show this mixture of number not 

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that [p. 93] we should find a deep, dark cave there, and a dragon 
sleeping in it with bis tail in bis mouth in the form of a circle, 
and a decorated sword in the ground within, and an abundance 
of gold around it\ Guy seid: 'We will go to see tbat', said 
he; and Guy bad observed how the white creature went into 
the bin, and he entered there, and saw the dragon asleep and 
the sword on the floor. And Guy sprang quickly on the dragon's 
floor, and took away the sword, and said to Tirri: * We ai^e both 
in want of food', said he; *and take some of the gold with thee'. 
And tben they went out of the cave; and [Guy] drew the sword 
from its beautif ul gold sheath, and said: * There is not a sword in 
the World that is better than this'. Tirri said: 'The city of the 
emperor is only three miles away from us', said he, 'and let 
US go there'. Then they went to the gate of the city, and Tirri 
said: 'Fear will not permit me to go into the city to-night', 
said he, 'and let us wait in this little hostelry outside the city'; 
and they did so. The next morning Guy said: 'I will go to 
mass', said he, 'and do thou stay here, Tirri, until I come to 
thee', said he. And Guy went to the temple, and heard mass, 
and went on his way to meet the emperor, and paid him 
bomage, and asked alms of the emperor. And he said: 'FoUow 
me to the palace', said he, 'and take thy share there, and thou 
shalt receive alms '. As f or Guy then, he went to the emperor's 
palace, and the emperor asked bim: 'Hast thou made a great 
pilgrimage?' said he. 'I have', said Guy, 'for there is no 
praiseworthy pilgrimage in the world that I have not made', 
said he. The emperor said: 'Hast thou heard talk of me in 
those lands?' said he. Guy said: 'I have heard good and ill 
spoken of thee', said he. 'What is the reason for speaking ill 
of me?' said he, 'for it is fitting to speak well of me'. Guy 
said: 'That thy proud Steward, the Duke of Lombardy, captured 
Earl Tirri, and took away his domain, and that thou hast 
suffered that and hast given him more besides'. Duke Berard 
said: 'I swear by the one God', said he, 'that I came near 
seizing thee by the beard and breaking thy teeth in thy throat'. 
Guy said: 'I give my word that if thou shouldst do that, I 
would strike my scrip and my staff together on the top of thy 
head, tili I drove thy brains through thy skull'. The duke said: 
^ I bad rather [p. 94] than a great part of the wealth of the 
World that the man who would say that of me should come and 
prove it against me!' Guy said: 'I would come to prove it 
against thee!' said he, 'and here I am in the power of the 
emperor as a pledge that I will fight that battle to-morrow 
morning', said he. Then the Duke of Lombardy gave a pledge 
and sureties for himself that he would come to combat with the 
pilgrim on the next morning. Thus passed the night with them. 
Guy rose in the bright, early dawn of the morning, and asked 
the emperor for armor, and got his supply of weapons and 

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annor, and took the sword that he found in the cave under the 
dragon. And they were from nine strokes of the bell until the 
black, dark, indistinguishable time of the night cutting and 
smiting each other. And the emperor made a truce of the 
battle between them; and the emperor sent Sir Guy to his 
daughter's Chamber to be guarded, and ordered care and treat- 
ment to be given him. The Duke of Lombardy said to his 
foUowers: *I never had a flght that was harder for me than the 
fight of to-day', said he, 'and I have fear of the morrow, and 
it is a pity for me', said he, Hhat I have no kinsman who 
would kül the pilgrim there to-night so that he would not be 
found for the fight to-morrow*. A number of the duke's kins- 
men said that they would do that. As for Sir Guy, after he 
had washed and partaken of his food, then he slept; and he was 
Stolen with his bed, and there was an high tide of the sea 
under the sunny Chamber at that time, and a swift, tidal cui-rent 
beneath it running out into the ocean, and a strong pillar 
supporting the sunny Chamber high above the sea; and they 
cast Sir Guy into that stream. As for Sir Guy then, he was 
carried away into the ocean, and awoke from his sleep, and sat 
up on his bed, and looked above him, and prayed God fervently 
for help. And he said: *0 Lord', said he, *thou knowest that 
it was not for the sake of reward nor to achieve fame that I 
went to battle, but to save my friend from the in justice that 
had been done him; and Lord, forgive me', said he. Then 
Sir Guy saw a little flshing boat approaching him, and he asked 
tidings of it. Guy said: *Have you heard any mention of the 
poor man who fought a battle to-day in the city of emperor?' 
*We have', said they, 'and that was well done of him'. 4t was 
I who did it', said Guy, 'and I was betrayed in my sleep, and 
I do not know how I was put here, and in God's honor give 
me help!' [p. 96] The fisherman took Sir Guy into the boat 
with him, and took him to his own house in the city, and gave 
him a bath and food and drink, and put him to sleep and long 
slumber on a high, stately bed. As for the duke then, he rose 
the next morning, and went to the combat, and the pilgrim was 
not found anywhere, and the Steward said: *The pilgrim has 
taken flight', said he. The emperor sent a messenger to his 
daughter to look for the pilgrim, and he got no news of him 
from her, The emperor said: 'It is the Duke of Lombardy who 
has ordered the poor man to be killed', said he, 'and I pledge 
my Word that if he is not found I will put my daughter and 
the duke to death'. And the duke said that it was not he 
who had ordered him put to death, and that he would under- 
take to prove that he had no share in it; and that after that 
he would go and join the Sultan to take vengeance on the 
emperor for lying about him. It was then that Guy said to 
the fisherman: 'Go to the emperor ', said he, 'and get from him 

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thy reward for telling him my story'. The fishennan went 
thereupon to the emperor, and told him the story, and he was 
glad to get that news. And after that Guy was taken to the 
emperor, and his battle-armor was given him, and he fought 
with the duke, and the duke feil before Guy at the end of the 
combat. A messenger went to Earl Tirri and said to him: 
'It is a pity for thee that the bravest combat that was ever 
fought in the world should take place in the same town with 
thee, and thou not be seeing it!' Tirri went with all the rest 
to see that fight, and after the duke had been killed by Guy, 
he went to him and said: *Unless thou shouldst have the wrong 
side *, said he, * there is not a man in the world who would come 
out alive from a battle with thee'. He said: *My lord the 
emperor', said he, *give Earl Tirri his rights now'; and Tirri 
w-as brought to the place, and his domain was given him, and 
the Office of Steward of the emperor, and assurance of peace; 
and Guy stayed for a while with Earl Tirri. Guy took Tirri 
with him a thousand paces from the city, and said: * Tirri', said 
he, *dost thou recognise me? Dost thou not recognise me?' ^I 
do not', Said Tirri. *I am Sir Guy of Warwick; and it is I 
who killed Duke Otun for thy sake; and it is I who killed 
the fifteen knights when I found thee as if dead in the forest; 
and it is I who [killed] the four knights who were carrying 
thee to Duke Otun to thy execution'. Tirri said: *It is thou', 
said he, 'and I saw a resemblance to thy horsemanship when 
thou wert fighting with the Duke of Lombardy '; and they kissed 
each other, [p. 96] and then the earl feil in a swoon, and after 
that Guy departed. As for the earl, moreover, he was a fort- 
night in his Chamber without food or drink or sleep, and his wife 
asked him the cause of his sorrow. The earl said: *Sir Guy of 
Warwick', said he, 'was with me in the disguise of a pilgrim, 
and it is [he] who killed the Duke of Lombardy for my sake, 
and got me my domain; and the day he left me he gave me 
certain knowledge of his story, and my life will not be long 
after him'. 'It was a pity for thee that thou didst not keep 
him with thee', said the queen. Thus far Sil' Guy's ad venture 
with Earl Tirri. 

41. As for Guy, after that he went on his way to England, 
and he asked Information where King Caulog,0 the King of 
England, was. Someone told him that the king was at Win- 
chester, — 'and the king of the Norsemen is Coming to capture 
England and sixty thousand knights along with him; and there 
is a fierce, ill-boding Champion with him; and the Norsemen 
and the English have staked their cause and their rights on a 

^) On this uame see p. 13, above. 

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combat of two, and it is that black, swartliy, devilish creature 
who has come to the combat on the part of the Norsemen; and 
there is not found among the English a man equal to bim, 
for there is not in the world a man who can conquer him. 
And it is on that account that the English are compelled to 
pay homage and to give fixed tribute to the Norsemen. And 
the king of the English, and the bishops, and dukes, aüd earls, 
and the people of every order besides, have been fasting three 
days on bread and water, and praying the one God who made 
heaven and earth to find them a man to overcome Colobron; 
and that is the news of this land', said the young man. Sir 
Guy came to Winchester. Then in the night an angel came to 
the king and said to him: *My lord', said he, 'arise early to- 
morrow [and go] to the temple, and a poor religious man whom 
thou shalt find there, him shalt thou ask in honor of Christ's 
passion to fight the battle for thee against Colobron *. Now the 
king arose early in the moming [and went] to the temple, and 
found Sir Guy praying with crossed hands before the altar(?) 
of the temple imploring the Creator. The king gave Guy a 
blessing, and Guy answered humbly and looked at the king, and 
when he recognised him he paid him homage and asked idms of 
him. The king said: *Thou shalt have it', said he, 'and do 
thou grant me a request'. *If it is in my power', said Guy. 
*Win the battle of Colobron for me', said he. 'That is no 
suitable request to make of me', said Guy, *for I am an old 
man, infirm and timid', said he. [p. 97]^ Then the king feil on his 
knees, and the English nobles with him, both clergy and lalty, 
and they all besought Sir Guy to conquer Colobron for them. 
The noble man was overcome with confusion because of the 
urgent pressure the English put upon him. Then Guy said that 
he would go to the combat in honor of Jesus, — 'and get me 
armor for the fight'; and many suits of armor were brought 
him, and every one of them he broke apart by shaking it. 
And Guy said: 'Bring me the armor of Guy of Warwick', said 
he, ' for he was a comrade of mine, and his armor would fit me, 
and [it] is in keeping in his wife's possession; and do not on any 
account leave the sword'. Sir Guy's battle-armor was brought 
to the place, and the old man put it on, and mounted easily 
into the saddle of the steed without anyone eise to hold it for 
him. And there was great wonder among the English at the 
strength of the leap which the old man took into the saddle, 
and at the weight of the armor that was on him. And he pro- 
ceeded to the place of battle, and dismounted there, and feil 
upon his knees, and prayed God fervently, and said: '0 Lord', 
said he, 'if the right is on my side, save me from this danger 
with thy great miracles, as thou didst save Enoch from death, 
and Isaac from the sword, and Joseph from prison, and the 
people of Moses from Egypt, and David from Golias, and 

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Susanna from the false blame, and Daniel from the Kons' den, 
and HabakkukO from hunger, and Lazarus from death, and 
Jonah from the belly of the big fish, save me, Lord, in the 
same way by thy great mercy, et cetera'. And Sir Guy mounted 
his steed again, and went to meet Colobron, and they fought a 
Woody, angry, venomous fight for a space and a while. Sir Guy 
gave Colobron a keen, bold thrust of the spear, and broke the 
two-fold armor that was on him, and gave him himself a bloody, 
unsightly wound. Colobron dealt Guy a powerful blow, and 
Struck him to the ground ; and Sir Guy arose quickly, and gave 
Colobron a hard, strong sword-blow on the Shoulder, and made a 
deep wound in him after cutting his armor. Colobron gave [him] 
a powerful blow in the head, and cut the precious talismanic 
stones that were in his helmet, and that stroke glanced to the 
ground and did not härm him; and Guy's sword was broken in 
that fearful onslaught. Colobron said: 'Give thyself up now', 
Said he, *for thou hast no power to defend thyself since thy 
sword is broken; and let the English give tax and tribute to 
the [p. 98] Norsemen forever '. Guy said: 'Colobron', said he, 'dost 
thou see the brave knight Coming with arms to me?' Colobron 
looked around to prevent the arms from being given to Guy. 
It was then that Guy rushed to the cart in which Colobron's 
arms were, for he had a cart füll of arms, and Sir Guy snatched 
a broad-headed axe out of it, and Struck Colobron a mighty blow 
with it, and Struck him a second time, and at last beheaded 
him, and took his head away from him, and brought it into'the 
king's presence. The king came, and the nobles of his retinue, 
and the clergy of the city, in a procession to meet Guy; and 
the king took him by the band, and bade him welcome, and 
led him thus by the band into the city. And the king offered 
Guy his choice of the dukedoms in England, and Guy refused 
to take it, and he remained three days with the king, and then 
he asked leave to depart; and thereupon he set out, and the 
king went a little way apart with him. The king said: *0 
servant of God', said he, *tell me who thou art and what is thy 
land'. Guy said: 'My lord', said he, *if thou wouldst give me 
thy pledge not to teil my story for forty days, I would teil thee 
my story'. The king gave him that assurance. The old man 
Said: *I am Sir Guy of Warwick', said he; and thereafter he 
parted from the king. Thus far the battle of Colobron and 
Sir Guy. 

^) The list of Biblical instances is considerably longer here than in the 
Middle English versions, which refer only to Lazaras, Susanna and Daniel (or 
Samson). 1 do not nnderstand the mention of Habakkuk unless it is a con- 
fnsed reference to the apocryphal story that he was carried by an angel from 
Judaea to Babylon to give food to Daniel in the lions' den. On this legend 
cf. Delitzsch, De Habaeuci Frophetae Vita atque Aetate (1844) pp. 45—47. 

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174 F. N. ROBINSON, 

42. As for Sir Guy then, he proceeded to Warwick, and 
f ound Feiice in the door of the hall, and twelve beggars supported 
by her for the love of Gk)d and the soul of Sir Guy of Warwick. 
And Sir Guy asked an alms of the lady like all the other 
beggars; and Feiice looked at him, and feit love and streng, 
irresistible affection for the old man, and she did not recognise 
him. And she said to him: *Come with me into the hall', said 
she, *and thou shalt have thy sustenance there to-day with me'. 
Sir Guy went to the hall, and he received honor at the lady's 
hands and a pittance from her own table. Feiice said: 'Servant 
of God', said she, Hhou art infirm, and now thou art not streng 
enough to travel; and do thou stay with me to be supported for 
the love of God and for the sake of Sir Guy of Warwick'. Sir 
Guy said: *May the true God, the glorious, reward theefor that 
honor, lady', said he, 'and I will accept that alms from thee; 
and I will go into this forest beside us', said he, *to pray and 
implore my God and my Creator, for there is no place for religion 
in the midst of a great Company; and I will sent my servant to 
the city every day for my food'. 'Thou shalt have that [p. 99] 
with all my heart', said the countess. As for Sir Guy then, he 
went into the forest, and found a hermit there in an oratoiy 
praying to the Creator, and Sir Guy greeted him and begged him 
for part of the oratory tili the end of his life. The hermit looked 
at him and said: 'It seems to me', said he, 'that there was 
once a time when thou wert worthy of honor,») and thou shalt 
have a share of it with me so long as thou shalt live'. Guy 
thanked the hermit for that. After this Guy quickly bowed h& 
knees. The angel spoke above his head, and said: '0 Guy, 
prepare thyself to meet thy Lord, thy heavenly Father, on the 
eighth day from to-day'. 'Deo graäas', said Guy. It was thus 
with him tili the end of the eighth day, and at that time he 
sent his lad to Feiice, and said to him: 'Bear my nine blessings 
to the lady, and give her this half-ring as a token, and teil her 
that I shall meet death in this hour; and ask her to pray to 
Grod for me, and let her come if she would visit me alive'.*^) 
The lad went quickly to Feiice, and told her the Guy's message, 
and gave her the half-ring; and she recognised it and knew that 
it was Guy who was in the oratory in the guise of a [poorl 
man. As for the countess then, she set out swiftly on her way») 
to the oratory, and she found Guy stretched on the floor of the 
oratory, and his face to the east, and he yielding up his life; 
and the lady cried out bitterly and lamented when she recognised 

M LiteraUy, 'thou wert one time and thou wert worthy'. For the idiom 
cf. 336 b, above. 

*) LiteraUy, *to oyertake me in my life'. 

') With the constmction ina reim roretha cf. ina ruamannaibh rorethaf 
Silva Gadelica ü, 123. 

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Sir Guy. Guy looked at the lady, and then he drew his legs 
up toward Mm, and he Struck them out from him quickly and 
Imocked a rock to the ground as he yielded up his life; and it 
took the strength of seven men to put [the rock] on a barrow. 
And Feiice saw the semblance of a pure white dove Coming out 
of Sir Guy's mouth and going upward to the kingdom of God. 
So that it is thus that Feiice obtained her prayer from the 
Lord, for she besought God that she might have a look at Guy 
with her eyes and with her sight before his soul should depart 
from him. And the oratory was filled with an angelic fragrance, 
so that it surpassed all herbs and spices and gums in fragrance. 
Sir Guy was placed on a hier, and they wished to carry him to 
the city to bury him, and all the men in England could not 
raise him from tiiat place. And he was buried with regulär rites 
in the oratory [p. 100] at that time. Then a chapel, peaceful and 
lovely, was built around him, and a great, beautiful monastery 
around the chapel, and an order of religious canons was estab- 
lished in it; and Feiice supported that monastery tili the end 
of her life, and commanded thirty priests to be constantly at 
Service in that monastery. As for Feiice, after that she made 
herseif ready, and she died at the end of thirty days from the 
completion of the monastery; and she was buried alone beside 
Sir Guy, after they had won the victory of the world and the 
devil; and their bodies are still resting in the land of the 
monastery 1) and their souls are in heaven with the angels. 
Thus ended the life of the one knight who was least evil of all 
who lived in his time. 

43. As for Sir Heront, he went to search throughout the 
World for his ward, namely, Roighnebon, the son of Sir Guy of 
Warwick; and he was captured in Afitica, and he was seven 
years in prison there. And one day he said: *My lord', said 
he, 4t is a pity thou didst not put me to death before I was 
in this prison. Many are the brave deeds I have done in the 
past, though I have fallen into this prison'. The jailer was 
listening to these words, and he went to Ambrail,^) and told 
him that news, and said that it seemed to him likely that [the 
prisoner] could overcome the young knight who was pillaging 
and laying waste the country, * Bring him to us quickly', said 
Ambrail. He was quickly brought up, and Ambrail asked In- 
formation about him, and what his country was. Sir Heront 
Said: 'I am anEnglishman', said he. Ambrail said: ^ Didst thou 

^) I am doubtfnl about the meaning of coitcenna in this place. 
Dr. Meyer cites in his 'Contributions' some cases where it appears to mean 
*convent' or ' coenobinm '. 

*) Apparently regarded aa a proper name in the Irish, thongh it is a 
translation of 'Amirar, as nsual. 

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176 F. N. ROBINSON, 

not know Sir Guy of Warwick?' said he. 'I did', said Heront, 
*for I was the first knight that he ever established on his 
domain'.O ^Happy is the man with whom that knight now 
is',2) Said Ambrail. And Ambrail said: 'A young knight has 
been smiting and wounding my foUowers for six years; and if 
thou couldst conquer him for me, I would let thee out with thy 
foUowers'. Sir Heront said: *If any man in the world can over- 
come him, since Guy is no longer living, I am he', said he. 
Then a spirited, swift steed was given to Sir Heront and strong 
armor of battle, and good, doughty weapons; and after that he 
answered the challenge to battle, [p. 101] and ten knights quickly 
feil before him. Roighnebron came to the place of combat, and 
said: *01d man', said he, 'terrible is the issue thou art bringing 
upon the army; and thou thyself shalt die for it'. Then Sir 
Heront and Roighnebron fought with each other, and they made 
an angry, mighty, bloody and vaUant struggle, and it was not 
known in that time which of them would yield in the combat. 
And Sir Heront said: 'Young knight', said he, 'neither young 
man nor old ever held out against me so long before without 
falling at my hands, except only thee'. Roighnebron said: 
*Foolish old man', said he, ^shortly shalt thou fall before me'. 
Sir Heront said: *Tell me thy story, who thou art, and what 
thy country is'. *I will not', said he, 'until I have Struck off 
thy hideous head'. Heront said: 'I am older than thou', said 
he: ^and teil me thy stpry in honor of God and of my age, for 
my heart has rejoiced much in thee, and I have no desire to 
kill thee'. Roighnebron said: *I will teil thee my story', said 
he, ' and Roighnebron is my name, and I am the son of Sir Guy 
of Warwick'. When Sir Heront heard that, he dismounted at 
once, and kissed Roighnebron fondly, fervently, and faithfully. 
Heront said: * Roighnebron', said he, *dost thou recognise me?' 
*I do not', said Roighnebron. 'I am Sir Heront, thy foster- 
father', said he, *and the Charge was made against me in 
England that I had sold thee to a merchant-ship. And I have 
travelled over a great part of the world in search of thee; and 
I have been held seven years in captivity by Ambrail in this 
city beside thee, and it is he who sent me to-day to fight on 
his behalf'. As for Roighnebron, when he had heard this story, 
his joy was immeasurable. And those two made peace between 
Argus, the King of Africa, and Ambrail, who was of lower rank 
than a king and was greater than a duke; and those two 
gracious and noble kings released all whom they held as 
prisoners on both sides in honor of those two knights. And Sir 
Heront said that it was from him that Roighnebron had been 

Ref erring to Guy 's gift to Heront, page 333 b? 
*) i. e., by implication, 'bappy would I be, if that knight were with 
me now'. 

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Stolen, and that he was in search of Mm. And then they parted 
from the kings, and thanked them afterwards for the honor, 
and Sir Heront sent his ship and his followers before him 
to England. Thus did those two knights leave the land of 

44. fp. 102] As for Roighnebron and Heront, they proceeded 
for a whiie on their way through wildernesses broad and vast, 
[and] they did not see either man or animal, and both they 
themselves and their horses were tired and hungry at the end 
of the day. And they saw before them a strong tower of stone, 
and a firm, impregnable palisade about it, and a broad forest 
beside this Castle; and they asked to have the door opened 
before them, and the keeper inquired who was thera And they 
replied: *Only two knights alone'; and their request was granted, 
and they were let in, and their horses were taken from them 
and their feet were washed, and a supply of food and drink 
was given them, and they partook of what they needed. 
Roighnebron inquired what made that whole land a wildemess. 
[The lady] replied: 'A haughty. flendish, wicked king made war 
upon US*, Said she, *and our lollowers were slain by him, and 
he took away from us all our possessions, and captnred or killed 
the lord of this land. And that lord was my husband, Earl 
Aimistir Amundae, and Sir Guy of Warwick has always defended 
him hitherto, for he was a young follower of Guy'. Roighnebron 
Said: *I will go in search of husband for thee', said he, *for he 
was a follower of my father'. Roighnebron arose the next 
morning, and set out, and he did not let Sir Heront go with 
him, but went alone; and he was a long time travelling on his 
way, and he came upon the mouth of a cave, and he went into 
it, and proceeded three miles under the earth; and as he left 
the cave a brilliant light rose before him, and he found a swift, 
strong stream, and thirty feet of depth in it; and Roighnebron 
found no way across it. And he committed himself to the pro- 
tection of the Trinity, and made a bold leap upon his horse into 
the stream, and it bore him across; and he saw a broad, strong 
city, and went into it, and explored the whole city, and he 
found no man in it; and after that he went into the great royal 
hall, and found a Single large man, wretched and weak, sitting 
in the hall, and many irons on him. And he greeted him, and 
the young warrior answered the greeting. And he said: *Young 
knight', said he, *it is a pity for thee to go into this city to thy 
death', said he. 'Who art thou? ' said Roighnebron. 'I am Earl 
Aimistir [p. 103J Amundae', said he, 'and I have been here six 
years in captivity; and Sir Guy of Warwick made a knight of 
me, and it was his retainer that I was'. Roighnebron said: 
^Mount behind', said Roighnebron, 'and I will take thee with 
me', said he. 'If thou wilt go', said the earl, 'take with thee 

Z«itsehrift f. oelt. Philologie Tl. 12 

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178 F. N. EOBINSON, 

the king's sword that is by the side of the window yonder, for 
it is not possible to wound him with other weapons, and perhaps 
it is not even in the power of bis own sword to kill him'. And 
they advanced on their way then, and they saw the King of 
the Sidh ») [approaching them], and the king cursed Roighnebron. 
Roighnebron said to Earl Aimistir: 'Dismount', and he did so 
thereupon; and Roighnebron and the Eing of the Sidh fought a 
hard, bitter battle with each other from the very beginning 
of the bright, early moming until midday; and it was not known 
in that time which of them would win the victory in the battle. 
Then Roighnebron gave the king of the Sidh a violent, venomous 
blow, and Struck him to the groond, and leapt down upon him 
to behead him. And the king said:.'My lord', said he, Hake 
me as a retainer, and grant me my life, and I will yield myself 
and my possessions to thee; and I thought there was no man 
in the world who would conquer me, except Guy of Warwick 
or some one of his kin'. Roighnebron granted the king his life, 
and the King of the Sidh released Earl Aimistir his prisoner 
to Roighnebron and returned to the earl all his possessions, 
and conveyed them across the stream. And they went to Sir 
Heront, and to Earl Aimistir's wife, and the lady rejoiced to see 
her husband with his followers after they had been seven years 
where she could not see them, and she gave Roighnebron a kind 
and friendly welcome. Thus far how Roighnebron overcame the 
King of the Sidh. 

45. After achieving this great feat, Roighnebron then pro- 
ceeded on his way, and Sir Heront along with him, and they 
made no stop until they came to the land of Burgundy; and 
they found it deserted and without cultivation, and its eitles in 
broken and dismantled ruins. And Roighnebron asked what 
brought the land to that State. [Some one]«) told him: *Earl 
Salua', said he, *has destroyed the dominion of the Duke of 
Burgundy; and there has been with him for some time a Single 
knight, young, brave and famous, fp. 104] and there has not 
come a knight equal to him since the beginning of the world; 
and it is he who has plundered and laid waste this land. And he 
is on the summit of the hill yonder before you, keeping the road^ 
and he does not let a living creature pass him without killing it, 
and there are two thousand dead knights around him who have 
fallen at his hands'. 'I will go myself to fight with him', said 
Roighnebron. 'I will go with thee', said Sir Heront; and then they 
went to the top of the hill, and they were not long there before 
they saw the knight, brave and resolute, approaching them, and 

^) I have kept the Irish term for the knight descrihed in the Middle 
English as one who came *owte of elves londe'. 

*) There is no subject expressed in the Irish. 

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he [was] advancing indirectiy against9(?) Eoighnebron. Sir 
Heront said: * Roighnebron ', said he, 'be on thy guard now, for 
the strong, brave knight is coming toward us'. And Eoighnebron 
went to meet him, and they fonght with each other a perilous 
and terrible battle, and they were in the battle nntil midday^ 
and it was not known which of them would win. Eoighnebron 
said: 'Since I took a warrior's weapons in my band, no man of 
thy age has fought with me without falling at my hands', said 
he. 'Thou shalt find me like this always', said he, ^until thou 
fallest before me'. And they were fighting each other long after 
that. Sir Heront said: 'Cease a whüe from our fighting', said 
he, 'and let us give account of ourselves to each other'. The 
knight said: 'I will give no account of myself to you', said he, 
'until I strike off the head from one of you'. 'Teil us thy story 
for the sake of thine honor and thy renown, for our hearts are 
rejoicing in thee, and we do not desire to do thee härm'. The 
knight said: 'I will teil you my story', said he, 'for I am an 
English knight', said he; 'and I am Sir Heront's son, and a 
knight of the retinue of Sir Guy of Warwick, and Sir Aslog 
is my name'^ said he. 'And Sir Heront, my father, went in 
search of Eoighnebron, his ward, the son of Guy of Warwick, 
and the men on a trading ship had stolen him away to Africa; 
and it is seven years since he went on that search, and we 
have got no word of news about either of the two in that time. 
And when I came to fighting age, I took the order of chivalry 
and the weapons of a knight, and I came to travel through 
the World in search of my father and of my foster-brother. 
And Earl Salua engaged me to make war upon the Duke of 
Burgundy, and I have plundered and devastated Burgundy this 
year. And I have guarded this road for a year, because it is 
the common road of all who travel through the world eastward 
or westward, and not a Single knight [p. 105] has travelled this 
road for a year of whom I have not asked news conceming my 
father and my foster-brother, and I have got no word of news 
about them in that time; and when I got no news, I allowed 
no living man of them to pass me without killing him; and this 
is my story for you. And now I will do the same by you; I 
will strike off your two heads') before I part from you'. Sir 
Heront said: 'It is not fitting for thee to kill us', said he, 'for 
I am thy father, and he is Eoighnebron with whom thou art 
fighting'. When Sir Aslocc heard this, he quickly dismounted, 
and he gave Eoighnebron three kisses foncUy, fervently, and 
faithfully, and likewise Sir Heront. And they entered upon 
sweet speech and fair conversation with each other, and after- 

') faenais. I take this to be a Compound of faen 'prone, sloping'. 
*) I haye no parallel to this use of adhar, Dr. Meyer cites both adam 
*my two' and adar 'our two*, in his * Contribntions \ 


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wards went to Earl Salna and made peace between Mm and 
the Duke of Burgundy. And after that they came to England, 
and Roighnebron did not find bis mother alive there, and he 
took possession of the heritage of bis ancestors, namely the 
earldom of Warwick and the earldom of Buckingbam; and he 
gave Sir Heront a barony, and great riches besides. 

F. N. Robinson. 

To he foUotoed 
by the text and tranelation of the 'Bevia' fragment and hy a Qlossary, 

Additions and corrections. 

Attention is called to the fact that the English translation and the 
accompanying foot-notes embody occasional corrections of the Irish text. 

p. 11, L 99. I should have noted that in the Irish the form Turont (= Toraxdd'^) 

occnrs as well as Uront 
„ 12, 1. 24. For suceeded read s^icceded. 
„ 13, 1. 17. For Quy'8 father read Felice's father. 

1. 19. For Anchinlech read Auchinleck, 
„ 14, 1.16. For three days, read three days*, 
„ 50, 1. 26. Snpply [«inj after Sir Oyi. 
„ 53, 1. 26. For catrach read cathrach. 
„ 60, 1. 12. For ar in read ar inn, 

1. 5. For rö'innosudh read ro-innosudh. 
„ 72, last line. For forais read fwraie, 
„ 78, 1. 7. For rodiM read rodiuU. 
„ 83, note 3. For dochaithemh read tochaithemh, 
„ 87, 1. 30. For athackdubh read athach dubh. 
„ 88, 1.23. For a narrthaisc read a n-arrthaisc. 
„ 89, 1. 20. After anosa pnt a mark of qnotaüon in place of the dash. 
„ 93, 1.35. For hincinn read HHncinn and for &oicinn read doicinn, 
„ 97, 1. 32. Dele ») after derg. 
„ 98, 1. 17. For di' nnsin read (f innsin, 
„ 105, 1. J7. The reference should be to 'Irish text, p. 24'. 
„ 124, note 1. The name Sdragbom, which I haye not fonnd in any other 

Version of the Guy romance, appears to be a cormption of 

Straesburg, Cf. the forms Estrabortj Strand)orCf and Tracborc, 

aU in the Old French 'Qarin le Loherain'. 
„ 124, note 2, last line. For dual read anal. 

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P6rfedur est sur les terres de Timperatrice de Cristinople- 
la-Grande — dMormation Evidente, par Etymologie populaire, du 
nom de Constantinople — ; il s'est logfe chez un meunier, et il 
va au toumoi oü il renverse tous les adversaires qui se pre- 
sentent L'impferatrice, d6sireuse de sa visite, le fait inviter une 
premi^re fois, puis une seconde, mais en vain. La troisi^me fois 
eile envoie cent Chevaliers pour lui amener P6r6dur, de gr6 ou 
de force. Et le texte gallois continue: 

Ynteu a wharyaöd ac wynt yn da. ef a baraöd eu r6yma6 
6ynt röymat iörch. ac eu b6r6 ygklaöd y velin — Edition Gwe- 
nogfryn Evans, p. 230, 1. 22—24. Ed. Kuno Meyer, § 63 1. 10. 

Lady Guest avait traduit ainsi le passage: 

And Peredur fought well with tliem, and caused them to 
be bound like stags, and thrown into tlie mill-dyke. Mabinogion, 
T. I, 1899, p. 352 (R6- Impression de M. Nutt, Londres, 1902 et 
1904, p. 280.) — Fought est un contre-sens, comme on va voir; 
et au lieu de stags *cerfs', il efit ete plus exact d*6crire roebucks 
^chevreuils'; mais k cela prfes, la traduction est correcte. 

II n'y a pas lieu de citer la traduction des Mdbinogion en 
gallois moderne publice en 1880 chez Foulkes ä Liverpool, car 
eile suit partout d'une fa^on si servile la traduction de Lady 
Guest qu'elle parait avoir ete faite sur Tanglais, non sur le 
gallois ancien. Et on peut en juger pas ce passage: 

Yna efe a ymornestodd & hwynt yn dda, ac a barodd eu 
rhwymo fei y rhwymid iwrch {stag) a'u bwrw i lyn y felin. — 
Y Mdbinogion Cymreig, Liverpool 1880, 2* Partie, p. 45. 

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182 H. GAIDOZ, 

Mais la traduction des Mabinogion en gallois moderne, 
publice il y a quelques ann6es par J. M. Edwards (de Rhyl) est 
une Oeuvre serieuse et faite sur Toriginal. Voici sa version ici: 

A Pheredur a ymladdodd yn dda ä hwy, ac a barodd eu 
rhwymo hwy fei rhwymo iwrch, a'u bwrw i ffos y felin. — 
Maiinogion, golygwyd gan J. M. Edwards, T. II, Wrexham, 1901, 
p. 45. — Ici ymladdodd est un contre-sens comme le fought 
de Lady Guest; pourtant le reste du passage est exactement 

Mais, en 1889, M. Loth avait publie sa traduction frauQaise, 
accompagnee d'un commentaire critique sur le texte, traduction 
ä laquelle M. Alfred Nutt d^cemait r^cemment le compliment 
d'etre admirdbly accurate:^) citons-la pour ce passage: 

II Jona bon jeu avec eux, les fit enchainer avec des cordes 
de nerfe de chevreuils^) et jeter dans le clos du moulin. — Les 
Mabinogion etc., par J. Lotli, Paris 1889, T. II, p. 94. 

'II joua bon jeu avec eux ...'; la traduction serait ao- 
ceptable malgre son equivoque, si dans une note sur ce passage 
(infra, p. 189) M. Loth n'expliquait le verbe *jouer' du gallois 
comme un äquivalent de *jouter'. Lady Guest et M. Loth ont 
ete amenes ici ä. une interpretation erronee parce que dans 
tont le r6cit precedent il est question de combats et de Chevaliers 
renversfe par Per6dur. Ici rien n'indique un combat ni une joute; 
et ce bout de phrase prepare et annonce le jeu injurieux auquel 
P6r6dur va se livrer avec ces messagers, de m§me que, par exemple, 
un Chat se joue d'une souris. 

'. . . les fit enchainer avec des cordes de nerfs de chevreuils 
[recte : chevreuil] . . .' a-t-on jamais vu des cordes ou liens faits 
avec des nerfs de chevreuil? Et il en faudrait beaucoup, ce 
me semble, pour attacher un seul homme. On connait les 'nerfs 
de boeuf', mais non des 'nerfs de chevreuil'. Le texte ne dit 
pas ce que M. Loth y a vu, et ce serait en gallois rwymaw 
ieu iwrch] mais M. Loth a ete suggestionne pac le Souvenir 
d'un passage oü il est question d'arcs dont les cordes sont faites 

^) Dans sa r^-impression de la tradnction de Lady Gaest, Londres 1902 
(et 1904), p. X. 

') Bemarquons au passage qn'ici chevreuils (an pluriel), pour chevreuü 
(au singulier), n'est pas conforme ä la tradition litt^raire de la langue 

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de nerfs de cerf, chose vraisemblable dans un cas particulier. — 
Le procede se comprendrait dejä ais6ment par lui-meme comme 
usage de chasse. Lorsqu'on a tue un chevreuil, comment le 
transporter? On reuuit les quatre pieds de la bete par un lien 
quelconque, on y passe un bäton et on porte le tout sur Tepaule. 
Si le gibier est plus gros et s'il s'agit d'un cerf ou d'un sanglier, 
deux hommes prennent cbacun un bout du bäton sur T^paule. 

'. . . et jeter dans le clos du moulin'. Si Tecrivain gallois 
avait voulu dire *clos', il aurait 6crit cae: mais il a 6crit clawd 
(== irl. clad) signifiant 'fosse'. II s'agit ici du ruisseau ou canal 
qui amöne l'eau au moulin^ et qui s'appelle en frangais du nom 
technique de 'bief ou, plus anciennement, 'biez'.^) 

Mais il y a plus. Le proc6d6 d6daigneux et injurieux de 
P6r6dur ä. T^gard des messagers de rimp6ratrice s'explique par 
de vieilles pratiques connues dans la tradition des Gaels d'Irlande 
et d'Ecosse et meme conserv6es jusqu'ä nos jours. Ici, plutöt que 
de d6marquer un parallele heureux fait par M. Nutt, nous citerons 
int6gralement une note publice par lui en 1888 sous le titre 
^Ancient Irish expressions of social contempt'. 

Mr. Whitley Stokes in bis new edition of the Tripartite Life of 
St. Patrick, p. CLXXII, mentions *that the solitary mention of the way in 
which social contempt was expressed is p. 138, when Patrick prophesied that 
a certain tribe wbo had stoned bim, would be nnder spittles and wisps and 
mockery in eyery assembly (Irish: ocva bethi fo selib ocus iopaib ocus cuit- 
bitid hl cach airecht imbedy; and be adds ^wbat tbese wisps were is not 
clear '. It seems legitimate to compare tbis expression witb a common incident 
in the Celtic folk-tales stiU corrent in the Higblands. A personage of the 
tale falling into tbe bands of enemies bas the 'bindings of the three smaUs' 
(i e. wrists, and ankles, and waist) laid upon bim and is cast under tbe table, 
' nnder the drippings of the lamps and tbe f eet of tbe big dogs ' as one tale 
(CampbeU ü, p. 453) bas it: 'under tbe cats, and dogs, and men's spittles, 
and witb shame and insnlt on tbemselves', according to anotber one (Campbell 
m, p. 270, to qnote but two out of many instances. Tbe incident is pecnliar, 
80 far as I know, to tbe Celtic folk-tales, and it is interesting to trace it 
back to tbe 9th if not to the 4tb Century. Tbe 'wisps' which puzzle 
Mr. Stokes may be conjectured to be eitber tbe cords or witbies witb which 
the tortured ones are bound, or tbe rusbes which covered the floors.*) 

») Edition de M. Gwenogfryn Evans, p. 163, 1. 29 — 30. Cf. Lady 
Guest 1, 105. 

*) De lä les patronymiques formant doublet comme les noms Lebiez et 

») Archceological Eeview, T. I (1888, p. 79. 

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II convient de remarquer que Fexpression irlandaise, etant 
allit6r6e {fo selaib ocus sopaiV), doit indiquer une pratique assez 
£r6quente pour etre connue: Tauteur de la vie de St-Patrice 
n'avait donc pas lieu de s'arreter k la d6crire. — M. Zimmer, 
qui a 6tudi6 ce mot sop, le considfere comme d'origine norroise;*) 
M. Stokes est du mgme avis sur rorigine, mais propose nne autre 
etymologie.2) Nous ne saurions mieux traduire en fran^ais 
rirlandais sop et Tanglais tvisp que par notre vieux mot hart, 
comme on peut voir par les exemples anciens que donne le 
Dictionnaire de Littr6, s. v. — H s'agit ici, evidemment, de harts 
faites d'osier ou d'autre bois flexible, la fagon la plus simple et 
la plus primitive de faire des liens. Mais ce n'est pas seulement 
chez les Gaels d'Ecosse qae Ton trouve la tradition de cette 
pratique: on la trouve aussi chez ceux d'Irlande, et eile se ren- 
contre plusieurs fois dans les contes que M. J6r6mie Curtiu a 
emeilJis en 1887 dans l'ouest de Tlrlande. Un r6cit populaire 
sur Cuculin raconte comment le h6ros traita successivement ses 
adversaires: 'he hurled him down on the flat of his back, bound 
him head and knees . . .' 3) Et un autre passage est plus ex- 
pressif encore: *he caught the Gruagach, fastened his two hands 
behind him, and his feet so that his little toes were wispering 
to his ears'.^) 

Les moeurs des Gaulois 6taient trop brutales pour ignorer 
une semblable pratique; peut-6tre M. Jullian la d6couvrira-t-il 
dans quelque texte encore n6glig6 de Tantiquite grecque. — Mais 
les Germains devaient la connaitre, si nous en jugeons par un 
passage des Nibelungen. Car si au point de vue de la forme ce 
poeme se place vers Tan 1200, dfes Tan 600 ses grandes lignes 
6taient d6finitivement arret6es, nous dit M. Lichtenberger, ^) et 
saus doute aussi ses traits de moeurs, comme la vieille legende 
de Sigfrid. Or, c'est la meme fa^on de reduire un ennemi ä 
une humiliante impuissance que nous trouvons dans les Nibelungen, 

») Zeitschrift für deutsches Älterthum, T. XXXH (1888), p, 274. 

^) On the linguistic value of the Irish Ännals, p. 61 du tirage k part 
des Proc. of the Fhilol Soc, 1890. 

») J. Curtin, Myths and Folk-Lore of IreLand. Boston 1890, p. 311. 

*) Ibid, p. 121. 

») H. Lichtenberger, Le pobme et la Ugmde des Nibelungen. Paris 1891, 
p. 1 et 2. 

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lorsque la farouche Branhilde f ait passer une triste nuit de noces 
ä son 6poax Günther: 

*I1 voulut la contraindre k Tamour; il lui froissa les vete- 
ments; alors la süperbe vierge saisit une ceinture, une forte 
Schärpe de soie qu'elle portait sur eile. Elle causa au roi de 
bien grandes peines. 

Elle lui lia les mains et les pieds, eile le porta jusqu'ä an 
clou, et le pendit au mur . . .' 

Nous n'avons jusqu'ici empruntö d'exemples qu'i la littera- 
ture; en voici maintenant un que nous foumit Thistoire, et 
justement en Ecosse. Un Fran^ais, lan de Beaugue, racontant 
la guerre faite par les Anglais en 1548 et 1549 aux Ecossais 
et aux FrauQais alli6s, intitule le chapitre III du livre III: 'du 
payement que receurent quelques Anglois de leurs cruautez'. 

Et ainsi que ces choses ce faisoyent, d'autres Escossois s'epronvoyent, 
qni plus aisement couperoit an bras on nne jambe d'un Anglois; et quandils 
ne trouverent plns que [c. a. d. qoi] tuer, ils achetoyent ceux ausquels les 
Francis ayoyent sauyä la yie: ponr tel pris [prix] qn'on en demandait: et 
ponr ce faire ils nons donnoyent jusqnes k leois armes, pnis les faisoyent 
morir cruellement Et me sonyient qn'ils en recouvrerent nn de moy pour 
nn cheyal, puis luy lierent lea pieds, les mainSy et la teste ensemble-, et Tayant 
train^ en cet esqnipage au milien d'un grand pr4, le coumrent k coups de 
lance, ainsi armez et k cheval qn'ils etoyent, par tant de fois, qulls le feirent 
moorir, et puis feirent mille pieces de son corps, lesquelles ils se partirent 
[partag^rent] entre eux, et les portoyent au fer de leor boys [lances].^) 

Je passe sur Fexag^ration dans la cruaute que Beaugue 
raconte des Ecossais et dont il donne ailleurs encore d'autres 

*) Nibelungen I, 587-588. — Lichtenberger, p. 16. 

^) L*histoire de la guerre d'Escosse . . . par lan de Beaugud, gentil- 
homme Fran^ois, Paris 1556, f° 88, y°. — Je dois Tindication de ce texte k 
une r^ference donn^e dans les instmctiyes Notes and Queries, n° du 9. Dec. 
1905, p. 465. 

') Les Escossois yenoyent lors en grosses troupes en nostre camp, con- 
templans les corps des Anglois, qni etoyent tous nuds estenduz par terre; et 
sembloit quMls leur portassent encore manyaise yolont^. Et s'en trouya de 
ceux (ä mon ayis) que les Anglois ayoyent autrefois plus offensez, qui essayoient 
d'arracher les yeux aux morts. Aussi n'est-ce pas chose qui soit ais^e que 
rhomme trouble par une haine extreme use de raison . . ., Ibid. f*^45 (recte 
35). — Au yerso du m§me feuillet je note Texpression de 'soldat Albanois' 

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186 H. GAIDOZ, 

Le lecteur frangais a d6ji reconnu ici la 'crapaudine* 
terme qui ne parait etre entre que nouvellement dans nos 
dictionnaireSy car Littr6 ne le donne pas avec ce sens: mais le 
Bictionnaire General de MM. Hatzfeld, Darmesteter et Thomas 
Ta donii6 röcemment. C'est un chätiment, employ6 autrefois 
dans les compagnies disciplinaires de notre armfee d'Afrique, et 
meme dans d'autres corps de la meme arm6e: 

On attachait au coupable les mains derri^re le dos, on lai releyait Toiie 
des jambes ou les deux le long de la cuisse, et on reliait les extr4mit6s au 

Disciplinairc ä la crapaudine 

cou du patient, au moyen d'une corde, ce qui remp^chait de chercher ä 
s'etendre, sous peine de s'^txangler. Ainsi r6duit k rimmobilit6 et k Tim- 
puissance, on le laissait ^tendu sur le dos et gen^ralement au soleil pendant 
un temps plus ou moins long, suiyant son caract^re, sa conduite habituelle 
ou la faute commise.*) 

eyidemment pour d^igner un Ecossais des Hautes-Terres. C'est la trans- 
lit^ration du gaelique Albanach et le mot s'est maintenu en fran^ais jusqu'an 
XVLU« si^cle, au moins dans les dictionnaires. 

1) Nous reproduisons cette gravure d'apr^s le Journal Le Matin (n° du 
31 Juillet 1906) oü eile accompagne un chapitre des M^moires du G6n6ral 
Andr6. L'auteur dit que pendant son passage au Minist^re de la Guerre 11 
a constate (autant qu'il le pouvait par ses enqu^tes), que cette peine ancienne 
n'6tait plus appliquSe: eile 6tait, du reste, formellement interdite par un decrßt 
du 26 F^yrier 1900, contresign^ par le G^n^ral de Galliffet. 

») La Grande EncyclopHie, T. XIV, p. 660 a. 

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Le nom de crapaudine est expressif, car il montrait rhomme 
rendu semblable ä un crapaud par ses quatre membres ramen^s 
et lies sous le corps. Mais si le mot est frangais, la cliose n'^tait 
pas frangaise ni nouvelle; c'6tait la survivance d'un chätiment 
employö aussi dans d'autres arm6es, au temps oü les peines 
corporelles 6taieiit en vigueur. L'arm6e anglaise, tout au moins, 
en fournit des exemples. Ils ont ete relev6s, k partir du 
XVIe si6cle, dans un curieux article des Notes and Queries,^) 
et cela s'appelait *6tre attache par le cou et les talons' to he 
iied neck and heels. L'auteur anonyme de cet article expliquait 
meme tr§s justement par cette pratique une menace du Prospero 
de Shakespeare ä Ferdinand: Fll manacle ihy neck and heels 
together (Tempest, Acte I, scfene 2, vers la fin). 

Un arch6ologue pourrait sans doute citer, dans Tantiquite 
classique, des monuments qui montrent des personnages ainsi 
li6s. Pour nous, nous ne pouvons que signaler une poup6e d'en- 
vofitement, en plomb, trouvee dans une vieille tombe de TAttique. 
On sait que les defixionum iabellce se trouvent d'ordinaire dans 
les tombes pour assurer le succ^s de Tincantation. Cette poupee, 
haute de 6 cent. du cou aux genoux (la tete a et6 intention- 
nellement coupee) reprfesente un adolescent dont les bras et les 
jambes sont replies derrifere le corps et liös par de fortes bandes 
de plomb: en outre deux clous de fer traversent la poitrine et 
Tabdomen. Ce n'est pas tout-ä-fait la 'crapaudine' puisque les 
pieds ne sont pas rattach^s aux bras et au cou; mais le supplice 
infligö ä cette Image s'en rapproche.') 

Comme on voit, la 16gende, la litterature et Thistoire 
s'6clairent Tune par Tautre, et le passe a laiss6 sa trace juisque 
dans le präsent, L'6crivain gallois faisait-il allusion ä une 
pratique de son propre pays? On ne saurait le dire, car les 
Mabinogion sont pleins d'imitations et de r6miniscenses irlandaises. 
Mais pour Tintelligence imm6diate et directe de notre texte cela 
Importe peu. Nous traduirons donc: 

'P6redur se joua d'eux de bonne fajon: il les fit lier comme 
on lie des chevreuils et jeter dans le bief du moulin/ 

Paris. H. Gaidoz. 

») N« du 12 Mai 1900, p. 370. 

») Voir dans le PhUologtiS, T. LXI (1902), p. 27, la gravure qui ac- 
compagne Tarticle de E. Wünsch: Eine Eachepuppe, 

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Durch den vorstehenden Aufsatz über die 'crapaudine' 
wird man auch an die grausame Fesselung des Ziegenhirten 
Melanthios in der Odyssee erinnert, die zu der Günthers im 
Nibelungenliede ein Gegenstück bildet. Als der ungetreue Diener 
des Odysseus in die Rüstkammer ging um für die Freier Waffen 
zu holen, schlichen der Sauhirt Eumaios und der Kuhhirt 
Philoitios ihm nach, überwältigten ihn, banden ihm Hände und 
Füfse auf dem Rücken zusammen, zogen ihn mit einem Stricke 
an einer Säule empor und hingen ihn hoch unter das Gebälk 
der Decke des Gemaches, wo er bis zu seinem qualvollen Tode 
verharren muTste (Od. 22, 189 ff.). 

T(b 6* ttQ^ tJtdi%avO^ lXtT7]v, tQvödp ri fiiv eiöo) 
xovQi§, av 6ajtt6(p 61 yaiial ßäXov äxvvfisvov xfjQ, 
ovv 6b x66aq x^^Q^^ ^^ ^^^^ d-vfiakyit 6B0fifi 
tv (läX^ djtoöTQttpavre 6tafiJteQBg, wg IxtXevöev 
iHog AaiQtao, jtoXvrXag 6log ^06vööet'g' 

0£lQ7)v 6t JcXbXxfjV t§ aVTOV XBlQfjVaVZt 

xlov dv^ vtprjXijp BQvöav xtXaödv rt 6oxolOtv. 

Man darf wohl annehmen, dafs der Dichter hier die eigen- 
tümliche Fesselung der auf dem Rücken zusammengeschnürten 
Hände und Füfse gemeint hat: der Ausdruck djtocretpavTB des 
Textes scheint diese Deutung zu fordern. Die griechischen 
Künstler haben die Episode, die der ausgelassene Chor im 
aristophanischen Plutus derbe travestiert, wohl häufiger dar- 
gestellt, aber eine Darstellung auf einem antiken Tonbecher im 
hiesigen Museum, die 1890 C. Robert im 50. Programm zum 
Winkelmannfeste mit ihrer Inschrift veröffentlicht hat (E. Jacobs 
macht mich darauf aufmerksam), ist nicht recht anschaulich und 
zeigt den Melanthios zwar mit rückwärts gefesselten Händen, 
aber nur an den Füfsen aufgehängt. 

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Es ist möglich, dafs die in Bede stehende Fesselung auch 
in der Geschichte Peredurs, von der H. Gaidoz ausgeht, vor- 
geschwebt hat, obschon die Weise, in der ein geschossener Reh- 
bock gebunden wird, nicht genau entspricht; vielleicht handelt 
es sich, wie der Verfasser meint, um eine Contamination und 
Combination des Jagd- und des Kriegsbrauchs. Doch ich habe 
das Wort ergriffen um den Ausdruck in Erinnerung zu bringen, 
womit die barbarische Art der Fesselung im Gälischen bezeichnet 
wird — ceangal nan tri chaol 'die Fessel der drei dünnen' d. h. 
Weidenruten. So erklärt es das Dictionarium Scotocelticum 
richtig, und die Bedeutung 'Rute' für das irische cael ist schon 
aus der älteren Sprache nachgewiesen (K. Meyer, Contributions 
p. 1, 414); caolach heilst im Irischen 'ein Schöfsling' und cao- 
ladoir ist ein 'Korbflechter'. 

In der alten Ballade vom Kampfe des Finn mac Cumaill 
mit dem König Magnus von Norwegen heilst es: 

Leagaidh righ Lochlain gun ägh 
Am fiadhnuis chäieh air an fhraoch, 
Dho-sa, 's eha Vonair righ, 
Chuirf air ceangal nan tri chaoU) 

'Der König von Lochlan, der Glfickgewohnte, wurde vor allen 
auf die Heide niedergeworfen und es wurde ihm angelegt (es 
war keine Ehre für einen König!) die Fessel der drei dünnen 
Ruten.' Weiter heilst es in einem Märchen über die Tuatha D6 
Danann von dem Barden der Insel Mull John Maclean, der in 
der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jhs. lebte: Thigear agus cuireir ceangal 
nan tri chaol air na dorsairibh 'Man kommt und legt den 
Pförtnern die Fessel der drei Ruten an', The Glenbard CoUection 
of Gaelic poetry, Part I, Charlottetown 1888, p. 86 (in der Aus- 
gabe von 1890 ist das Stück ausgelassen). In andern Märchen 

>) Der Wortlaut ist nach J. Stones Text gegeben (Gael. Soc. Inv. 14, 325). 
Von den zahlreichen Varianten (Leabhar na Feinne p. 73 b, 76 a, 78 b, 82 b; 
Th. F. Hill im Gaidheal 6,189; Reliquiae celticae 1,220. 256. 401. 2,383) 
seien nnr erwähnt an äigh (statt gun ägh d. h. go n-ägh) und Äirsany ged 
nach Vonair righ Chuireadh ceangal. Diese Ballade gehört übrigens zu den 
von Macpherson benutzten und die einzige Strophe zeigt genügend, was er 
unter Übersetzen verstand; er sagt: 'At length the strength of Swaran feil: 
the King of the Groyes is bound'. 

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heilst es: chuir e ceangal nan tri chaoil orra gu daor agus gu 
docair *Er legte ihnen die Fessel der drei Ruten an, erniedrigend 
und schmerzlich', Campbell, Tales 1,137. 2,485. Dafür findet 
sich auch eine Variante: Chaidh heireachd air Conal 's a cheangal 
le tri chinn cliaoil 'Conal wurde ergriffen und mit den drei 
dünnen Enden gefesselt' (Campbell 1, 140) oder auch le cinn 
nan tri chaoile 'mit den Enden der drei Euten' (1, 141). Das 
Verfahren ist aber so zu denken, dafs die Hand- und FuTsgelenke 
und die Mitte oder Taille des Leibes je mit einem cool 'einer 
dünnen Weidenrute' gefesselt und die drei Enden (änn) über 
dem Rücken verbunden werden. 

Nun versteht man unter caol auch das Schmale oder Dünne 
des Handgelenks (cool an duim), des Enkels (caol na coise) und 
des Rückens {caol an droma)\ und die ersten beiden werden 
gelegentlich zusammengefafst: Cheangail e le ropa a cheithir 
chaoil is dK fhäg e 'n sin e 'Er band mit einem Stricke seine 
vier dünnen Gelenke (d.h. an Händen und Fülsen) und liefs 
ihn da liegen', D. Macinnes, Folk and hero tales p. 48. Endlich 
wird auch die Mitte des Rückens zu den caoil gerechnet, und 
demnach heilst es in der vermutlich dem 18. Jh. angehörenden 
Ballade von Conn mac an Deirg: 

BHomad crap is bailc is meall 

Ag att a suas air dhroch-ceann 

Ar ceann Ghonain Mhaoil gu reamhar, 

'S na cuig chaoil 's an aon clieangaU) 

'Viele Püffe, Knüffe, Schläge sausten zum Unglück herab derb 
auf den Kopf des kahlen Conan, und er hatte die fünf dünnen 
Körperteile unter Einer Fessel', d.h. die beiden Handgelenke, 
die beiden Enkel und die Mitte des Rückens. 

>) So nach Stone (Gael. Soc. Iny. 14, 328). Die Varianten berühren die 
Hauptsache nicht; vgl. Leabhar na F^inne p. 113b. 115a. 116a. 117b. 119a. 
126 a; Young in den Transactions of the R. I. A^aderny I, 1789, Antiqnities 
p.71; Reliqniae celticae 1,228. 272. 310. 391. 2,372. 

B er li n. L. Chr. Stebn. 

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Au cours du 'Songe de Rhonabwy', dans la description 
de r^quipement des Chevaliers imagin6 pour etouner le lecteur 
et pour tenir sa memoire en 6veil, se trouve un mot qui ne me 
parait pas avoir 6t6 compris par les traducteurs. C'est dans 
r6dition de M. Gwenogfryn Evans, p. 156, 1. 17: 

Göregys y cledyf o gord6al etoyrdonic du . . . 

Lady Guest traduisait *the belt of the sword was of dark green 
leather' — et *dark' 6tait d6ji inexact ici pour duA) 

Li-dessus M. Loth remarque (T. I, p. 355): *Cette traduction 
suppose gwyrddonie "bleu-vert". Ewyrdonic qu'il faut peut-etre 
lire ewyrdnic, me parait devoir 6tre rapproch^ de ewyrnic, qu'on 
trouve dans les Lois avec le sens de "chfevre d'un an" (Ändent 
Laws I, p. 278).' Et M. Loth traduit en cons^quence (I, p. 306): 
*Le ceinturon de r6p6e 6tait en cuir de chevreau noir.' Du point 
de vue de la critique verbale, cette corrcetion est difflcilement ad- 
missible, parce que la diff^rence graphique entre les deux mots 
est trop grande, et aussi parce qu'nn mot d^pourvu de sens 
anrait pris la place d'un mot ayant un sens. 

Le cas me parait pourtant simple, quand on remarque la 
negligence du scribe du Livre Rouge dans beaucoup d'endroits 
et surtout son emploi, assez fr^quent, d'e pour y. Son ewyrdonic 
est pour ywerdonic, forme d6jä moderne en place dHwerdonic, 
c.-ä.-d. Tadjectif connu, form6 avec le sufflxe -ic, sur Iwerdon, 
nom gallois de l'Irlande (d'un britanno-latin Iberio). 

1) Lady Gueat ü, 411; et r^-impresgion de M. Nntt, p. 159. — M. J. M, 
Edwards, dans sa traduction en gallois moderne, snit ici, comme souyent, 
la tradnction anglaise de Lady Gnest, et il dit (T. 11, Wrexham, 1901, p. 75): 
gwregys y deddyf oedd o ledr glas-ddn. 

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192 H. GAIBOZ, 

L'orthographe ordinaire du Livre Rouge est Iwerdon^ mais on 
sait que ce nom est devenu plus tard, par Etymologie populaire, 
Ywerddony John Walters, dans son dictionnaire anglais-gallois 
publi6 en 1794, disait (s. v. Ireland): ^Iwerddon, or (as it is more 
properly written) Ywerddon, seems to signify the green island, 
being probably so called from its uncommon verdure; q. d. 
Y-werdd-on, i. e. y werdd yn or ynysp].' — L'etymologie popu- 
laire ayaut continu6 son oeuvre, on Ecrit aujourdhui en gallois 
Y Werddon. — En tout cas, ce passage du Livre Rouge est, par 
sa date, le premier temoignage de la transformation SHwerdon 
en Ywerdon. Je traduis donc le passage en question: 4e ceinturon 
de r6p6e 6tait en cuir d'Irlande noir.' 

n ne faut pas s'arrSter ä l'apparente contradiction de cet 
adjectif avec le substantif cordtcäl 'cuir de Cordoue'. De bonne 
heure ce nom cordouan qui d^signait k Forigine de la peau de 
chfevre ou de bouc tann^e, import6e de TAndalousie, ne d6signe 
plus que tout beau cuir de toute provenance, et mSme simple- 
ment 'cuir' en g6n6ral0. Le mot gallois cordwal vient de notre 
fran^ais cordouan (par l'intermMiaire des Anglais), et le change- 
ment de la nasale finale (n) en liquide (J) s'explique par Fanalogie 
de nombreux mots gallois termin^ en -wdl. 

L'histoire, ici, confirme notre explication. L'Irlande, au 
moyen-äge, exportait trois sortes de matiferes premi^res: des 
cuirs, des laines (provenant des troupeaux, sa principale richesse) 
et une espöce particulifere de bois. 

Dans un recueil de dictons populaires fran^ais du Xlllesiäcle, 
il est question de 'cuir d'Irlande' (en mSme tempe que de 'cor- 
douan de Provence' I). Dans une liste de 'Marchandises apportees 
en Flandre et dans le pays de Bruges au XHIe sifecle', on lit: 
*dou royaume d'Yllande viennent cuirs et laines '.*) — Dans un 
roman fran^ais du Xlle sifecle, Partenopetis (pu Parthenopex) de 
Blois, le h6ros porte 'une ceinture de cuir d'Lrlande'.^) 

*) Voir notamment V. (Jay, Glossaire ArMalogique T. I, p. 427. — On 
sait que le nom da cuir de Cordoue se continuei par survivance, dans le mot 
fran^s cordonnier, pour un anden cordotumierj par ^tymolog^ie populaire et 
par fausse analogie avec le mot cordon. 

') Crapelet, Bemargues sur quelques locuUons et proverhes du moyen-äge, 
Paris 1831, p. 115 et 130. — Voir aussi V. Gay, Gloss. ArcfUol, T. I, 
p. 517. 

•) Legrand d'Aussy, Fabliaux et Contes, T. V. (Paris 1829), p. 251. 

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Le *bois d'Irlande' est £r6quemment cite dans les inventaires 
frangais dfes le XlVe sifecle; V. Gay en a r6uni un grand nombre 
d'exemples et il le dfeflnit ainsi [T. I, p. 165): 'Bois rfesineux de 
la famille des conifferes dont le nom parait s'appliquer in- 
distinctement au sapin, au m61öze, an cypr^s et mgme au c6dre. 
Ces essences passaient jadis pour incorruptibles. Ce pr^tendu 
privilfege 6tait la cons6quence d'une bonne hygifene et souvent 
des injections de sei marin r^soltant du flottage.' II r^sulte de 
ce passage que le nom de 'bois d'Irlande' fut, par suite de la 
c616brit6 de ce bois, appliqu6 k divers bois, 6galement de nature 
noire.*) Mais il me parait probable que le v6ritable *bois 
dlrlande' devait gtre, i l'origine, ce ch§ne de tourbifere, log-oak 
dont on fait aujourdhui en Irlande des bijoux et des articles de 
papeterie, et qni 6tait moins rare au moyen-äge, avant qu'on eüt 
exploit6 ä fond les tourbi^res. C'^tait en effet un bois de luxe, 
comme on voit par de nombreux textes fran^ais, notamment par 
la description de la 'librairie du Louvre' sous Charles V; et 
M. L. de Laborde a r6sum6 ainsi son usage: 'C'6tait un bois de 
choix, particuliferement employ6 pour les lambris, les revetements 
int6rieurs et pour les gros meubles: il semble avoir et6 reconnu 
bon pour en faire des panneaux de peinture et en meme temps 
propre i la sculpture.'^) La r6putation d'incorruptibilitö lui venait 
de la r6putation g6n6rale de Tlrlande comme terre indemne de 
serpents et de varmint M. V. Guy a reani plusieurs textes 
d'6crivains frangais du XVIIe sifecle ä cet effet Ainsi un 
Fran^ais de ce temps, Monconys, racontant sa visite i White- 
hall, 6crivait: 'Je vins me promener dans la grande sälle d'Ouital 
dont la charpente qui est trfes belle et trfes bien travaill6e est 
d'un bois d'Irlande qui ne souffre aucune beste venimeuse. En 
effet, il n'y a pas une seule araign^e dans ce lieu, et on adjouste 
que si Ton en portoit et qu'on la fit toucher le bois eile mourroit'.») 

Je n'ai fait ces citations que pour mettre en circulation 
des textes frangais du moyen-äge relatifs k Tlrlande. Le sujet 
du commerce ext6rieur de Tlrlande a 6t6 trait6 par M. Joyce 
dans son 6rudit ouyrage Social History of andent Ireland, 

1) Aug. Molinier, dans son petit liyre Les manwcrüs, assure m§me 
(p. 226) que ce terme ^bois d'Irlande' d^ignai't au nioyen-ftge, d'une fa^on 
g6n6rale, les essences r^sineuses du Nord. 

') L. de Laborde, Qloasaire frangois du moyen-ägt, Paris 1872, p. 167. 

^ Voyages de Monconys, 1663, T. ü, p. 28. — Cite dans V. Gay, 1, 166 a. 

Z«lttcbnft f. Mit. PhUologie VI. 13 


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194 OAiboz, liB oünt d'iblanbb baks les ^MABmoaiON*. 

Londres 1903, T. IL, p. 429—433. Nons signalerons senlement 
ici quelques expressions des textes irlandais qui entrent dans cet 
ordre de faits: 

ßn aicneta (Fled Bricrend § 9) 'vin naturel' c-i-d. 
authentique, par Opposition aux mixtures qui se fabriquaient 
Sans doute en Irlande sous le nom de 'vin', de mSme qu'au- 
jourdhui en Angleterre on peut lire sur des enseignes 'Foreign 
and British Wines'. — Sur le vin, voir aussi Joyce, T. n, 
p. 115, 116 et 431; 

salann saxanach 'sei anglais' (Euno Meyer, The vision of 
Mac Conglinne, p. 61, 1. 29; et cf. p. 142, pour une citation 
d'Higden), — 

ech bretnach 'cheval breton' c-ä-d. gallois (Euno Meyer, 
Ibid., p. 111 et 140). — Voir aussi Joyce II, 412; 

mugeime, espöce de bichon import^e de Grande-Bretagne, 
et dont l'histoire a 6t6 plus d'une fois cit6e d'apr^s le r6cit du 
Glossaire de Cormac, traduction par O'Donovan et Wh. Stokes, 
Calcutta 1868, p. 111. 

Mais, quoiqu'il s'agisse de la flu du moyen-&ge, cette 
histoire de la WechselseitigJceü 6conomique est domin6e par Vaqua 
vitcBj traduit usquehaugh (= uisge beatha) en irlandais, et qui 
est revenue au monde de langue anglaise sous le nom, presque 
universel, de whisky. 

Paris. H. Gaidoz. 

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Google — 

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Der 22. Juli 1906 hat der wissenschaftlichen Welt das 
Gedächtnis des grolsen Gelehrten neu erweckt, and die Stadt 
nnd Hochschule, wo er zuletzt gewirkt, begingen den Erinnerungs- 
tag mit weihevollem 'Feste. 

Am 21. Juli Vormittags fand ein akademischer Akt statt, 
eingeleitet von der stimmungsvollen Musik des Parsivalvorspieles. 
Mit dem Lehrkörper des kgl. Lyceums Bamberg waren erschienen 
der Kultusminister Dr. von Wehner, der Bamberger Erzbischof, 
Exzellenz Dr. von Abert; die Staatsregierung war vertreten 
durch Regierungsrat von Beckh-Bayreuth, und aus allen Pro- 
vinzen ihres internationalen Staates hatten sich Männer der 
Wissenschaft zur Ehre des Unsterblichen eingefunden: 

Dr. Oskar Brenner, Prof. der deutschen Philologie in Würzburg, 

Dr. Harry Brefslau, Prof. der mittleren und neueren Geschichte 
in Strafsburg, 

Dr. Christian Bartholomae, Prof. der vergleichenden Sprach- 
wissenschaft in Giefsen, 

Dr. Anton Chroust, Prof. der Geschichte und historischen Hilfs- 
wissenschaften in Würzburg (als Vertreter der Gresell- 
schaft für fränkische Geschichte), 

Dr. Berthold Delbrück, Prof. der Sanskrit- und der vergleichenden 
Sprachforschung in Jena, 

Dr. Eichard Fester, Prof. der mittleren und neueren Geschichte 
in Erlangen, 

Geheimrat Dr. Karl Theodor von Heigel, Präsident der Eönigl. 
bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Prof. der Geschichte 
in MflncheUi 


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Geheimer Hofrat Dr. Ernst Kuhn, Mitglied der Königl. bayer. 
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Prot der indischen Philo- 
logie und vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft in München, 

Dr. Kuno Meyer, Prof. der deutschen Sprache und Literatur in 

Dr. Hans Oertel, Prof. der vergleichenden Philologie an der Yale 
üniv. New-Haven, Connecticut (Ver. Staaten Nord- 

Herr Joseph O'Neill für die Gaelic League in Dublin, 

Geheimer Hofrat Dr. Hermann Osthoff, Prof. der vergleichenden 
Sprachwissenschaft und des Sanskrit in Heidelberg, 

Dr. Gustav Eoethe, Prof. der deutschen Philologie in Berlin 
(zugleich als Vertreter der Königl. preufsischen Akademie 
der Wissenschaften), 

Dr. Eduard Schröder, Prof. der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 
in Göttingen, 

Dr. Eudolf Thumeysen, Prof. der vergleichenden Sprachwissen- 
schaft in Freiburg i. B., 

Dr. Hermann Vamhagen, Prorektor der Universität und Prof. 
der englischen Philologie in Erlangen, 

Geheimrat Dr. E. Windisch, Prof. der vergleichenden Sprach- 
wissenschaft in Leipzig (als Vertreter der Königl. säch- 
sischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften). 

Dem Festakt wohnten weiter an die Deputationen, welche 
die bayerischen Lyceen Freising, Eegensburg und Passau ent- 
sendet hatten, des erzbischöflichen Metropolitankapitels Bamberg, 
der Gymnasien Bamberg und Erlangen, des historischen Vereines 
der Pfalz. 

Lycealrektor Dr. Härtung begrüfste die Festversammlung 
namens der Bamberger Hochschule und gedachte der Tätigkeit 
des zu ehrenden (belehrten an derselben. Das 'Leben des Johann 
Kaspar Zeufs und seine Bedeutung als Historiker' entrollte 
Lycealprofessor Dr. Anton Dürrwächter-Bamberg: 

Die nachfolgende Rede war arsprttnglich nicht für den Druck be- 
stimmt, weil ihr Thema gleichzeitig auch Gegenstand einer Abhandlung war, 
die unterdessen im Historischen Jahrbuch der Gtörresgesellschaft, 27. Jahrgang, 
erschienen ist, und weil trotz der anderen und breiteren DarsteUnngsweise der 
Abhandlung sich Ähnlichkeiten nnd Übereinstimmungen nicht ganz yermeiden 
liefsen. Da indessen dem Verfasser der Wunsch dringend nahegelegt wurde, 

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Exzellenzen! Hochverehrte Anwesende! 

Das Jahr, dessen hundertste Wiederkehr wir heute aus einem ganz he- 
stimmten AnlaTs hier festlich feiern, 1806, ist wie wenige ein geschichtlich 
denkwürdiges Jahr. 

Es ist das Todesjahr einer uralten Institution, eines tausendjährigen 
Reiches, das lautlos dahinstarh, als oh es nie aus der Jugendfreude werdender 
Nationen gehören worden wäre. Das Jahr ist es, in dem der Staat Friedrichs 
des Grofsen zusammenbrach und alles zu Ende schien, was einstens die Gewähr 
eines neuen grofsen nationalen Lebens werden sollte. In diesem Jahre be- 
gruben deutsche Patrioten alle ihre Hoffnungen und fast auch alle ihre 

Aber auch ein Geburtsjahr, ein Jahr des Werdens war 1806. Als ein 
solches feierten wir Bayern es vor wenigen Monaten, weil es unserem engeren 
Yaterlande eine Krone schenkte, die es in redlicher hundertjähriger Kultur- 
arbeit mit Edelsteinen geschmückt hat. Und das nämliche Ji^, welches dem 
deutschen Volke seine tie&te Erniedrigung brachte, gab ihm auch das Selbst- 
besinnen wieder, die Aufrichtung an dem starken Stamme seiner Vergangen- 
heit, an der Jugendfreude seines ehemaligen Werdens. Damals schöpfte 
Clemens Brentano aus ihrem frischen Quell den ersten Liederschatz des 
Wunderhoms, und Joseph Görres safs über den 'Deutschen Volksbüchern' 
mit dem Geiste sich zu erfüllen, der gewappnet dereinst aus dem 'Bheini- 
schen Merkur* heraustreten sollte. Was die Brüder Grimm damals an un- 
scheinbaren Märchen und Sagen aus dem Munde des Volkes zu sammeln be- 
gannen, das war nicht mehr und nicht weniger als der erste Schritt zur 
Begründung einer Wissenschaft von diesem Volke. *ünd es war eine Zeit*, 
sagt Niebuhr,^) 'in der wir Unerhörtes und Unglaubliches erlebten: eine Zeit, 
welche die Aufmerksamkeit auf viele vergessene und abgelebte Ordnungen 
durch deren Zusammensturz hinzog; und unsere Seelen durch die Gefahren, 
mit deren Dräuen wir vertraut wurden, wie durch die leidenschaftlich erhöhte 
Anhänglichkeit an Landesherm und Vaterland stark machte.* 

Im Zusammensturz der damals gegenwärtigen und äufseren deutschen 
Welt ward die innere und die alte neu geboren. In die ge- 
heimnisvolle Tiefe der Zusammenhänge zu steigen, weit weg von den 
Rainen der Oberfläche lockte es die Söhne des deutschen Bodens so, daDs 
das Jahr 1806 das Geburtsjahr einer neuen tiefgehenden Geschichts- 
und Sprachwissenschaft werden sollte. Indes man Geschichte erlebte, 
wie selten einem Geschlechte zu erleben es vorbehalten war, sah man tiefer 
in das Herz der Geschichte, schärfte den Blick für den Unterschied des Er* 

im Verein mit Prof. Kuno Meyers Festrede auch die seinige der Öffentlichkeit 
zugänglich zu machen, sodafs man ein Andenken an die Zeulsfeier habe, so 
stellte er gerne sein Manuskript der liebenswürdig entgegenkommenden 
Redaktion der Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie zur Verfügung und bittet 
nur um nachsichtige Beurteilung der angedeuteten etwaigen Ähnlichkeiten 
Den wissenschaftlichen Apparat für zahlreiche Sätze und Ausführungen der 
Rede findet man in der Abhandlung. 
^) Römische Geschichte P, S. X. 

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lebten und des Empfundenen, lernte in den Stünnen eines furchtbaren gött- 
lichen Gewitters, das über einer sündhaft selbstgefölligen Welt niederging, 
andere, alte Zeiten wieder verstehen und erkannte, als man yon der Welt, 
deren Bürger man hatte sein wollen, sich umtobt und überflutet sah, au& 
neue den Wert der Nation. Volks- und Yölkergeschichte erhielten 
gleichzeitig neuen Ansporn. 

Das Jahr aber, das zu all dem den Samen in sich trug, zu Sprach- und 
Geschichtswissenschaft, Volks- und Völkergeschichte, gab ihnen auch einen 
ihrer gröfsten Jünger dazu. 

Als in den sonst so stillen Tälern der Eronach und Rodach eine neue 
Attilafaust die Kraft zusammenballte zum endgültigen Gelingen einer neuen 
Völkermengung, als die Wälder des Frankenwaldes den Idiomen fast ganz 
Europas lauschen konnten, ward in dem hinter den Erlen der Bodach unschein- 
bar versteckten Dörfchen Vogtendorf am 22. Juli Job. Kasp. Zeufs geboren, 
ein Kind, dem dieses Jahr 1806 gewissermaTsen yon seiner Art mit auf den 
Lebensweg gab. Denn in seiner Seele barg dieses vierte Kind der Maurers- 
eheleute Michael und Margareta Zeufs Keime des in die Tiefe gehenden 
GFeisteslebens, mit dem die deutsche Wissenschaft die Niederlagen auf den 
Schlachtfeldern wett machte, und auch er sollte wie das Jahr seiner Geburt 
aus unscheinbaren, kaum beachteten Anfängen heraus den Sprachen Europas 
und der Greschichte seiner Völker einer der gröfsten Pioniere werden. 

Kaum, dafs au der Stralse, auf der seine Kindheit leise einherschritt, 
einige Denksteine für den Erforscher seines Lebens stehen, aus denen sich 
enträtseln läfst, wie der Schauplatz des Lebens und Lernens für ihn weiter 
und weiter wird. 

Aus dem Vaterhause wandert er die Rodach entlang hinüber zu dem 
nahe liegenden Dorfe Höfles, dessen Schule ihm die ersten Bildungselemente 
vermittelt Dann steigt er zu dem jenseits ragenden Kreuzberg empor und 
hier, wo das Talrund mit Kronach und seiner Veste in der Mitte sich gröfser 
aufschliefst, tut er mit Hilfe des Benefiziaten die ersten Blicke in eine fremde 
Sprache, in die Sprache der vergangenen grofsen Bömerwelt. Lides die Welt 
mit Sehnen und Bangen dem Sturz eines neuen Imperators und Imperiums 
zusieht, steht der junge Zeufs ahnungsvoll an der Stelle, von der Napoleon 
in seinem Geburtsjahre hinunteigeschaut hatte auf die rastlos gen Jena 
ziehenden Völkerheere. 

Die Welt der Geschichte schlofs sich dem Knaben auf und belebte 
sich mit immer reicheren Zügen, wenn er in den Jahren darauf als Latein- 
schüler durch die Strafsen Kronachs wanderte, mochte er nun auf der 
Ehrensäule am Marktplatze von den Ruhmestaten der Kronacher in der 
schweren Zeit des Schwedenkrieges lesen, oder des groüsen Meisters der Kunst 
gedenken, an dessen Geburtshaus er so oft vorüberging, oder unter den 
flatternden Fahnen der Juniprozession zur Festung emponsiehen, für Kronachs 
Rettung aus Feindesnot in späten Tagen noch zu danken. Und wie konnte 
erst von den Basteien der Feste aus der Blick in die Weite schweifen, in 
den geheimnisvollen Hintergrund, aus dem Rodach, Kronach und Hafslach 
znsammenrauschten, in die dunkle Vorzeit, wo aus den Wäldern über ihren 
Quellen Hermunduren und Slaven hervorgebrochen waren, wo vor der Axt 
und dem Schwert der fränkischen Kolonisten sie zögernd wieder hinter den 

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imwegiamen Font zurückgewichen waren. Etwas wie ein Ahnen der VOlker- 
geechichte könnt« hier den Knaben ttberkommen, indes er znr grofien Zeit 
des eigenen Volkes den Blick erheben lernte, als seit dem Jahre 1820 die 
Stadt mit dem Kaiserdome Heinrichs U., dem Denkmal grolser deutscher Ver- 
gangenheit, zu seinem Aufenthalte geworden war. 

Schon jetzt begann er als Schüler des Bamberger Gymnasiums 
ein anderes ragendes Denkmal des eigenen Volkes, seine Sprache, mit auf- 
merksamerem Blicke zu betrachten, ihrer mannigfachen Gliederung nach- 
zudenken und sie mit den Sprachen anderer Völker zu vergleichen. Wie 
viel die Schule auch seinen Gesichtskreis erweitem mochte, der junge 
ZeuTs begnügte sich nicht, auf ihren alten Wegen sprachlicher und histo- 
rischer Bildung in das klassische Altertum einzudringen, ihn zog es 
mächtig schon zur Vertiefung in dunklere Vergangenheit auf die Wege 
historischer Sprachwissenschaft. 

Es ist ja gewifs ein Zufall, dafs unter seinen Compositiones, die er in 
der 1. Gymn.-Klasse anfertigte, sich auch Stücke finden, welche an seine 
spätere (^eistesrichtung gemahnen. Aber man möchte den Zufall nicht be- 
deutungslos nennen, wenn er den späteren Historiker und Keltologen schon 
als Schüler Gedanken über das Studium der Geschichte in lateinische Form 
kleiden läfst oder seinen Geist mit dem kaledonischen Kelten Galgacus und 
dem Buhm seiner Volksgenossen beschäftigt Auch aus solchen kleinen 
Dingen saugen die feinsten Wurzeln geistiger Entwicklung ihre Nahrung, 
und es ist auch keine Verirrung in das Beich der Phantasie, wenn Edward 
Schröder den jungen ZeuTs sich unter der Wirkung des 1821 erschienenen 
Buches SchmeUers über Bayerns Mundarten denkt Denn schon auf dem 
Gymnasium beginnt Zeufsens rastloses und allem Spiel und allem Vergnügen 
abholdes Forscherleben, und Leben und Lernen ward ihm schon damals zu 
einer höheren Einheit. Wie er, das Dorfkind aus Vogtendorf, schon in seinem 
ersten Bamberger Schuljahr unter 79 Kameraden der Primus wurde, so erhielt 
er, als er 1825 absolvierte, die erste silberne Medaille mit dem Diplom zur 
Auszeichnung, um, wie es da heilst, „mit Ehre und bestens empfohlen*' an 
die Lyzealklasse überzugehen. 

Doch nun begann auch der Kampf um sein Ideal des Lebens. 

Seiner eigenen Befürchtung in einer praktischen Berufsübung aufgehen 
zu müssen, stand der Wunsch der Eltern entgegen, daä er Theologie stu- 
dieren solle, indes gleichzeitig die Sorge um das Brot sich wehrend vor das 
Paradies des Forscherlebens stellte. Da geschah es, dafs Würzburg ihn zum 
erstenmale enttäuschte. Denn um der vielköpfigen Familie Ersparungen zu 
machen, wollte er in Würzburg Theologie studieren, weil er glaubte, dort 
ein Jafaf zu gewinnen und durch Stipendien und Privatunterricht sich leichter 
durchzuhelfen. DaTs er aber auch die Hoffnung gehegt hatte, in Würzburg 
für sein wiBsenschaftliches Streben einen weiteren Gesichtskreis zu finden, 
merkt man dem Berichte an, den er über diese erste Würzburger Irrfahrt an 
den Direktor des Bamberger Lyzeums sandte, um nachträglich hier inskribiert 
zu werden. Da er in aUen Erwartungen sich betrogen sah, flüchtete er als 
Student nach Bamberg zurück, ahnungslos, dafs einstens für den Dozenten 
ähnliches sich wiederholen sollte. Aber nur ein Jahr litt es ihn noch in 
Bamberg, wo zwar ein Thomas Budhart Geschichte dozierte, aber eine sprach- 

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wissenschaftliche Vertiefang nicht zu gewinnen war. Im Herbste 1826 zog 
er nach München an die Hochschule, die erst yor wenigen Monaten ans 
ihrem unscheinbareren Landshuter Dasein dahin übersiedelt war nnd nim die 
reichste Fülle geistigen Lebens und die mannigfaltigsten und weitesten 
Gesichtskreise gelehrter Betätigung bot. 

Wie hier dem Kandidaten der Theologie und Philologie, als welcher 
Zeufs noch im Wintersemester 1830/31 inskribiert war, der Horizont des 
Wissens und des Forschens in die Weite und in die Tiefe wuchs, 
das kann man, wenn auch nur oberflächlich, heute noch verfolgen. 

Während er sich durch Schelling in die grofsen Natur und Geist um- 
fassenden Gesichtspunkte einer philosophischen Gedankenwelt einführen liefs 
und gleichzeitig an dem Theosophen Schubert und Ast, dem Platoniker, nicht 
achtlos vorüberging, war er auch ein so eifriger Hörer der aufblühenden 
naturwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen, wie wenn er ihnen speziell sich hätte 
widmen wollen. Ich denke, daTs ihn das Exakte ihrer Methode angezogen 
haben wird, hielten ihn doch auch bei den theologischen Fächern nur die 
länger fest, bei denen kritische Schulung zu gewinnen war. Die Exegese 
war es, und sie diente ihm nun auch dazu, dem Studium, dem er schon 
immer angehört hatte, eine breitere und eine tiefere Grundlage zu geben. 
Nun eignete er sich als Schüler Alliolis in den Jahren 1826—1880 die um- 
fassendere Kenntnis der semitischen Haupt sprachen an, vertiefte an 
der Hand Frdr. Thierschs das Studium der klassischen Sprachen zur text- 
kritischen Behandlung derselben, und während er so zu philologischer 
Meisterschaft sich schulte, erwarb er als Schüler des Germanisten Schmeller 
wie des Sanskritisten Othmar Frank, noch mehr aber durch das Studium der 
Werke von Grimm, Franz Bopp und Jos. Dobrowsky die alles Germanische 
und Indogermanische umfassende sprachvergleichende und sprach- 
historische Gesamtbildung. 

Wo aber wie im damaligen München so vielseitiges und so frisch pul- 
sierendes Leben auch das geschichtliche Studium erfüllte, da kann 
der Mann, der in der ersten Hälfte seiner Meisterjahre hauptsächlich Histo- 
riker war, nicht achtlos vorübergegangen sein. Nur da£s wir dafür mehr auf 
Vermutungen denn auf GewiTsheiten angewiesen sind. Zu dem Bamberger 
Budhart, der sich einmal in einer allerdings spitzigen Weise als Lehrer 
ZeuTsens bekennt, gesellen sich sicher noch der junge Döllinger und der alte 
Konrad Mannert, mit dessen geographisch -historischem Hauptwerk sich ja 
Zeufs später so oft berührte. Ob aber auch Jos. Görres zu seinen Lehrern 
gehört hat, ob Söltl, Delling, Buchner, Freyberg, bleibt eine offene Frage, 
die nur für den Diplomatiker Kiefhaber mit Wahrscheinlichkeit bejaht 
werden darf, wegen der gründlichen Schulung in der Diplomatik, die Zeufs 
später verrät. 

Das aber ist die Summe all dieser Tatsachen seines Studienganges, dafs 
Zeufs doch mit allen Kräften sich dem Ziele genähert hatte, das ihm Leben 
war, und, da er nun auch als Hauslehrer beim Grafen Montgelas, dem Ex- 
minister, für einige Jahre finanziell sichergestellt war, so wählte er als brot- 
gebenden Beruf den, der seinen Neigungen am nächsten lag, den des philo- 
logischen Lehrers. Im Herbste 1880 machte er das philologische Staats- 
examen und zwei Jahre später trat er als Nachfolger seines Freundes, des 

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Pehlevifonchen Markus Müller die Stellnng eines fanktionierenden Lehrers 
der hebräischen Sprache am Alten Gymnasium in München an. 

Und nun kommen fünf g^anz stille, fast g^anz dunkle Jahre im Leben des 
Grelehrten, fünf Jahre, w&hrend der er in der Askese eigener wissenschaft- 
licher Forschung sich die Weihe zu einem Meister derselben yerdiente. 

Denn dieser Forschung zuliebe harrte er, wie wir aus dem Curriculum 
vitae seines Erlanger Promotionsaktes erfahren, in der prekären Stellung des 
Hilfslehrers mit 200 fl. pro Jahr absichtlich aus, nur weil sie ihm Zeit zur 
Arbeit gewährte. Diese Arbeit aber war allein sein yertrauter Umgang, 
wiewohl auch freundschaftlicher Gedankenaustausch mit gleichgesinnten 
Männern, wie dem Philologen Karl Halm, dem Sprachforscher Markus Müller, 
Malsmann, dem Turnvater und Germanisten, Vollmer, dem Goten, und anderen 
ZeuTs schon in dieser Münchener Zeit nicht gefehlt haben wird. Bei der 
wissenschaftlichen Arbeit suchte er auch Trost in schwerem Leid. Wie schwer 
es war, fühlt man noch heraus aus den einfach schönen Worten, mit denen er 
in der Vorrede zu seinem grofsen Geschichtswerk yon den in ihrer Jugend- 
kraft dahingerafften deutschen Stämmen spricht und sie so yermifst, so aus 
dem Kreise der Freunde und Verwandten entrissen sieht, 'wie mir die 
Meinigen, der gute Vater, ein jugendlicher Bruder, eine liebe Schwester und 
noch ein Bruder, ein verständiger Jüngling, die eine harte Fügung in drei 
Jahren und einem Monate, während meiner Arbeiten für diese Schrift, so früh 
dahingenonmien hat' Ja, in der Askese wissenschaftlicher Forschung, das 
darf man wohl sagen, ist diese Schrift, das 1837 erschienene Meisterwerk Die 
Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme geschaffen worden. 

Nun aber strebte Zeufs mit allen Kräften heraus aus seinen armseligen 
kleinen Verhältnissen, und es geschah wiederum nur der Forschung zuliebe, 
um frei und ungehindert und weniger von Nahrungssorgen bedrängt arbeiten 
zu können, dafs er den Blick zu einem akademischen Lehramte erhob. 

Aber so weitherzig die Erlanger philosophische Fakultät auch war, wenn 
sie, ohne sich auf Formalitäten zu steifen, lediglich auf Grund einer kritischen 
Studie zur Germania des Ptolemaeus, den Erforscher einer ganzen einmal ge- 
wesenen europäischen Völkerwelt am 16. August 1838 zum Doktor promovierte, 
so klammerte sie sich doch wenige Monate später an kleinliche Rücksichten, 
als sie Zeufsens Gesuch um eine Professur der deutschen Philologie in Er- 
langen ausweichend beantwortete. In Würzburg aber, wo Zeufs 1838 ein 
erstes und 1840 ein zweites Mal anklopfte, suchte ihm der Senat den Zugang 
mit der für ihn selbst wie für die Studenten sonderbaren Motivierung zu sperren, 
dalJB Vorlesungen über germanische Philologie nicht notwendig seien und 
solche über indische Sprachwissenschaft, zu denen sich Zeufs gleichfalls bereit 
erklärt hatte, ohne Anklang bleiben würden. Unwiderstehlich aber wirkte 
sein Argument von der Schonung der materiellen Mittel der Universität und 
der Verwertung ihrer psychischen Kräfte, und Zeufs muTste hinter dem Manne 
zurückstehen, der nach einem Worte des Staatsrats v. Stichaner nur durch 
den Anfangsbuchstaben sich von ihm unterschied. Friedrich Andreas Beufs 
unterschied sich freilich noch in manchem anderen von Zeufs, aber er wurde 
Professor der deutschen Literatur in Würzburg, indes Zeufs auch von dem 
Ministerium der Geistlichen-, Unterrichts- und Medizinalangelegenheiten in 
Berlin höflich abgewiesen wurde und HoiEnungen auf einen Platz in Freiburg i. B., 

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wo sich Franz Jos. Mone xind Leopold August Wamkönig für ihn be- 
mühten, in den Sturngahren dieser Universität untergehen sah. Als ihn aber 
1840 der Ensiehongsrat der Eepnblik LoEem an das dortige Lyzenm berofen 
wollte, hatte er einen ähnlichen Wirkungskreis als Professor der Geschichte 
bereits in Speyer an dem seit dem Herbste 1839 vollständig ausgebauten 
Lyzeum erhalten. 

Die acht Speyerer Jahre waren seine glücklichste Zeit, für den Forscher 
wie für den Menschen. 

Anfangs freilich fühlte sich der erstere bedrückt genug, als er infolge 
des Mangels ausreichender bibliothekarischer Hilfsmittel die bereits begonnenen 
Arbeiten zu einem oberdeutschen Namenbuch zurückstellen mulste. Aber bald 
siegte über widrige Verhältnisse auch hier die Kraft des Gelehrten. Wie 
wenn er sich ein neues Heim auf dem Gebiet^ rein historischer und lokal- 
historischer Forschung schaffen wolle, sah es zuerst aus, als Zeufs das ehr- 
würdig alte Traditionsbuch der merowingischen Abtei Weifsenburg 
18^2 in musterhafter Weise herausgab und gleich danach an der Hand urkund- 
licher Quellen die Bei chsstadt Speyer vor ihrer Zerstörung schilderte 
Aber mächtig zog es Zeufs doch wieder in die Bahn sprachhistoriBchen Forschens 
zurück und nun schuf er sich in den keltologischen Studien, zu denen 
er vielleicht durch den Verkehr mit Mone und mit den Irrtümern Mones an- 
geregt, seit 1843 entschiedener überging, ein neues Entdeckungsgebiet, wo 
das, was er bei allsonntäglichen Besuchen in Karlsruhe, Darmstadt und Heidel- 
berg und auf Ferienreisen in Würzburg, St. Gallen, London und Mailand ge- 
sammelt hatte, in der stillen Speyerer Gelehrtenklause immer mehr zur Wieder- 
gestaltung einer untergegangenen alten Sprachenwelt sich ausreifte. 

Wohltuend aber ward dies zur Vereinsamung neigende Geistesleben 
von der umgebenden Welt berührt. So klein die Stadt war und so zwitterhaft 
die Hochschule, an der ZeuTiB wirkte, reiches Leben umwehte ihn hier, wo sein 
unermüdlich schaffender Freund Halm, der grofise Physiker Schwerdt und 
Franz Xav. Dieringer, der geistvolle Theologe, neben ihm wirkten, und wo 
in dem frisch erblühten historischen Verein landesgeschichtliche Forschungen 
mit regstem Eifer betrieben wurden, wo von dem erinnerungsreichsten aller 
deutschen Dome und aus völkergeschichtlich bewegtesten Gauen die Stimme 
der Vergangenheit so laut und eindringlich sprach und wo die schwache Brust 
des Mannes in der lauen Luft der Bheinebene gesünder als jemals atmete. 

Da kam, als Zeufs sein Streben mit dem Leben hier befreundet hatte, 
eine verspätete Erfüllung einstiger Wünsche, die tragisch für ihn werden 
sollte. König Ludwig L berief ihn am 4. April 1847 als Geschichtsprofessor 
an die Münchener Universität, und Zeufs folgte, anfänglich selbst freudig 
bewegt, wie er dem Senate meldete, dem so ehrenvoll ausschauenden Bufe. 

Aber als Nachfolger des gewaltsam quieszierten Const. Höfler fand er 
sich einer erregten und mifsvergnügten Studentenschaft gegenüber, ohne die 
Fähigkeit, sie wie sein Vorgänger durch Wort und Vortrag hinzureifsen, weil 
er stotterte und seine Stimme den Saal nicht erfüllte. Er fand sich in einer 
Fakultät, die in der sich immer mehr erregenden Zeit mit Gegensätzen ge- 
laden war, und sah zu all den Aufregungen und Herabstimmungen, die ihm 
das brachte, auch seine Gesundheit noch schwer bedroht In den kühlen Tagen 
des Juni 1847 sandte ihm der Würgengel der Hektik, der unterdessen noch 

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ein fünftes Glied seiner Familie gefordert hatte, die ernste Botschaft, dafs er 
anch ihn nicht yerschonen wolle, nnd in tiefer Melancholie brach der Gelehrte 
anf der Bahn, die znm Höhepunkte seines Lebens hätte führen sollen, 

Fort von der Universität! lautete sein erster Wunsch, fort yon München! 
sein zweiter, Zurückversetzung nach Speyer, war der Inhalt seiner Bitte an 
den König, oder Übertragung einer Lyzeallehrerstelle in einer milderen Gegend. 
Während aber in Speyer bereits Rupert Jäger seinen Posten eingenommen 
hatte, verstand sich der Verfasser der „Ältesten Geschichte Bayerns'' Thomas 
Budhart in Bamberg, dazu, den seinigen mit Zeufs zu tauschen, und so kehrte 
Zeufs im Oktober 1847 aus der grofsen Welt, die ihm fast die Katastrophe 
gebracht hätte, in das weniger glänzende Dasein am Bamberger Lyzeum 
und in das stille Viertel hinter demselben zurück. 

'Ich bin', schreibt er am 8. Juni 1850 an Mone, 'jetzt hier in der Haupt- 
stadt meines eigentlichen engeren Vaterlandes Historikus an der philosophischen 
Sektion des Lyceums . . . Ich war zufrieden mit meiner Stellung in Speyer, 
über die ich nicht hinausyerlangte, und hier bin ich es noch mehr'. 

Und doch war Zeufs, obwohl er manchen Bekannten aus der Jugendzeit, 
wie seine einstigen Biyalen am Gymnasium , die Professoren Thom. Buchert 
und Gg. Schaad, hier traf, einsamer als je. Denn jenes anregende wissen- 
schaftliche Leben ^ das in Speyer geherrscht hatte und auch einen Zeufs ver- 
anlassen konnte, seinen Kollegen näher zu treten, fand sich am Bamberger 
Lyzeum, trotzdem es in Adam Martinet einen geschätzten Orientalisten und 
Sprachkenner hatte, so nicht wieder, und wenn auch, von dem Feuergeist 
Gonst. Höfiers angehaucht, der Historische Verein in Bamberg auf Wegen 
wandelte, die nun die Gesellschaft für firänkische Geschichte eingeschlagen 
hat, so war es doch ZeuTs selbst nun, der historischen Studien fem blieb, 
ganz vertieft in die Arbeiten, aus denen 1858 das zweite grolse Hauptwerk 
seines Lebens, die Grammatica Celtica, hervorging. An der Stätte, wo 
er einst den Kaledonier Galgacus in ciceronianischem Latein zu seinen Lands- 
leuten hatte reden lassen, hatte er der alten keltischen Völkerwelt ihr eigenes 
Idiom wiedergegeben und eine Vergangenheit ergründet, die fast mit mehr 
als sieben Siegeln verschlossen gewesen war. 

Er selbst aber, den bisher noch das Feuer der grofsen Forschungs- 
ond Lebensaufgabe erhalten hatte, brach nun zusammen. 

Während er daran dachte, sich vom Dienste frei zu machen, um weiteren 
keltischen Studien in Kopenhagen und London nachzugehen, legte das Gespenst 
seiner Familie, das hektische Fieber, im Jahre 1855 Beschlag auf diese Freiheit 
und anf seine ganze stark abgenützte Nervenkraft, und weder die Ruhe des 
heimatlichen Tales noch eine Kur in Stehen konnte den Erkrankten und in 
düsterer Melancholie sich Vensehrenden heilen. Als seine Urlaubszeit vorüber 
war, beeilte sich der bureaukratische Formalismus seinen Vorschriften getreu, 
ihm den Beruf abzunehmen, den er des Brotes wegen einst gewählt hatte. 
Für Zeufs selbst aber blieb Leben auch noch in seinen letzten Wochen ein 
Lernen. Noch korrespondierte er damals, wenn auch mit zitternder Hand, mit 
Christian Wilhelm Glück, an dem er einen begeisterten Schüler und Apostel 
seiner Forschung gewonnen hatte, über keltische Dinge und noch gab er Mone 
nicht alle die Werke, d^e er von ihm entliehen hatte, zurück. Ja, noch an 

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dem Tage, da Nachmittags 2 Uhr ein Gehirnschlag seinem Leben ein Ende 
machte, am 11. Noyember 1856, hatte er eineB^ise in den Süden antreten 
wollen, die gewils weniger seiner Erholung als den Arbeiten in Mailand und 
Turin gedient hätte. Er starb an der Stfttte, wo er geboren worden war, 
hinter den entblätterten Erlen der Bedach, als trübe die Noyembemebel durch 
den Frankenwald schlichen, in dem kleinen unscheinbaren Bund, aus dem er 
erwachsen war, von wenigen nur damals in seiner Weltbedeutung erkannt. 

Aber wie seine Gestalt, von einem Bamberger Bildhauer in Stein ge- 
hauen, hochragend über die eng umschränkenden Friedhofmauem yon Eronach 
hinweg nach der Stadt und Feste hinüberschaut, die ihm die Welt angetan 
haben, so steht sie heute hochragend in der wissenschaftlichen Welt, 
weil er selbst dieser wieder weite und weiteste Blicke erschlossen hat. Den 
Akademien von München, Gdttingen und Berlin, die ihn mit der Ehre ihrer 
Mitgliedschaft bedachten, den historischen Vereinen in bayrischen, rheinischen 
und nordischen Landen, die ihn sich zum Ehrenmitgliede erkoren, hat sich in 
den fünfzig Jahren seit seinem Tode langsam, aber um so bedeutungsyoller 
der Weltyerein der Wissenschaft gesellt, ihn als einen ihrer Führer zu 

Wie Zeufs in Stille und Einsamkeit schuf, so liegt das, was er geschaffen, 
fem yon dem grofsen, nur den äufserlichen Menschen bezaubernden Markte 
des Lebens. Aber er gehört zu den wenigen, die um so mehr innerlich ergreifen, 
je gesammelter man mit ihnen Zwiesprache hält, und je näher man dem ein- 
samen Forscher tritt, um so mächtiger wächst seine G^talt, um so unyergefs- 
lieber wird sein Bild dem, der es in sich aufzunehmen yersucht So ist es 
yielen gegangen wie Chr. W. Glück, sie sind begeisterte Jünger und Schüler 
des Meisters geworden, und mit Ehrfurcht schaut zu ihrem Vater Zeufs die 
über Europas Grenzen hinaus gewachsene Gemeinde der Keltologen empor, 
indes er neben Jak. Grimm und Karl Lachmann auch den Germanisten zu 
einem ihrer Grofsen geworden ist. Doch den Meister der Sprachwissenschaft 
wird Ihnen ein Mund schildern, der berufener dazu ist, als der meinige. Mir 
aber, der ich die Ehre habe, den Lehrstuhl einzunehmen, den Zeufs in den 
neun letzten Jahren seines Lebens innehatte, obliegt es, den Historiker 
Zeufs ihnen näher zu bringen und ich kann mich dazu nur ermuntert 
fühlen, wenn ich sehe, wie Thomas Rudhart einstens seine Älteste Geschichte 
Bayerns yeröffentlichte, ohne den Verfechter der wahrscheinlichsten Herkunft 
der Bayern auch nur einer Erwähnung wert zu halten, und wieWegele noch 
die Geschichte der deutschen Historiographie schreiben konnte, ohne auch nur 
mit einem Worte anzudeuten, dafs ein Werk wie 'Die Deutschen und die 
Nachbarstämme' für einen wichtigen Teil historischer Forschung und Dar- 
stellung grundlegend geworden ist. 

Das erklärt sich wohl damit, dafs ihnen zu yiel Sprachwissenschaft in 
dem historischen Schaffen Zeuüsens steckte. Budhart wenigstens beklagt sich 
einmal bei einer Besprechung der Markomannenhypothese über die Tyrannei, 
welche die Sprachgelehrsamkeit über die Geschichte in Anspruch nehme, und 
über die Grammatik, 'welche Herkunft, Leben und Schicksale der Völker 
zu ordnen sich unterfange '.^ Umsomehr, soUte man meinen, hätte Budolf 

(Münchner) Gelehrte Anzeigen 1843, S. 763. 

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y. Bamner, der Zenfs ja auch persönlich kannte, in seiner Geschichte der ger- 
manischen Philologie Grand gehabt, ihn für sie zu reklamieren. Doch anch 
er schweigt sich ans über ihn, wohl deswegen, weil ihm ZenTs in seinem 
Werke über die Deutschen allzusehr Historiker war. Und in der Tat, Zeufs 
ist ein viel zu originaler Geist, als dafs er sich leicht in den wohlgeordneten 
Fächeni der Znnftgelehrsamkeit unterbringen liefse, und er reprftsentiert nicht 
das «ne nur oder das andere, sondern der grofse Bund der Wissenschaften 
der Geschichte und der Sprache ist in ihm Fleisch geworden, sodafs 
mehr als yon jedem andern von ihm das Wort Jakob Grimms gilt, er habe 
der Geschichte das Bett yon der Sprachwissenschaft her aufjgeschüttelt.^) Die 
Herkunft der Bayern begründet er yorwiegend mit einem etymologischen Er- 
gebnis, in dem Werke über die Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme ist die 
Sprachwissenschaft die Begleitmusik, die in den Anmerkungen unausgesetzt 
der historischen Melodie im Texte folgt, und selbst die Ausgabe der Tra- 
ditiones Wizenburgenses ist in erster Linie den oberdeutschen Orts- und 
Personennamen zuliebe unternommen. 

Wie für Zeufs die Sprachwissenschaft hauptsächlich eine historische ist, 
so ist sie dem Historiker in ihm die erste geschichtliche Hilfswissen- 
schaft, der Schlüssel, mit dem allein das Tor zum dunkeln Land derVölker- 
geschichte sich öffnen liefs. Und mit Recht! Denn während der Bund, den 
die Geschichte am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts mit Philosophie und Aufklärung 
geschlossen hatte, sie erst fähig machte zu uniyersalgeschichtlicher Betrachtung, 
und während sie am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts durch die Befruchtung yon 
Seiten der Naturwissenschaft her erst tiefer in die kulturgeschichtlichen Ent- 
wicklungen eindringen lernte, so bahnte sie sich, yerbündet mit der Sprach- 
wissenschaft, erst einen zuyerlässigeren Weg in die Völkergeschichte, in das 
Altertum der Völker und unseres eigenen Volkes. ZeuTs aber ging diesen 
Weg als erster mit sicherem Schritte und wurde so der Historiker 
deutschen und europäischen Altertums, als welcher er hier ge- 
würdigt wird. 

Wohl hatten schon manche andere wie Schlözer, der Vater der nor- 
dischen Geschichte in Deutschland, und Adelung, der im Jahre des Zusammen- 
brachs 1806 seine 'Alteste Geschidite der Deutschen' yeröfientlichte, mit Hilfe 
der Spraehe operiert Aber Zeufs besafs, was beiden noch fehlte, die yolle 
Kenntnis ihrer historischen Entwicklung und war ein yiel schärferer Kritiker 
als Adelung, indes er yor Schlözer, dem rasch aburteilenden Sohne der Auf- 
klärung, die Achtung yoraus hatte, die den Quellen, so trüb sie auch aus 
dunkler Vergangenheit fliefsen mochten, doch ein gerecht abwägendes Urteil 
nicht yersagen durfte. Vergleicht man Zeufs aber mit Konrad Mannert, dem 
namhaften Geographen des Altertums, so findet man, dafs er auch diesem ganz 
besonders durch die Sprachwissenschaft überlegen war, ohne ihm als Geograph 
nachzustehen. So yereinigte Zeufs yon yornherein, um der Historiker des 
deutschen und europäischen Altertums zu werden, alles in sich, was dieser 
Historiker damals besitzen muTste, und was in solcher Mischung bisher noch 
nicht yorhanden gewesen war: sprachhistorische Meisterschaft, klares, 
geographisches Verständnis, gerecht nehmende und gebende Kritik und 

>) Geschichte der deutschen Sprache* S. XI. 

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noch eines, eine bisher noch nicht erreichte Kenntnis und Beherrschung* 
des Qnellenmaterials. 

Denn, wie Schmeller ganz richtig nrteilte,i) ^die gröfste Schwierigkeit 
für den Verfasser des Buches 'Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstftmme' lag 
nicht im Zusammenbringen der Zeugnisse", obwohl, wie wir hinzufügen dürfen, 
ein Blick in das Werk selbst und den Nachlafs ZeuTsens lehrt, dafs er auch 
darin die Vorgänger ganz erstaunlich überflügelt hat, dafs er nicht nur die 
Zeugnisse der Alten benutzte, angefangen von den bekannten Darstellungen 
eines Caesar, Tacitus oder Ptolemaeus bis in das yerlorenste Fragment fast 
yerschollener Byzantiner, sondern auch angelsächsische, nordische, slayische 
und arabische Quellen heranzog und mit eisernstem FleiTse ein bisher kaum 
beachtetes Quellenmaterial ausschöpfte, das für die Jahrhunderte des frühesten 
Mittelalters unbenutzt au^espeichert gelegen hatte in den mächtigen Folianten 
der Bollandisten und der Acta Sanctorum und in den zahlreichen Urkunden- 
publikationen des 18. Jahrhunderts. Gewifs, dieses Zusammenenbringen 
der Quellen war schon als solches eine Meisterleistung. 

Aber es galt noch viel mehr zu tun. Wo Schlözer mit dem weg- 
werfenden Wort Yon Lieblingswfirtem der tiefen Unwissenheit der Alten sich 
die Kritik ihre Nachrichten erspart hatte, wo andere, nicht weniger un- 
bekümmert um ihren Wahrheitskem , mit dem livianischen Sigoyesus und 
Belloyesus alle Bätsel einer bunten Völkergeschichte gelöst wähnten, da galt 
es, wie Niebuhr einmal sagt, 'Gedicht und Verfälschung zu scheiden und den 
Blick anstrengen, um die Züge der Wahrheit, befreit yon Übertünchungen, 
zu erkennen'.') Kritisch gesichtet und gewertet mufste das ungeheure 
Material werden und — ich lasse SchmeUer noch einmal das Wort — 'durch 
all das Chaos modemer, an sie geknüpfter, einander oft geradezu wider- 
sprechender Ansichten und Behauptungen, dem eigenen Urteil unbeschadet* 
mufste Zeufs sich hindurchfinden. 

Die eine und die andere Vorarbeit war ja bereits geschehen, zumal 
hatten Mannert und ein wenig auch Christian Karl Barth, Aug. Benedict 
Wilhelm und Christian Beichard ihre Verdienste gehabt, sodaDs manche Fabel 
schon entlaryt, manche trügerische Kulisse schon hin weggeschoben, mancher 
Widerspruch schon gelöst war. Aber niemand hatte es yor Zeuls unternommen, 
das so systematisch zu tun, mit dem nämlichen Blick über ein so greises 
Ganze und dem gleich scharfen Auge für jeden kleinen und kleinsten Zug. 
Das aber gab Zeuls des Historikers höchste Weihe, dafs er nicht blofs ein die 
Tünche des Vergangenheitsbildes beseitigender Kritiker, sondern auch ein 
neu gestaltender Schöpfer desselben war, und wie später bei der alt- 
keltischen Grammatik, so auch hier aus zahllosen Splittern und Bruchstücken 
und zusammenhangslosen Teilen yorsichtig abwägend, yergleichend und yer- 
knüpfend die Welt der germanischen und nordeuropäischen Völkerkunde 
wiederherstellte, so, wie der Vater unserer kritischen Geschichtsforschung, 
Niebuhr, es mit dem römischen Altertum getan hatte. 

Und damit habe ich den grofsen Namen noch einmal genannt, dem 
Cuno schon in seinen 'Forschungen im Gebiet der alten Völkerkunde', 1806, 

(Münchener) Gelehrte Anzeigen 1888, S. 666. 
>) Römische Geschichte I^ S. IX. 

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den Namen des Historikers ZenTs yergleichend an die Seite gestellt hat. Zeni's 
ist nicht nnr ein Jünger der dnrch Niebnhr begründeten historischen Methode, 
er ist auch ein Meister gleich ihm. 

Um für ersteres ans einer Fülle yon Beispielen nnr drei anssnwfthlen: 
Wenn ZenTs wieder nnd wieder durchzudringen sncht durch die Verzerrungen, 
welche die Yölkertafel des Ptolemaeus zeigt, zu dem wirklichen ethnographi- 
schen Bild, das in der Zeit des antiken Geographen vorhanden war; wenn er 
des Jomandes Gotengeschichte trotz ihrer Fabeln als wertvolle Quelle gründlich 
ausschöpft; oder wenn er aus all den Widersprüchen der Alten über die 
Skythen trotz reicher Übertünchung die echten Konturen eines YGlkerganzen 
hervortreten läÜBt, so ist dies, kongenial gebraucht» die Arbeitsweise eines 
Niebuhr, und gleichgeartet ist auch bei ihm die für den Historiker so unerläls- 
liehe köstliche Gabe, die voUständige Objektivität und Buhe, die den 
Völkern gibt, was einstens den VOlkem gehörte. 

Wie viel Pathos macht sich doch, so tüchtig die Leistung auch sonst 
ist, in dem gleichzeitig erschienenen und verwandten Stoff behandelnden 
Buche Hermann Müllers 'Die Marken des Vaterlandes' breit, und wie er- 
innert es unwillkürlich heute noch daran, dafs es in den Tagen entstand, da 
der nationale Gegensatz gegen die Franzosen wieder stärker erwacht war. 
Nichts davon bei Zeufs, der an J. Grimm einmal die Worte schrieb: 'Ich 
freue mich, dafs Sie sich bald öffentlich über die Keltomanie einiger Schrift- 
steller erklären wollen, und habe es gern gelesen, dafs sie in mir einen 
Gegner derselben voraussetzen ; ebenso würden Sie mich als Gegner der Slawo- 
manie Schaffariks finden, aber auch der Germanomanie. Jedem Volk das 
Seine.* ^) Aber ein Schemen ohne nationales Fleisch und Blut war Zeufs des- 
wegen doch nicht. Dafs er ein Deutscher war, mit warmem Gefühl für das 
eigene Volk, bekundet doch mehr wie jedes tönende Pathos die bis ins Ein- 
zelnste gehende liebevoUe Sorgfalt, mit der er seine Nation in die Mitte seines 
Buchs gestellt und die andern um die Deutschen gruppiert hat. Darinnen 
ist er aber wiederum Niebnhr gleichzustellen, weil auch er einen natio- 
nalen Standpunkt durch einen universellen adelte, und so, indem er 
dazu noch ein vortrefflicher Methodiker war wie er, ein ausgezeichneter 
Philolog wie er, zu reichen und dauernden Ergebnissen gelangt. 

Da wird mit sicherer Hand, in grolüsen Zügen, aus reifster Kunde 
heraus der Schauplatz entworfen, auf dem das deutsche Altertum sich 
bewegt, um den die Nachbarstämme sich gedrängt haben. Die Nordvölker 
treten heran, kein keltischer Mischmasch und doch ein Ganzes mit gemein- 
schaftlichen Zügen in Sprache, Götterglaube, Körpergestalt und Lebensweise, 
bei allem Gemeinsamen aber gesondert in drei grofse Hauptgruppen — 
der Germanen, Kelten und Wenden. Will uns dies heutzutage eine Binsen- 
wahrheit bedünken, so mufs man doch für Zeufsens Zeit daran erinnern, dafs 
noch ein Jahr nach seinem Tode ein Sprachforscher, wie Adolf Holtzmann, 
allen Ernstes den Unterschied zwischen Germanen und Kelten verwischen 
wollte. Dunkel ist dann freilich Zeufs gar manches geblieben, was die schwierige, 
damals noch schwierigere Frage der Zweige der Germanen betrifft. Um 

1) L. Chr. Stern, Briefe von J. K. Zeufs an Chr. W. Glück, Ztschr. f. 
celtiMhe PhUologie m (1901), S. 875. 

Google — 

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80 sicherer aber wies er den deutschen EinzelBtäminen yor der Völker- 
wanderung ihre Plätze an und schuf ein Fundament, zu dem Mannert und 
andere freilich wertvolles Material bereits geliefert hatten. Aber so, wie es 
nun Ton Zeufs gelegt wurde, ward es ein Bau, auf dem die deutsche Ethno- 
graphie trotz einzelner Änderungen auch heute noch steht. Sicherem Beweis 
eint sich hier manch feine Hypothese , und wie z. B. der Bastam^n germa- 
nisches Volkstum endgültig erkannt wurde, so ward in den rätselhaften Baemi 
des Ptolemaeus das in die Earpathen verpflanzte Suebenvolk des Vannius 
glücklich geahnt 

Wie Zeufs dann die Kelten und Germanen im Westen gruppierte, 
im heutigen belgischen und rheinischen Gebiete, wo der Name Germanen 
zuerst (Gestalt gewann, ist in neuerer Zeit nicht ohne Widerspruch geblieben, 
und über das Volkstum manches der rätselhaften AlpenvOlker konnte er 
nicht ins Klare kommen. Aber mit ihm hält doch ein namhafter Teil der 
Forscher auch heute noch die alten Beiger nicht mehr für Germanen, und 
ihm dankt man es, wenn endlich die Bojer und mit ihnen ein ganzer, fast 
heilig gewordener Hausrat historischer Irrtümer endgültig von der schwäbisch- 
bayerischen Hochebene verwiesen wurde. Dem Keltenvolk überhaupt als 
(Ganzem schrieb er in grofsen Zügen, die Contzen später nur ins Kleinere 
auszuführen brauchte, seine erste klare Geschichte, und von Adelungs thraki- 
schem Sprachstamme löste er für die Zukunft das Illyriervolk, indes er die 
angeblich germanischen Geten Jakob Grimms stillschweigend unter den 
Thrakern begrub. 

Nirgends aber erscheint er so sehr als Meister wie bei den Nachbarn 
in Nord und Ost, wo die dunkeln Namen flüchtiger Skythen Völker und 
sarmatischer Horden so vieldeutige Eätsel aufgaben und in der grenzenlosen 
Steppe so viel verschiedenes Volkstum ineinander überflofs. Hier schuf er 
geradezu aus den Nachrichten der Alten und den Anhaltspunkten der Sprache 
in fester bestimmten Stämmen und Wohnorten den esthisch-lettischen 
Völkerzweig und ward dadurch für Müllenhoff die Grundlage zu eingehenden, 
an sich freilich höchst wertvollen Untersuchungen. Wer aber dem letzteren 
allein das Verdienst zuspricht, die Skythen als Indogermanen von arischem 
Zweige erkannt zu haben, der pflegt zu übersehen, dafs aus dem skythischen 
Chaos schon Zeufs den iranischen Kern in feiner Beweisführung heraus- 
gestaltet hat 

Aber alles das sind nur B,e8ultate der ersten Hälfte des Buches. 
Denn nun läfst Zeufs in einem zweiten Teil noch einmal die ganze 
Völkerwelt vorüberziehen, der Umgestaltungen wegen, die durch die 
Völkerwanderung herbeigeführt wurden. Berührten sie in erster Linie 
die Germanen, so erwuchs Zeufs in erster Linie auch die Aufgabe 
den grofsen, noch ganz ungenügend beantworteten Fragen nach der Ent- 
stehung und Zusammensetzung der germanischen Völkerbünde auf 
grund der Quellen nahe zu treten. Seit er es getan, hat eine unermüd- 
lich emsige Forschung die Lücke auszufüllen versucht, die Zeufs in der Frage 
nach dem Entstehungsgrund gelassen hatte, und aufserdem manchen Stein aus 
seinem Bau gelöst und manchen, der haltbarer war oder schien, neu eingesetzt 
Aber es schlug auch auf einem Gebiete^ wo so viel des Dunkeln und des Ver- 
wirrenden immer bleiben wird, Hypothese die Hypothese und die Lronie, die 

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80 manchen Fragen der Forschung sich zngesellt, brachte es mit sich, dafs die 
Sngambem Zenisens, die MtÜlenhoff bereite znm Spiel römischer Bhetoren 
gemacht zn haben schien , bei Felix Dahn^ als frftnkisches Kemvolk wieder 
anflehten, wie der nämliche yerdiente Altmeister germanischen Altertums auch 
wieder zu den Juthungen Zeufsens als dem Hauptvolk der Schwaben über- 
ging.*) Mit fliegenden Fahnen aber ist bis auf wenige Dissidenten das ge- 
samte Forscherheer in das markomannische Bajuwarenlager ZeuTsens marschiert, 
und so ist dem stillen grofsen Forscher, alles in allem, doch das Verdienst 
gewahrt, den Grundkern der deutschen Völkervereine richtig 
erkannt zu haben, und bis heute die unerschöpfliche Fundgrube 
fftr alle Nachrichten über die Ahnen unserer späteren deutschen Stämme ge- 
blieben zu sein. 

Eines der glänzendsten Kapitel in diesem Teile ist aber das über die 
Normannen, weil es in allem, was die umsichtige Benützung des Quellen- 
materials, die Feinheit der Beweisführung und die FeststeUung der Tatsachen 
betrifft, geradezu musterhaft genannt werden darf. So schuf ZeuTs auch für 
das nordische Altertum die feste Basis, wie auch Paul Joseph Schafarik, 
dessen 'Slayische Altertümer' gleichzeitig mit dem Werke Zeufsens erschienen, 
mit ihm in den Buhm sich teilen muTs, die Grundzüge der slayischen 
Wanderung und osteuropäischen Yölkeryerschiebung festgestellt 
zu haben. Schärfer als jener erkannte dabei Zeufs, welche Bedeutung für 
diese Wanderung der Ayareneinbruch hatte, und tiefer als alle sah er in den 
hunnischen Ursprung des Bulgarenyolkes. Zum zweiten Male zwang er 
so das flüchtige Yölkergewimmel der Steppe, dem prüfenden Auge des Forschers 
standzuhalten und, wenn er dem alani sehen Beiteryolke yielleicht auch nicht 
tief genug in die asiatische Heimat turkmenischer Horden folgte, so schlofs er 
doch sein Werk nicht, ohne nicht auch noch den finnischen Ursprung und 
die älteste Geschichte der Ungarn achtunggebietend yertreten zu haben. 
Wo immer man sich in sein Werk yertieft^ da bietet es eine FüUe bleibender 
Ergebnisse und man braucht, wenn man es im Ganzen übersieht, nicht mehr 
mit dem Urteile zu zaudern, dafs Zeufs derNiebuhr der Deutschen und 
der Nachbarstämme ist. 

Wenn dies aber nicht schon öfter und entschiedener behauptet worden 
ist, so liegt der Grund doch wohl an der Form, in welcher Zeufsens 
historisches Schaffen uns entgegentritt. 

Zeufs ist nicht der feine Stilist wie Niebuhr und in deutschen Lese- 
büchern wird er schwerlich jemals so wie jener durch Musterstücke yertreten sein. 
Hart sind seine Sätze und glänzende Lichter prosaischen Ausdruckes mildern 
nirgends die eckigen Linien derselben. Selbst die ganze Abfassungsform 
seines Hauptwerkes hat Milsfallen erregt Jakob Grimm schien *der gehandhabte 
Unterschied zwischen Altertum der Völker und ihrer Umgestaltung auf die 
Klarheit der dadurch zerrissenen Verhältnisse ungünstig einzuflieüsen.") Und 
in der Tat, an zwei, oft an drei Stellen des Werkes ist das zersplittert, was 

>) Könige der Germanen Bd. Vn, Abt. 1, S. 16. 
<) Ebenda Bd. IX, Abt 1, S. 4ff. 
*) Gesch. d. deutsch. Sprache*, S. X. 

Zflitoobrifl f. Mit. Philologlt yi. 14 

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210 Ulis BAMßEltGEfi CENTENABFElfiR 

ein und das nämliche Volk, ein und den nämlichen Stamm betrifft. Ent- 
tänschnng ist 8og:ar das eiste Gefühl, das man dem Bnche gegenüber empfindet, 
wenn man eine zusammenhängende Darstellung erwartet und dann sich einer 
Art Lexikon gegenüber sieht. Es ist unleugbar so: Nüchtern und hart 
ist die Schale, in der uns der kostbare Kern geboten wird, und da, wo uns 
der Verfasser in leicht dahingleitenden Worten in das Eeich seiner Forschung 
einführen oder in wohlpointierten Sätzen seine Resultate uns mundgerecht 
machen sollte, da verlangt er von uns, mit ihm durch lange lateinische, 
griechische, nordische und angelsächsische, slayische und arabische Zitate uns 

Freilich ist bereits mit Recht darauf hingewiesen worden,^ dafs wir so 
das Ganze eigentlich selbst mit ihm aufbauen, und der Historiker in Zeuls hat 
nicht ohne gute Überlegung gehandelt, wenn er über die tief einschneidende 
Bedeutung der Völkerwanderung für die germanische Welt und folglich auch 
für die Nachbarwelt nicht hinwegsah und auf ihr einen Einschnitt begründete. 
Sollten einmal die Deutschen im Mittelpunkt stehen und die Nachbarn in Süd 
und West, in Ost und Nord yon hier aus betrachtet werden, dann war ein 
Werk aus einem Gusse immer noch eher auf solch offen liegendem geschicht- 
lichem Boden zu erzielen, oder es wäre Zeufs gegangen wie MüUenhoff, der 
über seiner deutschen Altertumskunde hinwegstarb und einen mächtigen Torso 
und ein Mosaik, in dem das Hauptbild fehlte, hinterliefs. Aber mag man ZeuTs 
auch hinsichtlich der Gesamtanlage seines historischen Hauptwerkes rehtfertigen, 
die Tatsache bleibt doch, dafs der Gröfse des Inhalts die Form nicht entspricht, 
und dafs das Werk, welches eine ganze Welt umfafst, jählings in der unga> 
rischen Puista endet, so, wie auch die kleine, aber wertvolle Studie über 'Die 
Reichsstadt Speier vor ihrer Zerstörung' plötzlich zu Ende ist und den Leser 
fast buchstäblich vor dem Fischertore des alten Speyer stehen läfst 

Aber Zeuls hat auch, wie Bachmann richtig konstatiert,') die alte Wahrheit 
nicht beobachtet, dafs man die Leser erst interessieren, dann erwärmen, schliels- 
lich überzeugen müsse. Das aber war schuld daran, dafs er bei dem seiner 
historischen Werke, das ihn frühzeitig weiteren Kreisen bekannt machte, es 
doch weniger wurde durch die Zustimmung, die er fand, als durch den Wider- 
spruch, den er erntete. Ich meine seine 1839 erschienene Schrift über die 
Herkunft der Bayern, die Zeufs'sche Hypothese, wie sie untrennbar mit 
seinem Namen verbunden jeder heute nennt. Hätte sie eine bessere Abrundung 
und eine gewinnendere Form gehabt, sie hätte nicht fast ebensoviele (Gegner 
gefunden, als es Stämme gab, von welchen man die Bajuwaren hergeleitet hatte. 

Zufrieden hatten da die Anhänger der Bojerfabel um ihren Vater 
Vincenz v. Pallhausen versammelt gesessen und seinen Garibald skandiert, 
um ihren bajuwarischen Eigendünkel an uralten, welterobemden Bojem zu 
berauschen. Da grübelte Koch-Stemfeld, wie er Kelten und Heruler zu einem 
Volksganzen verschmelzen könne, indes C. Fr. Neumann das kleine, kaum 
sichtbar werdende Boiskenvölkchen im Handumdrehen zum mächtigen Stamm 
der Bayern beförderte und sich selbst ironisierend der Ritter von Lang sogar 
zu den Slaven überging. Franken, Goten, Langobarden waren als Vorväter 

^) Von E. Kuhn in seiner Münchner Festrede am 14. Man 1906. 
>) Wiener Sitzungsbericht, 90. Bd. (1878), S. 890f. 

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der Bayern anfgestellt worden nnd ein klaffender Gegensatz hatte sich 
schliefslich anfgetan zwischen all diesen ünigenisten und den Föderalisten, 
nnter denen wohlüberlegende Historiker wie Pfister, Mannert, Rndhart ans 
Sciren, Sneyen, Rugiem, Hemlem nnd Tnrcilingem einen Yölkerverein der 
Bajuwaren konstruiert hatten. Da erschien mitten unter ihnen Zeufs mit 
der Erklftmng, 'Sprachenknnde sei die Leuchte der Völkergeschichte, der 
Oeschichte des Altertums; ohne sie sei niemand ein tauglicher Arbeiter auf 
diesem Gebiete. Die Sprache gebe sicheres Zeugnis, irre nicht, während eine 
alte Nachricht wohl irren könne.' ^) 

Darauf entwickelte er, nachdem er die Bojisten und Eoch-Stemfeld ihres 
falschen sprachlichen Aufputzes beraubt hatte, in allerdings sicheren Zügen 
seinen sprachlichen Beweis für die Herkunft des Bayemnamens yon Böhmen, 
der Heimat der Markomannen, fügte aber nur mehr andeutend als ausführend 
den historischen Beweis hinzu, weil es ihn drängte, auch mit den übrigen 
Gegnern noch hauptsächlich philologiseh abzurechnen. 

So hatte er allerdings die Bojisten yernichtet, trotz des verspäteten 
Auftretens des Egl. AdTokaten in Trostberg, Carl Siegert, der noch im Jahre 
1854 die dem Reichsherold Pallhansen entrissene keltische Standarte ergriff 
und mit erstaunlicher Verwegenheit schwang.*) Aber das geschah recht eigen- 
lieh doch nur zur Erheiterung der Wissenschaft, die das bayerische Weifs-blau 
als die Nationalfarbe schon der alten Armalausen begreifen sollte und baju- 
wariBche Eraftausdrücke wie Letfeigen, Eampl, Lackl sowie den Hofbräuhaus- 
bock staunend im keltischen Sprachschatz wiederfand. 

Dagegen fehlte der positiye Erfolg, weil Zeufs in einer eminent 
historischen Frage die Hilfswissenschaft zur Gesetzgeberin gemacht hatte, weil 
er auf einem Eampfplatz zahlreichster Gegner es an einer hieb- und stichfesten 
Ausrüstung hatte fehlen lassen. 'Bewiesen hat Zeufs nichts, aber wahrschein- 
lich ist die Sache^ schlols daher Schmeller seine Besprechung der Schrift,*) und 
Budhart warf sich, als später Wittmann Zeufs hatte yervoUständigen wollen, 
mit Wucht auf jede Blöfse, die in der Markomannenhypothese geblieben war.^) 

Trotzdem ist Zeufs der Sieger geblieben, auch nach dem wohlüberlegten 
nnd umsichtigen Angriff, den zwei Jahre nach seinem Tode noch Quitzmann 
gegen seine Hypothese unternahm. Seit Bachmann den historischen Beweis 
für die Markomannen noch einmal gründlich und kunstyoU durchführte, blieb 
Zeufs auch das Verdienst, auf einem engen Gebiet, aber in einer der be- 
wegtesten Streitfragen der älteren deutschen Geschichte den 
gangbarsten Weg gezeigt zu haben und, wenn schon Bernhard Sepps Ju- 
thungen als Stammväter der Bayern wenig Gegenliebe gefunden haben, so 
werden die Lugier, die Ludwig Wilser noch im yergangenen Jahre zu ihren 
Ahnen erheben wollte^ sie noch weniger finden, trotz des Vorwurfs der Be- 
schränktheit der deutschen Geschichtsforschung, den Wilser schon im 
yoraus erhob. 

Die Herkunft der Bayern S. IV. 

>) In 'Grundlagen zur ältesten Geschichte des bayerischen Haupt- 
yolksstammes nnd seiner Fürsten'. 

*) Gelehrte Anzeigen 1840, Nr. 17. 
*) Ebd. 1843, Nr. 91 ff. 


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Dafs diese Anerkennung freilich so spät erst sich dnrchrang, habe ich 
dnrch einen Mangel in Zenfsens Schaffen begründen müssen. Und doch will 
es mir scheinen, als ob ich daran gewesen w&re, ungerecht gegen ihn m 
werden, und von einem Mann gi^fseren Glanz und bestechenderes Auftreten 
zu verlangeui der so ganz und gar aus sich selbst nichts machen wollte. 

Die charakteristischen Züge seiner Werke sind ja auch die des 
Mannes, des Menschen Zeufs. Anspruchslos und bescheiden war 
er durch und durch, wie alle bezeugen, die ihn kannten, wie noch heute seine 
Briefe an Chr. Wilh. Glück verraten , in denen er niemals lästig fallen will 
und jede kleine Bitte fast sofort wieder zurücknehmen möchte. Oder, um ein 
anderes Beispiel zu gebrauchen, kann man weniger Ton der Grammatica celtica 
sagen als er, wenn er Mone erklärte, er glaube mit ihr der Wissenschaft 
einen Dienst zu erweisen? Und ging die Anspruchslosigkeit nicht sogar zu 
weit, die ihn, den hochgewachsenen schönen Mann mit dem feinen Gesicht 
und dem prächtigen schwarzen Haar so nachlässig einhergehen liefs, dafs, 
wie Adam Martinet im Nachrufe für ihn bemerkt, seine äufsere Erscheinung 
seinem inneren Wert und Reichtum an Wissenschaft nicht entsprach?^) Nein, 
bestechend wirken wollte und konnte Zeufs nicht. So wenig er ein glänzender 
Schriftsteller war, so wenig hinreilsend war er auch als Lehrer und Dozent, 
nicht nur weil er stotterte und seine Stimme schwach war, sondern weil er 
auch die Gabe nicht besafs, die Fülle und Tiefe seines Wissens für Hörer 
und Schüler auszumünzen. Darin liegt aber auch die Erklärung dafür, 
dafs er immer wieder in die Stille einer Bibliothek oder eines Archives 
getrachtet hatte, um dort bei Büchern und Urkunden ganz er selbst sein 
zu können. 

Was er ganz war, welche Kraft in ihm mächtig wirkte, das ahnten 
wohl dunkel die, die vor ihm auf den Bänken safsen, aber verstanden haben 
sie die Grölse nicht blols dieses Geistes, sondern auch dieser Seele nicht Sie 
hätten sie aus seinen Werken erschliefsen müssen. Dann hätten sie gesehen, 
dafs diese Seele von einer der edelsten aller Leidenschaften, dem Forschungs- 
trieb, ganz erfüllt war und der erkundeten Wahrheit sich ganz und restlos 
hingab. Für das Lernen, das Forschen, die Wissenschaft hatte er das fröhliche 
Spiel der Jugend geflohen, hatte mit der bitteren Sorge und mit zärtlichen 
Wünschen den Kampf um den Beruf geführt und Jahre lang in der arm- 
seligen Stellung eines Hilfslehrers ausgeharrt. Weil von den Büchern der 
Wissenschaft seine wenigen finanziellen Mittel beansprucht wurden, hatte er 
die Ehre des Doktorates sich ferne gehalten und noch auf dem Krankenlager 
opferte er ihr die Nächte, in denen er bis tief in den Morgen hinein studierte. 
Ihrem heiligen Dienst zuliebe versagte er sich auch das Erdenglück, das in 
der Familie begründet werden kann. Der Wissenschaft waren alle seine Reisen 
gewidmet, ihr galten die Briefe, die er schrieb, von ihr empfing er die Freunde, 
die er liebte, von ihr den Scherz, dessen er, der sonst immer ernste, fähig war. 
'Herrn Holtzmann zu holzen' wäre ihm ihretwegen ein Vergnügen gewesen. 
Denn ihretwegen konnte er selbst bitter werden, wie es Jakob Grimm gegen- 
über geschah, sogar undankbar erscheinen, wenn man sieht, wie er Mone, dem 
er doch viel verdankte, der bitterbösen Feder Glücks überlieferte. 

^) 21. Bericht d. histor. Vereins Bamberg (1858) S. 76. 

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Leben war ihm Wissenschaft , Forschen die grobe Leidenschaft seiner 
Seele, sich dabei aber doch unentwegt anf ein Ziel beschränken, Selbstzucht 
im vollsten Mafse zu üben, dafs war die gröfste Tugend dieses so einfachen 
und doch so wenig verstandenen Mannes. 

Auch Aschbach hatte ihn nicht verstanden, als er ihm in der Besprechung 
seines Werkes über die Deutschen^) den Vorwurf machte, er hätt« viel mehr 
auf die modernen Theorien über die germanischen Stämme eingehen sollen. 
Gewils hätte Zeufs dies können. Aber wie er die Angebote unbeachtet liefs, 
die man ihm machte, um ihn als Mitarbeiter für wissenschaftliche Unter- 
nehmungen zu gewinnen, wie er in der Grammatica celtica mit aller Kraft 
der Selbstzügelung an sich hielt, um in keinen der vielen lockenden Seitenwege 
einzubiegen, so hielt er sparsamstes MaTs auf jenem historischen Grebiete, wo 
die Anschauungen, die Konjekturen, die Hypothesen auf allen Wegen lauem, 
den Forscher an sie sich verlieren zu lassen. 

So spricht Geistes- und Seelengröfse aus Zeufsens Werken,' so 
erscheint er einfach zwar und anspruchslos wie das äufsere Gewand, in dem 
er sie gab, aber in höchster Reife wie sie selbst und wie sie aus einem 
Gufs und Ganzen. So hatte er, kaum über dreifsig Jahre alt, das Werk 
geschaffen, das durch Müllenhoffs ganze Lebensarbeit nicht überflüssig werden 
konnte, zu dem auch der grofse Torso D'Arbois de Jubainvilles bis heute nur 
eine Ergänzung für eine noch frühere europäische Vergangenheit ist, das man 
sich auch nach den Forschungen eines Kosinna, Much und Bremer und mancher 
anderer ebensowenig aus dem Reiche der Wissenschaft hinwegdenken kann, 
wie Grimms historische Grammatik oder Niebuhrs römische Geschichte. 

Denn es ist die historische Grammatik der Ethnographie und 
die Römische Geschichte des europäischen Mittelvolkes und 
seiner Nachbarn in Ost und Nord und Süd und West und der präg- 
nanteste Ausdruck des fruchtbaren Bundes, den Geschichte und 
Sprachwissenschaft seit den schweren Tagen des Jahres 1806 ge- 
schlossen hatten. 

Es ist eine der grofsen weltgeschichtlichen Taten, durch welche Söhne 
des deutschen Volkes die kriegerische Zerschmetterung bei Jena friedlich wett 
gemacht haben und, wenn Krouach den Aufenthalt des Völkerzerschmetterers 
in seinen Mauern mit Recht zu seinen grofsen Erinnerungen zählt, so vergifst 
die Welt der Wissenschaft mit noch gröfserem Rechte niemals wieder des 
Erbauers einer Völker weit, der aus Kronachs Umkreis hervorging, des 
bescheidenen Maurersohnes aus Vogtendorf. 

Nach der Oaverture zu Iphigenie in Aulis von Gluck bestieg 
Professor Kuno Meyer-Liverpool das Katheder zur Festrede: 
'Johann Kaspar Zeuls als Sprachforscher'. 

Hochansehnliche Festversammlung! 
Es ist ein weit verbreiteter und fest gewurzelter Irrtum der grofsen 
Menge, dafs die Arbeit des Gelehrten, der ein entlegenes Gebiet der Alter- 
tumswissenschaft erforscht, wohl hie und da auch über den engen Kreis der 

") Berliner Jahrbücher f. wissenschaftliche Kritik, 1838, U, S. 318. 

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Fachgenossen hinaus Interesse zu erwecken vermöge, aber keine lebendige 
Bedeutung für die Gegenwart gewinnen könne. Der Laie yemtebt es wohl, 
wenn die Wissenschaft ins Praktische umgesetzt erscheint und dort Erfolge 
erlebt; aber das geheimnisvolle Wirken jeder wissenschaftlichen Tat, den 
Segen, der ihr inne wohnt und den sie früher oder später oft weithin ver- 
breitet, ahnt er nicht. 

Auch von dem stillen Arbeitszimmer in Bamberg, von der Stube im 
Bauernhaus zu Vogtendorf sind Wirkungen ausgegangen, deren der einsame 
Arbeiter dort sich selbst nicht bewuTst war, die er jedenfalls nicht mehr 
erlebt hat. Der arme deutsche G^elehrte hatte Gaben zu spenden, um die ihn 
ein König beneiden könnte. 

Wenn wir uns heute an der Stätte, wo der grofse Mann gelehrt und 
gearbeitet hat, von nah und fem zusammenfinden, um den Tag festlich zu 
begehen, an dem er vor hundert Jahren der Welt geschenkt wurde, so treiben 
uns dazu mannigfache Beweggründe. Um die Angehörigen der Anstalt, an 
der er gewirkt, haben sich seine Stammesgenossen versammelt, die stolz sind 
darauf, dafs er mit seinem eigenen Euhme den seiner Vaterstadt, seiner 
engeren Heimat hinausgetragen hat über die ganze gelehrte und gebildete Welt; 
die Jünger seiner Wissenschaft, die mit Verehrung zu ihm als ihrem Meister 
und Lehrer aufblicken; die Vertreter von Universitäten und Akademien, die 
dem grofsen Gelehrten, dem Begründer einer neuen Disziplin huldigen wollen. 

Aber drauTsen steht noch eine weit gröfsere Gremeinde, ganze Völker- 
schaften bringen ihm unsichtbare Lorbeerkränze dar. Sie danken und huldigen 
ihm als dem Befreier von unerträglichem Joch, der mit dem scharfen Schwerte 
der Wissenschaft eine Kette durchschlagen hat, die sie lange schmachvoll 
gebunden hielt; der ihnen einen köstlichen Schatz zurückgewonnen hat, das 
Bewufstsein einer grofsen Vergangenheit und Überlieferung. Es sind die 
keltischen Nationalitäten, die Überreste jenes gewaltigen Völkergeschlechts, 
das einst Europa vom Schwarzen Meere bis an den atlantischen Ozean, von 
Italien bis zu den Orkaden beherrschte. Nur wenige unter ihnen wissen es, 
aber sie alle, Iren, Schotten, Kymren und Bretonen, geniefsen die Früchte 
deutscher Wissenschaft und vor allem der Arbeit des schlichten Gelehrten, 
dessen Andenken wir feiern. 

Schon vor Jahrhunderten mächtigeren Völkern unterlegen, ihres Landes 
beraubt, fremden Gesetzen unterworfen, war ihnen in aller Drangsal nichts 
schwerer zu ertragen, traf sie keine empfindlichere Schmach, als die Verachtung 
und der Spott ihrer Unterdrücker, die auf sie herabsahen als auf ein fremdes 
Geschlecht in Sprache, Blut und Sitte, ausgeschlossen aus der grofsen Ge- 
meinschaft der zivilisierten Völker Europas, Barbaren, die sich, während sie 
alle Bildung nur den Eroberem verdankten, erlogene und gefälschte An- 
sprüche auf eine rahmreiche Vergangenheit erschwindelt hätten. 

So stand es mit den keltischen Nationen, als Zeufs auftrat und die 
Keltologie zur Wissenschaft erhob. Er sprach der Gesamtheit des keltischen 
Sprachstammes ihre Stellung innerhalb der indogermanischen Familie zu, er 
knüpfte die verloren gegangene Überlieferung wieder an, er befreite die Ge- 
schichte der Kelten von dem Fluch des Fabelhaften, des Rätselhaften, der so 
lange verhängnisvoll auf ihr gelastet hatte, er deckte ihre ältesten Sprach- 
und Literaturdenkmäler auf — und nun bestätigte sich mehr und mehr, dafs 

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ihre Zivilisation, üir Schrifttnm älter sei als das ihrer Eroberer, dafs Irland 
nnd Schottland einst die Pfiegestätte klassischer und chiistlicher Enltnr 
waren, dafs halb Enropa ihnen das Christentom nnd die Grundlagen der 
Bildung verdankt, dafs in kymrischen und bretonischen Landen die Wiege 
unserer mittelalterlichen Epik gestanden hat. Das hat die mit FüiÜBen Ge- 
tretenen gehoben und gestärkt; sie sehen sich nun ebenbürtig eingereiht 
unter die grolsen Kulturvölker Europas, das Interesse an ihrer alten Sprache 
und Literatur erwachte wieder und eine mächtige Bewegung ist unter ihnen 
entstanden, deren Ziel die Hebung des keltischen Nationalgefühls ist. 

Aber nicht davon soll ich hier reden. 

Mir ist die ehrenvolle Aufgabe geworden, vor Ihnen ein Bild von der- 
jenigen Tätigkeit ZeuTs' zu entwerfen, der er vor allem sein Leben gewidmet, 
die ihm eine Haupt- und Ehrenstelle unter den Altmeistern und Begründern 
der Sprachwissenschaft, neben Jakob Grimm, Pott und Diez, zusichert; seine 
unsterblichen Verdienste zu feiern auf dem Gebiete der Wissenschaft, das er 
geschaffen, der keltischen Philologie. 

Auch der Laie weifs, dafs die Grammatica Celtica den Hauptehrentitel 
bildet, auf den sich sein Weltruhm gründet, dafs dieses Buch eine neue 
Wissenschaft ins Leben gerufen hat, deren Vertreter heute nach hunderten 
zählen und die an den grolsen Universitäten Deutschlands, Frankreichs, Grofs- 
britanniens und der Vereinigten Staaten ihre Lehrstühle hat. Dem Femer- 
stehenden wild die Bedeutung des Buches klarer werden, wenn er vernimmt, 
wie es auf dem Grebiete keltischer Studien aussah, ehe Zeufs eingriff, wie 
dort fast nichts als Willkür und Gesetzlosigkeit herrschte, wie die tüchtigsten 
sich lange ratlos nach einem Führer und Bahnbrecher umsahen, der Ordnung 
und Licht in dieses Chaos brächte; wenn er dann erfährt, dafs Zeufs allein 
und in der Stille diese gewaltige Arbeit geplant, unternommen und in wenig 
mehr als einem Jahrzehnt zu Ende geführt hat; wie er damit auf Einen 
Wurf einen Bau geschaffen hat, der sonst die Arbeit vieler Kräfte und ganzer 
Generationen in Anspruch nimmt, während er heute nach über fünfzig Jahren 
noch so fest und sicher dasteht, dafs kaum hie und da ein Eifs, eine schwache 
Stelle zu Tage tritt. 

Es wäre nun ungemein fesselnd und lehrreich, wenn wir den Gang der 
keltischen Studien Zeufs' von Schritt zu Schritt verfolgen könnten, den Mo- 
ment bestimmen, wo ihm zuerst der Gedanke an seine Lebensaufgabe kam, 
nachzuspüren, wie sich ihm der Plan des Buches fester gestaltete, wie die 
Arbeit dazu von Stufe zu Stufe vorrückte. 

Leider liegen uns zu einer so genauen Darstellung nicht die nötigen 
Daten vor. Das grolse Werk wurde fast geheimnisvoll geplant; kaum einer 
oder der andere wuTste darum, und die Welt erfuhr erst davon, als es fertig 
dastand. Nur aus einigen Stellen in den Vorreden zu seinen kleineren 
Schriften, aus hingeworfenen Äufserungen in seinem Briefwechsel läTst sich 
ein ungefähres Bild gewinnen, wie er zu Werke gegangen ist. 

Es wird gegen das Ende der 30 er Jahre gewesen sein, als ZeuTs durch 
seine völkergeschichtlichen Studien zuerst dazu gefuhrt wurde, sich ein- 
gehender mit keltischer Sprache zu beschäftigen. Lag doch Überhaupt in 
diesem Jahrzehnt die Frage nach dem Ursprung und der Verwandtschaft der 
Kelten gleichsam in der Luft. 

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Im Jahre 1831 hatte der Walliser Prichard mit seinem Eastern 
Origin of the Celtic Nations als einer der ersten die Verwandtschaft 
der keltischen Sprachen mit dem Sanskrit nachzuweisen yersncht, aher doch 
so wenig üherzengend, daTs Bopp 1836 noch von dem unsanskritischen Kern 
der keltischen Sprachen reden konnte. Man meinte ehen, dafs die Kelten 
durch Berührung und Zusammenlehen mit Völkern indogermanischer Ahkunft 
wohl manches yon diesen entlehnt hätten, in Wahrheit aher, wie die Basken, 
EU denen mancher sie gerne gerechnet hätte, eine ursprünglich unverwandte 
Sprache redeten. 

Im Jahre 1837 tat Pictet in seinem Buche De Taff init6 des langues 
celtiques avec le sanscrit schon einen hedeutenden Schritt auf dem 
richtigen Wege vorwärts; es hlieh aber doch Bopp vorbehalten im folgenden 
Jahre durch glänzende, höchst scharftinnige und geniale Kombinationen die 
volle Zugehörigkeit des keltischen zum indogermanischen Sprachstamme für 
jeden Kenner unumstöfslich zu beweisen. 

Aber die Stimme dieser besonnenen Forscher, die behutsam und Schritt 
vor Schritt vorwärts zu kommen strebten, wurde übertönt von dem vorlauten 
und lärmenden Wesen, das die Unberufenen, Dilettanten und Phanttuten zu 
derselben Zeit auf diesem Gebiete trieben. 

In weiten Kreisen der Wissenschaft führten Männer, die sich bei un- 
zureichenden Kenntnissen ganz einem willkürlichen Raten hingaben, das grofse 
Wort. Trat dann noch die Keltomanie hinzu, die Sucht, überall keltischen 
Ursprung zu wittern, alle Orts- und Völkemamen Europas, ja andere Sprachen, 
wie das Germanische, aus dem Keltischen herzuleiten, so war dem Unsinn 
Tür und Tor geöffiiet. Mit Vorliebe wirtschaftete man mit schlecht gewählten 
Mitteln. Anstatt die vorhandenen guten Wörterbücher und Grammatiken der 
lebenden keltischen Sprachen mit Vorsicht zu benutzen, schöpfte man seine 
Kenntnisse aus den schlechtesten Machwerken : so besonders aus einem soidisant 
Dictionnaire Celtique von Bullet, einem Sammelsurium aller keltischen 
Mundarten ohne Unterschied, denen auch noch das Baskische beigemengt war. 
Gerade Bayern war der Hauptherd der Keltomanie und gegen manchen hoch- 
gestellten Professor und Akademiker führte Zeufs bei seinem Auftreten auf 
diesem Gebiete einen wuchtigen Keulenschlag. Von Pallhausen, Reichard, 
Buchner, Koch-Stemfeld, sie alle müssen seinen Unwillen und Spott über sich 
ergehen lassen. 'Höre, guter Freund', ruft er einem von ihnen zu, 'die alten 
bayerischen Wörter, die du für keltisch hältst, sind altdeutsch; was davon in 
der heutigen Sprache nicht mehr vorkömmt, ist darum nicht fremd, sondern 
ausgestorben und aus den altdeutschen Denkmälern und den verwandten 
Mundarten zu erklären. Einige wirklich keltische Flufs- und Städtenamen 
in Bayern sind aus alter vorrömischer Zeit geblieben, wie in andern von 
Deutschen besetzten Ländern, und diese alten keltischen Namen, welche bei 
dem jetzigen Stande der keltischen Philologie und dem Mangel älterer Denk- 
mäler dieser Sprache zu deuten die gröfsten Sprachforscher nicht wagen 
werden, lafs du dich nicht gelüsten so leichthin aus dem Griechischen heraus- 
zukünsteln!' Daran fügt er die belehrenden Worte über die Bedeutung 
der Sprachenkunde, von denen der Vorredner schon einiges zitiert hat. Er 
nennt sie den sichersten Leitstern durch das Altertum, wo mangelhafte, sich 
widersprechende oder irrige Nachrichten es dunkel lassen. 'Aber noch nicht, 

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wer nur von Sprachen nnd einer Masse Wörter weiTs, welche den Wörter- 
büchern entnommen werden, ist ein tanglicher Arbeiter anf diesem Felde, 
sondern wer das Sprachengebiet der Völker, die er behandelt, mit wissen- 
schaftlichem Blicke übersieht, die Besonderheiten der einselnen Sprachen 
kennt, was jeder gehört oder nicht gehört, nnterscheidet, knrz ihre Gesetze 
und Verhältnisse nach innen nnd anlsen erkannt hat.' 

Und an einer anderen Stelle sagt er: 'Hier herrscht keine Willkür, 
wie der uneingeweihte sich einbildet; der Vokal nnd Konsonant folgt seinem 
Gesetze.' 'Wer solche Gesetze nicht kennt, und nm diesen nnd jenen oder 
mehrere Laute oder gar ganze Silben unbekümmert yerfährt, wird, was 
zusammenklingt, nicht was zusammengehört zusammenstellen, nur Willkür- 
liches und Unwahres zu Tage fördern.' 

Hier, in der Vorrede zu dem Büchlein über die Herkunft der Bayern 
Yon den Markomannen, finden wir dann auch einen Satz, in dem er ausspricht, 
wie in den keltischen Studien endlich fester Boden zu gewinnen und vorwärts 
zu kommen sei. 'Die Eigentümlichkeit des Keltischen', heilst es da, 'kann 
erkannt werden aus den Sprachlehren und Wörterbüchern seiner Überreste, des 
Irischen und Galischen (worunter er das Schottische yersteht), des Kymrischen 
in Wales und des Bretonischen in der Niederbretagne, in deren Nachbarschaft, 
in den baskischen Gebirgen, sich schon eine Ton der sanskritischen Reihe 
Töllig verschiedene Sprache, das Baskische, erhalten hat' 

Ich habe diese Sätze des längeren zitiert, weil sie gleichsam das Pro- 
gramm enthalten, das ZeuTs jetzt bei seinen kelt. Studien befolgte. Denn 
schon vor 1840 mufs ihm der Gedanke immer klarer geworden sein, daTs er 
zu seinen völkergeschichtlichen Arbeiten einer eingehenden Kenntnis des 
Keltischen nicht länger enbehren könne. 

Und wenn wir auch nicht wissen, ob der Plan der Grammatik oder 
eines ähnlichen Buches schon damals in ihm lebendig geworden ist, so war 
doch die Entstehung eines solchen Werkes bei der Art wie ZeuTs arbeitete, 
bei der kritischen und schöpferischen Tätigkeit, die er bei allem, was er 
angriff, bewährte, nur eine Frage der Zeit. 

An zwei Punkten schlug er seinen Haken ein. Zuerst eignete er sich 
aus den verläfslichsten älteren und neueren Lehrbüchern die Kenntnis der 
drei noch lebenden Hauptsprachen keltischer Zunge an, des Irisch -gälischen, 
des Kymrischen oder Walisischen und des Bretonischen; femer des schon ab- 
gestorbenen Komischen. Das Schottisch-gälische, sowie das auf der Insel Man 
fortlebende Idiom glaubte er mit Recht als blofse Spielarten des Irischen 
mehr aufser acht lassen zu dürfen, besonders da wir hier keine Aufzeich- 
nungen von höherem Alter besitzen. Da er sich manches der teuren und 
seltenen Bücher nicht selbst anschaffen konnte, so entlieh er sie aus den 
Bibliotheken und schrieb sie zu beständigem Gebrauch von Anfang bis zu 
Ende ab oder zog sie wenigstens in ihren Hauptteilen aus. Interessant ist 
es zu konstatieren, dafs Zeufs nie mit einem Vertreter des lebendigen kel- 
tischen Idioms weder in Korrespondenz getreten noch in persönliche Berührung 
gekommen zu sein scheint. Er hat also die Laute der Sprachen, die er sich 
aneignete, nie gehört. 

Bei diesem Sprachstudium, besonders bei dem Gebrauch der Wörter- 
bücher, wuIste er mit kritischem BUck das Echte vom Falschen zu scheiden, 

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eine Vorsicht, die bei dem Verfahren vieler einheimischer Gelehrten, die noch 
an die Herkunft ihrer Sprache aus dem Hebräischen glaubten und sich, 
phantastischen Etymologien zu liebe, manche falsche oder schiefe Aufstellung 
erlaubten, höchst notwendig war. £ein anderer Forscher war so umsichtig 
zu Werke gegangen. Selbst Glück mufs sich einmal eine scharfe Zurecht- 
weisung gefallen lassen, als er bei Benutzung des kymrischen Wörterbuchs 
von Owen, dieses fürchterlichen Etymologus, wie Zeufs ihn nennt, seine Art, 
alle Wörter auf nicht existierende abstrakte Wurzeln — 'Visionsformeln' sagt 
Zeufs — zurückzuführen, nicht durchschaut hat und Ton diesen Phantastereien 
Gebrauch macht. 

So rüstete Zeufs sich behutsam und gründlich mit einer Kenntnis der 
lebenden keltischen Sprachen aus, wie sie yor ihm nur noch Einer besessen 
hatte, der einzige, der auf den Ehrentitel eines Vorläufers Ton Zeufs Anspruch 
erheben kann und darum yerdient, hier mit Achtung genannt zu werden. 

Dies war der Walliser Edward Lloyd (Llwyd), der 1660 geboren, in der 
Geschichte der keltischen Philologie etwa die Stelle einnimmt, wie Frandscus 
Junius in der germanischen. Auch sein Leben hat mit dem yon Zeufs manche 
Ähnlichkeit. Er setzte alle Mittel und sein Leben an ein grolses wissen- 
schaftliches Unternehmen, ein Kompendium der Grammatik und des Wort- 
schatzes aller noch lebenden keltischen Sprachen, zu denen damals auch noch 
das Komische gehörte. Von dieser Arbeit erschien im Jahre 1707 der erste 
und einzige Teil unter dem Titel Archaeologia Britannica als Frucht 
5 jähriger Keisen und Studien in allen keltischen Ländern. Es ist ein 
staunenswertes, seiner Zeit weit vorausschreitendes Werk, toU neuer Be- 
lehrung und richtiger sprachlicher Beobachtungen. Hatte Lloyd doch u. a. 
schon die german. Lautverschiebung wenigstens in einem Punkte, der Ver- 
tretung von idg. k durch A, beobachtet und formuliert und manche Wörter 
wie centum und hundert ^ canis und hund, richtig verglichen. Aber zu der 
Erkenntnis einer organischen Entwicklung der Sprache oder zu dem Gedanken 
einer ursprünglichen Einheit ist er freilich nicht vorgedrungen. Zwei Jahre 
nach der Veröffentlichung seines grofsen Werkes, das die gebührende An- 
erkennung nicht fand und keinen Einflufs auf die keltischen Studien ausübte, 
starb Lloyd. Zeufs hat sein Buch benutzt und erwähnt es mit besonderem 
Lob in seiner Fraefatio. 

Neben der Beschäftigung mit den lebenden Idiomen richtete Zeufs nun 
sein Hauptaugenmerk auf einen anderen Punkt. Er suchte in allen Einzel- 
sprachen der ältesten Aufzeichnungen habhaft zu werden. 

Für das Altkeltische des Kontinents, das Gallische, und das Altbrittische 
besafs er gewifs schon umfangreiche Sammlungen. Wie Sie wissen, kennen 
wir diese Sprache nur aus verhältnismäfsig geringen Überresten, den bei 
griechischen und lateinischen Autoren vorkommenden Wörtern, Eigen-, Völker- 
und Ortsnamen, einigen Vokabularien, Inschriften und Münzen. Dieses Ma- 
terial, das jetzt in Holders 'Altkeltischem Sprachschatz' gesammelt und er- 
läutert vorliegt, galt es zu sichten, von Schreibfehlem zu reinigen und zu 
deuten. Die Überliefemng hatte diesen altkeltischen Namen arg mitgespielt. 
Unter den Händen vieler Generationen von Abschreibern waren manche von 
ihnen stark entstellt. Boadicea statt des richtigen Boudica und Mens Grampius 
statt Graupius bei Tacitus sind die klassischen Beispiele dafür. Manches ist 

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ent in unserer Zeit richtig gelesen nnd gedeutet, Zenfs aber war der erste, 
der diese Überreste zu behandeln wnfste, sie zu einer Lautlehre und, so weit 
sie ausreichten, zu einer Grammatik des Altkeltischen verwertete. Überall 
erkannte er mit sicherem Blick die etyma und wies ihr Fortleben in den 
modernen Sprachen nach. 

Was das Inselkeltische und Bretonische betrifft, so waren hier, Ton 
dem schon erwähnten Altbrittischen abgesehen, das nur aus Namen bekannt 
ist, die ältesten Denkmäler, ähnlich wie im Hochdeutschen, Glossenhand- 
schriften des 8. und 9. Jahrhunderts. Freilich für das Altkymnsche war die 
Ausbeute nicht allzu grofs ; hier war er für Wortschatz und Grammatik mehr 
auf die spätere Sprache angewiesen, deren Kenntnis er besonders aus zwei 
schon gedruckt vorliegenden Texten schöpfte, den von Lady Gueet heraus- 
gegebenen und übersetzten sogen. Mabinogion, einer Sammlung kymrischer 
Sagen und Erzählungen aus dem 13. und 14. Jh., und den ^AncientLaws and 
Institutes of Wales', einem Korpus einheimischer Gesetze, deren Sammlung 
dem Könige Howel Dda im 10. Jh. zugeschrieben wird. 

Unter den 'Zeufsiana', dem Nachlafs von Zeufs, der auf der Kgl. Staats- 
und Hofbibliothek zu München aufbewahrt wird, findet sich eine vollständige 
Abschrift des 2. Bandes der Mabinogion von seiner Hand, sowie ein von ihm 
angelegtes Wörterbuch zu allen drei Bänden, eine Arbeit, die seit ihm noch 
keiner wieder unternommen hat. 

Für das Altiriscbe lag ein im Gegensatz zum Altkymrischen sehr um- 
fangreiches, bisher aber kaum beachtetes und vollständig unbenutztes Glossen- 
material in Handschriften des 8. und 9. Jhs. auf den Bibliotheken von Würz- 
burg, Mailand, St. Gallen und Karlsruhe. 

Hier muTste ZeuTs sich zunächst der mühseligen Aufgabe unterziehen, 
viele tausende von Glossen, nicht nur einzelne Worte, sondern meist ganze, 
oft lange Sätze abzuschreiben. Er war der erste, der diese Handschriften, 
seit sie vor vielen Jahrhunderten als 4ibri scottice scripti' und deshalb un- 
lesbar in den Klosterbibliotheken zur Seite gestellt waren, wieder zu lesen 
und zu deuten verstand. 

Innerhalb eines Jahres (1844/45) schrieb er sich auf wiederholten Beisen 
die sämtlichen Glossen ab, und zwar zweimal, zuerst in der Beihenfolge wie 
sie die Handschriften boten, dann noch einmal alphabetisch geordnet Schon 
die richtige Entzifferung der oft sehr kleinen und schwer leslichen Schrift- 
züge mit ihren zahlreichen Abkürzungen und Kompendien war keine leichte 
Arbeit und neuere Herausgeber haben oft Ursache gehabt, den sicheren Blick, 
'the unerring eye of Zeufs' mit Whitley Stokes zu bewundem. Aber unend- 
lich schwieriger war die Aufgabe, die nun an ihn herantrat, die richtige Zer- 
legung, Deutung und Verwertung all dieses Materials zu grammatischen 
Zwecken, ja, der Aufbau der ganzen altirischen Grammatik aus ihm heraus. 
Von allem, was ZeuTs geleistet hat, war dies die genialste Tat. Hier war 
seine Arbeit überall schöpferisch, denn da gab es keine Vorarbeiten, die er 
nicht selbst gemacht hätte. 

Nur wer selbst einmal versucht hat, sich in die formenreiche Sprache 
hineinzuarbeiten, ' questo linguaggio difficile e davvero stupendo ', wie sie Graf 
Nigra einst in halber Verzweiflung genannt hat, vermag das von Zeufs Ge- 
leistete ^nz zu würdigen und wird immer wieder staunen^ wie er fast überall 

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80 sicher ihre Gesetze erkannt, die Regeln nnd Ausnahmen formuliert hat Denn 
das Verbalsystem des Altirischen ist ohne Frage das komplizierteste und sub- 
tilste aller idg., ja vielleicht aller Sprachen, und seine Syntax weicht stark 
Ton sonstigem idg. Sprachgebrauch ab. Ist Zeufs auch manches einzelne ent- 
gangen, hat er auch, um das Wichtigste zu erwähnen, das alles beherrschende 
Akzentgesetz nicht erkannt, welches erst 80 Jahre später von Zimmer und 
Thumeysen gefunden wurde, so tut das doch dem Ganzen nicht etwa grofsen 

Diese zweite Vorarbeit nun nahm etwa fünf Jahre in Anspruch. Wie 
seine Beobachtungen, seine Sammlungen sich allmählich vervollsttodigten, 
mufs der Gedanke der Grammatica immer festere Gestalt gewonnen haben. 
Am 8. Juni 1850 schreibt er an Mone, dafs seine Studien und Sammlungen 
sich allmählich zu einer förmlichen Grammatik der älteren keltischen Sprach- 
formen ausgestalteten. Bald darauf sucht er nach einem Verleger. Der Druck 
nahm fast zwei Jahre in Anspruch und im November 1853 erschien dann nach 
etwa ISjährjger Tätigkeit in zwei Bänden auf über 1100 Seiten die Gram- 
matica Geltica. 

In der Anlage und Anordnung hatte ZeuTs sich Grimms Deutsche Gram- 
matik zum Vorbild genommen. Die Vorrede führt zunächst das weitschichtige 
Material, aus dem er geschöpft, kritisch beleuchtet auf. Dann mit der Be- 
schreibung der Laute anhebend, schreitet das Werk von Stufe zu Stufe über- 
sichtlich geordnet vor: Formenlehre, Wortbildungslehre, Syntax, eine voll- 
ständige beschreibende, vergleichende und historische Grammatik der Einzel- 
sprachen. Den Schlufs bilden Metrik und 'Spicilegia et Specimina e codi- 
cibus,' alt- irisches und brittisches Qnellenmaterial. 

Ein grofser Zug geht durch das ganze Werk, das durchaus einen 
monumentalen Eindruck macht, als sei der Verfasser sich bewuTst gewesen, 
dafs er einen Bau aufführe, der viele Generationen überdauern sollte. Wie 
aus Stein gehauen, fest ineinander gefügt, stehen die Perioden da. Von jedem 
Blatte des Buches aber weht uns ein hoher Ernst, eine sittliche Strenge, eine 
unbestechliche Wahrheitsliebe entgegen, und gibt uns ein Bild von dem Geiste 
und Charakter des Mannes, das sich bei der Lektüre des einzigen längeren 
Briefwechsels, den wir von ihm besitzen, dem mit Glück, bestätigt. Es hat 
in der Tat wohl wenige Forscher gegeben, die so ganz nur von dem Drang 
nach Wahrheit und Erkenntnis erfüllt waren und nur diesen in sich walten 
liefsen, abhold jedem noch so verlockenden Spiel der Phantasie, zurück- 
schreckend vor jeder gewagten Aufstellung, vor jeder übertriebenen Be- 
hauptung. Auch der grölste Gelehrte unterliegt wohl einmal der Lust am 
Trug. Aber Zeufs wies alles weit von sich, was seinem scharfen Verstand, 
seinem wissenschaftlichen Gewissen nicht Probe hielt. 

Zur näheren Charakteristik dieses Hauptzuges in seinem Wesen möge 
noch einmal der schon vom Herrn Vorredner angeführte Brief an Jak. Grimm 
dienen, den er ihm als Antwort auf die Übersendung seiner Abhandlung über 
Jomandes und die Geten schrieb. 

'Ich bin überzeugt,' schreibt er, ^dafs Sie mir meine Offenheit nicht 
Übel nehmen werden, weil ich weifs, dafs auch Sie in Ihren Schriften sich 
offen und ohne Scheu Über die Ansichten anderer aussprechen. Mit der Sache 
selbst in dieser Abhandlung, der Verbindung der Geten und Gothen, bin ic^ 

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ganz und gar nicht einveratanden , schon deshalb nicht, weil ich alte Zeug- 
nisse, die mir nnd sicher auch anderen nicht so nnbedentend scheinen können, 
(wer wird gegen solche einen Jemandes oder gar einen sprachlich nnd geo- 
graphisch verwirrten £opf im späten Mittelalter höher anschlagen nnd ver- 
teidigen wollen?) nicht beachtet sehe. Strabo zeigt sich in sprachlichen Ver- 
hältnissen immer besser als irgend ein anderer alter Schriftsteller unterrichtet; 
er weifs z. B. besser als Cäsar, welche Völker in Südgallien gegen die Pyre- 
näen nicht dem gallischen, sondern dem iberischen Sprachstamme zngehören.'^) 

Was nnn die Ergebnisse betrifft, die in den Seiten der Grammatica 
Celtica niedergelegt sind oder ans ihrer klaren Darstellung abzulesen waren, 
so lassen sie sich kurz etwa folgendermafsen zusammenfassen. 

Die Zugehörigkeit der keltischen Sprachen zu der idg. Familie, die ja 
freilich nach der letzten Arbeit von Bopp in den Augen der Kenner schon 
feststehen mufste, war jetzt auch für den minder Eingeweihten über allen 
Zweifel erhaben. Die Lautgesetze, welche sie als geschlossene Gruppe inner- 
halb dieser Einheit kennzeichnen, waren ein für allemal bestimmt. Fortan 
konnte kein Kundiger mehr zweifeln, ob ein Wort keltisch oder germanisch 
seL Das rätselhafte Baskische war stillschweigend ausgeschlossen. Innerhalb 
der keltischen Gruppe waren die Gliederung und Verwandschaftsverhältnisse 
der Einzelspiachen scharf umrissen und festgelegt. Zwei Hauptgruppen traten 
hervor, die gälische und brittische, jede wiederum an bestimmter Lautgebung 
leicht erkennbar. Dazu kam das Altkeltische des Kontinents, das Zeufs 
nahe an das Brittische heranrückte. Hier haben spätere genauere Unter- 
suchungen und vermehrte Denkmäler der Sprache gezeigt, das auf diesem 
grofsen Sprachgebiete schon dialektische Verschiedenheiten herrschten, die an 
den Unterschied zwischen gälisch und brittisch gemahnen. 

In den Einzelsprachen hatte ZeuTs durchaus eine scharfe Scheidung in 
alte, mittlere und neue Perioden durchgeführt, deren Lautübergänge eingehend 
behandelt waren, so dafs nun zum ersten Male manches bisher in der Luft 
schwankende Denkmal genau datiert werden konnte. Die Gesetze, nach denen 
somit die Geschichte der Sprachen verlaufen ist, waren aufgestellt. Nun lielsen 
sich, um nur einiges zu erwähnen, die heutigen Wörter auf ihre früheren 
Formen zurückführen; nun liefs sich eigenes und fremdes Sprachgut, Ur- 
verwandtes und früh oder spät Entlehntes sicher auseinander halten. Gerade 
an dem Unvermögen, dies richtig zu bewerkstelligen, war früher mancher 
Versuch, die Stellung der keltischen Sprachen zu bestimmen, gescheitert. 

Nun war dem Forscher der Leitfaden in die Hand gegeben, mit dem er 
sich an Probleme wagen konnte, die bisher unlösbar waren: die Ethnographie 
des mittleren und westlichen Europa, die Wechselwirkung der Sprachen auf- 
einander, wie sie in Lehnwörtern zu Tage treten, die Schlüsse, die sich auf 
das Herüber und Hinüber politischer und sozialer Einflüsse ziehen lassen, 
Überlieferung und Austausch von Sagenstoffen, Entlehnung und Entwickelung 
metrischer Formen usw. Auf alle Zeiten war die Grundlage gelegt für eine 
Wissenschaft und weitere Forschung, deren Umfang wir heute noch nicht er- 

^) Und nun folgt die Stelle, die schon der Vorredner citiert hat, worin 
Zeufs sich als einen Gegner nicht nur der Keltomanie, sondern auch der 
Germanomanie erklärt. 

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222 t)I0 BAMBEfiGfitt CfiNTE!KABFEtE!S 

messen können. Eine neue Disziplin der Sprachwissenschaft, der VOlker- 
geschichte, der Litteratnr, mit einem Worte, die keltische Philologie war 

Aher die erste Aufnahme des grolsen Werkes stand in keinem Verhältnis 
zn seiner Bedeutung und seine Wirkungen traten auffallend langsam hervor. 
Zwar wurde es hei seinem Erscheinen von einzelnen hervorragenden Gelehrten 
wie Bopp und Grimm und Pott in Deutschland, von O'Donovan in Irland, von 
einem und dem andern in Wales und in Frankreich, freudig hegrttlst, aher 
eine sofortige Wirkung auf den Gang keltischer Studien, ein Aufblühen der- 
selben hatte es nicht zur Folge. 

Einer der Hauptgründe fUr diese Erscheinung war wohl folgender. 

Die Grammatica Celtica stellte so hohe Anforderungen an den Leser, 
ging so weit über alles hinaus, was je auf diesem Gebiete geleistet worden 
war, machte dem Anfönger, dem Dilettanten so gar keine Zugeständnisse, 
dafs wenige den Mut und die Ausdauer besafsen, sich an das Studium des 
Buches heranzuwagen. Besonders war dies in den keltischen Ländern der 
Fall, wo kaum der eine oder andere von dem Werke Notiz nahm. 

Die Keltomanen aber trieben ihr Handwerk unbekümmert fort. Kaum zwei 
Jahre nach der Veröffentlichung der Grammatica erschien Holtzmanns * Kelten 
und Germanen', gegen den Zeufs selbst noch einen scharfen Hieb zu führen 
hoffte; aber Krankheit und Tod hinderten ihn datan. Er benutzte vielmehr 
die kurze Frist, die ihm noch beschieden war, Verbesserungen und neues 
Material nach allen Seiten hin zu sammeln und seinem Buche einzuverleiben. 
Es selbst aber noch weiter auszubauen, dazu fehlte ihm bald die Kraft Er 
hatte sein Tagewerk vollendet. Die Nacht, da niemand mehr arbeitet, kam 
heran. Buhig, ohne Klage schaute er dem nahenden Tode ins Auge. 

In einem Briefe vom 27. Nov. 1855, ein Jahr vor seinem Hingang, schrieb 
er an Glück, den einzigen, der sich unter seinen Augen in das Keltische ein- 
gearbeitet hatte: ^Sie können einmal, da meine Gesundheitszustände sehr un- 
günstig sind, eine zweite Ausgabe meiner Arbeit besorgen. Also fleifsig fort- 
gearbeitet!' In Augenblicken, wo er sich kräftiger fühlte und wieder hoffte, 
plante er dann wieder noch manches. Seiner grofsen Lebensaufgabe hatte 
er alles geopfert, seine spärlichen Geldmittel, seine Gtesundbeit, den Gedanken 
an Ehe und Familienglück — jetzt stand er im Begriff, auch die Heimat auf- 
zugeben. Es ist wohl nur wenigen bekannt, daTs er in seinem letzten Lebens- 
jahre den Gedanken hegte, nach Irland umzusiedeln. Wie aus einem Briefe 
vom 6. Juli 1856 hervorgeht, der an den nach Dublin verschlagenen deutschen 
Philologen Siegfried gerichtet ist, wollte er sich in Dublin niederlassen, wo 
er auch eine akademische Lehrtätigkeit zu finden hoffte. Er mufs damals 
HofGaung geschöpft haben, dafs seine Gesundheit sich wieder festigen werde, 
denn schon schlägt er Siegfried, der auf Ferien in Deutschland weilte, ganz 
bestimmt vor, ihn auf der Station Hochstadt zur gemeinsamen Reise nach 
England zu erwarten. Diesem Plan, nach Irland zu gehen, hat gewils die 
richtige Erkenntnis zugrunde gelegen, dafs der Fortschritt der keltischen 
Studien zunächst an die weitere Erforschung des Irischen geknüpft sei, das 
an Wortschatz und Formenreichtum, sowie an Alter, Umfang und Mannig- 
fiiltigkeit seiner Litteratur alle übrigen keltischen Sprachen weit übertrifft 
Hierzu tat aber, da nur wenig gedruckt vorlag, langjährige Arbeit auf den 

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Bibliotheken Grofsbritanniens, vor allem Dublins not, wo nngez&hlte Hand- 
schriften jeden Alters lagen. 

Wer yennag zu sagen, wie rasch unsere Wissenschaft fortgeschritten 
wäre, ob wir nicht yielleicht schon über den jetzigen Standpunkt hinaus wären, 
wenn es Zeufs vergönnt gewesen wäre, noch ein oder zwei Dezennien dort an 
der Quelle zu schöpfen und zu schaffen; wenn er dort gar Schüler um sich 
Tersammelt hätte. Aber als Siegfried ihn im Laufe des Sommers in Vögten- 
dorf besuchte, fand er einen totkranken Mann. 

'Mit ihm,' klagt Glück in seinem Nekrolog, 'ist ein unendlicher Schatz 
Ton Wissen zu Grabe getragen und die Aussicht auf grofse Erfolge yer- 

Es war in der Tat so. Jahrzehnte vergingen, ehe die Eeltologie grofse 
Fortschritte zu verzeichnen hatte. Erst mit dem Anfang der 80 er Jahre nahm 
sie den grolsen Aufschwung, der sich an die Namen Windisch, Zimmer und 
Thumeysen knüpft. Eine Zeitlang hatte die Forschung in der keltischen 
Wissenschaft gar nur auf zwei Säuleu geruht Zwei Männer waren es, welche 
die Keltologie, wie sie sie gleichsam aus den Händen von Zeufs empfangen 
hatten, in eine neue Periode hinüberleiteten: Hermann Ebel, der nach Glücks 
frühem Tode Zeufs' Forschungen weiter führte und die Neubearbeitung der 
Grammatica Celtica übernahm, dann aber selbst früh ins Grab sank, und 
Whiüey Stokes, der als junger Mann durch den oben genannten deutschen 
Philologen Siegfried in das Werk Zeufs' und die keltische Philologie ein- 
geführt, sie besonders durch Herausgabe von Texten mächtig förderte und 
noch heute in seinem 77. Jahre so rüstig weiter arbeitet wie kaum ein 

Wenn die altirischen Sagenerzähler die Tapferkeit eines Helden, die 
Schönheit einer Frau, deren Ruhm Jahrhunderte überdauert hatte, aufs höchste 
preisen wollen, so gebrauchen sie wohl eine Formel, die ausdrücken soll, dafs 
mit ihnen gleichsam ein neues Mafs der Tapferkeit, der Schönheit in die Welt 
gekommen sei. 'An ihnen, sagen sie, wird seither alles gemessen, was es 
Schönes und Tapferes in der Welt giebt.' So können wir auch von Zeufs sagen: 
an ihm und seinem Werke werden heute noch alle Leistungen auf dem Gebiete 
der von ihm gescha£fenen Wissenschaft gemessen. In dem Grade als sie sich 
seiner Vollkommenheit nähern, steigen sie an Wert und Bedeutung; wie sie 
sich von ihr entfernen, sinken sie. Wer aber dem Meister nicht nachstrebt, 
wer gar wähnt, er könne etwas leisten, ohne bei ihm in die Lehre zu gehen, 
der schliefst sich selbst aus der Reihe der Forscher aus. Und so wird es 
bleiben, so lange unsere Wissenschaft dauert, und über hundert Jahre wird 
ein anderer an dieser Stelle stehn und wird es au& neue vor seinen Hörern 
beraufführen, das unsterbliche Verdienst, das leuchtende Vorbild von Johann 
Kaspar Zeufs. 

*Die vier Menschenalter' von Lachner liefsen in ihrer 
mächtigen Tonsprache die ganze Fülle festlichen Empfindens 
noch einmal harmonisch auf die Hörer ausströmen. Eine wunder- 
same Weihe war über allen. 

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Ragend blickt ein Steinbild über Eronachs Friedhofemauern: 
um schmale Schultern faltet sich, vom linken Arm gehalten, ein 
weiter Mantel Die Rechte trägt ein geöffnetes Buch, das Auge 
blickt sinnend ins Weite unter der hohen Stime; die Locken 
fallen in den Nacken und ein kleines Bärtchen über der Lippe 
scheint eher einem Jüngling, denn einem reifen Manne zu ge- 
hören. Das Bildnis stellt Zeufs dar, zu jugendlich zwar, zu un- 
fertig, fast verkleinernd, und doch, wer hier liest: ^Sein Name 
wird in seinen Werken fortleben, wenn auch die irdische HttUe 
schon längst zerfallen ist', der fühlt ein heimlich Ahnen und 
Erkennen, dafs hier ein Grofser rastet. Und der Wissende 
neigt in Verehrung still das Haupt. Von drüben grüfst die 
Feste Kronach, wie sie schon der Meister der Farbe, Lucas, der 
alten Cranaha gröfster Sohn sah, und zur Rechten unter 
schattenden Bäumen blinken ferne rote Ziegeldächer: Vogten- 
dorf, der Geburtsort unseres Zeufs. 

Zu diesem Grabe kamen sie am Nachmittag des 21. Juli 
Weihevoller Klang des 'Gebet um ewige Ruhe' von Cherubini. 
Nun brachten sie dem Unsterblichen Kränze, zuerst der Rektor 
des Bamberger Lyceums, Dr. Härtung: 

'Dem ehemaligen Kollegen, welcher dnrch den hohen Genins seines 
Geistes der Wissenschaft diente, nnd der viele Jahre eine Bl&te nnd Leuchte 
unseres Lycenms war, lege ich an seinem 100. Geburtstage im Namen des 
Professorenkolleginms des Bamberger Lyceums zur dankbaren Erinnerung an 
dieser Stätte einen Kranz nieder.' 

Nun der Präsident der bayerischen Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften, Geheimrat Heigel-München: 

* Bewegten Herzens trete ich an das Grab des grolsen Sohnes des Franken- 
landes. Auf eine Persönlichkeit, die auf ganz anderem Gebiete sich Ruhm und 
Ehre erwarb, auf Prinz Eugen, hat Rousseau das Wort gemünzt: 'Nie hat 
ein Mann so viel Einfachheit mit so viel Gröfse yereinigt.' Ich glaube, dafs 
dieses Wort auf die Sinnesart und auf die wissenschaftlichen Taten unseres 
Zeufs Anwendung finden kann. Ein Name ohne Makel, eine Erinnerung ohne 
Schatten, eine jener seltenen hochhegnadeten Erscheinungen, deren Gemüt 
und Geisteskräfte in einer Harmonie zusammenstimmen, in denen die Würde 
der menschlichen Natur ohne Schlacken sich offenbart. Ich lege diesen Kraus 
im Namen der Münchener Akademie, die 14 Jahre die Ehre hatte, ihn zu den 
Ihrigen zählen zu dürfen, als Zeichen ehrfurchtsyoUen Dankes auf das Grab 
des grofsen Toten und dennoch Unsterblichen nieder.' 

Darauf Professor Roethe- Berlin: 

'Die preufsische Akademie der Wissenschaften weiht diesen Kranz in 
bewunderndem Gedenken ihrem einstigen Mitgliede, dem grofsen deutschea 

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Philologen, desBon Einzelkraft Akademien beschämte, dem Spraehfonchung und 
Geschichte sich zn anlOslicher organischer Einheit zusammenschlössen, dem 
eine nene Wissenschaft erwuchs ans dem lauteren Drange, seines eigenen Volkes 
älteste Vergangenheit zu sichern und zu erhellen. Sein Andenken, das uns 
stählt und mahnt, möge — ich spreche in Zeufs' eigenem klangvoll gegliederten 
Latein — manare et mauere perpetuo montium ad instar erectorum et fontium 
ex illis tranquille scaturientium, sein Andenken möge währen wie diese Berge 
seiner Heimat und lebendig wie der sprudelnde Quell aus ihrer Tiefe.' 

Es folgte Professor Schröder-Göttingen: 

'Die Kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen weiht diesen 
Kranz dem Andenken des grofisen nationalen Philologen, der den Hintergrund 
unserer Volksgeschichte erhellt hat fttr alle Zeiten, der das Lebenswerk Jakob 
Grimms erweitert und indem er über die Grenzen hinausschritt, die Grenzen 
befestigte, der die strenge Methode Lachmanns anwandte. Möge die sittliche 
Macht der Philologie die Dauer seiner Werke überdauern; diesen sichern wir 
die Dauer von vielen Generationen. Wir erhoffen ihm die Ewigkeit' 

Professor Delbrück-Jena sprach: 

'Im Namen der Universitäten des deutschen Reiches und der vereinigten 
Staaten lege ich einen Kranz nieder an dem Grabe des grofsen Sprach- und 
Geschichtsforschers, ein Zeichen der Verehrung, mit der wir zu ihm hinauf- 
sehen, ein vergängliches Symbol unvergänglichen Buhmes.' 

Einen Kranz, der die Inschrift trug: *To the glorious 
memory of Johann Caspar Zeufs from the School of Irish 
Leaming in Dublin' weihte Professor Kuno Meyer-Liverpool 
mit den Worten: 

'Im Namen und Auftrage der Hochschule irischer Studien in Dublin lege 
ich diesen Lorbeerkranz zu den Füfsen des unsterblichen Begründers und 
Meisters unserer Wissenschaft nieder.' 

Nun trat Herr Joseph O'N eil 1- Dublin zum Grabe; es 
war wohl der ergreifendste Moment der ganzen Feier, als in 
gälischen Lauten zum Steinbild Zeufs' empor die Worte klangen: 

'Im Namen der gälischen Liga lege ich diesen Kranz auf dem Grabe 
des grofsen Deutschen nieder, der sein AUes der Wissenschaft geopfert hat. 
So lange es Galen auf irischem Boden gibt, wird sein Name unter uns in 
ehrendem Gedächtnis gehalten werden/ 

Der Kranz sank aufs Grab, auf grüner Schleife trug er die 
gälische Inschrift: '0 Chlannaibh Gaedheal i ndiolchuimhne ar 
ante do chead-chuir cruinneolds na sean-ghaedhilge ar bun'. 
(Von den Stämmen der Galen in liebevoller Erinnerung an den 
Begründer altgälischer Wissenschaft.) 

Z«itMhrlft f. oalt. Philologie VI. j^5 

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Zeufs' Neffe, Bürgermeister Kempf, sprach dann: 
'Im Auftrage der Gemeinde Vogtendorf, des Geburtsortes des grofsen 
Toten, lege ich diesen Kranz nieder.' 

Weiter Rektor Dr. Baier-Bamberg: 

'Das Bamberger Gymnasium weiht seinem grofsen Toten diesen Krams 
zum ehrendsten Angedenken.' 

Das Wilhelmsgymnasium München vertrat Lycealprofessor 
Dr. Haas-Bamberg: 

'Rektor und Professorenkollegium des Kgl. Wilhelmsgymnasiums in 
München lassen ihr aufrichtiges und innigstes Bedauern aussprechen, dafs es 
ihnen unmöglich war, zu unserer hehren Feier einen eigenen Vertreter zu senden. 
Mir als ehemaligem Mitgliede des dortigen Lehrkörpers wurde der ehrende 
Auftrag, im Namen des Wilhelmsgymnasiums, der ersten Stätte Zeufs' lehr- 
amtlicher Tätigkeit, diesen Kranz hier niederzulegen. Ich füge daran den 
Herzenswunsch: Es mögen die Stätten, in denen Zeufs' reiner Geist gewaltet, 
Stätten der reinen, heiligen Wahrheit bleiben für und für!' 

Professor Dr. Chroust- Würzburg sprach hierauf: 

<Die Gesellschaft für fränkische Geschichte yerehrt Zeufs als den gröfsten 
Geschichtsforscher, den Franken hervorgebracht hat. Sein Lebenswerk hat 
nicht unmittelbar ihr gegolten, aber von dem Samen, den er gestreut, ist 
mancher Keim in den Halm geschossen. Möge die strenge Zucht, möge der 
stille Ernst dieser freudelosen Natur, möge die Kraft, mit der er zwei Wissen- 
schaften zusammengehalten, späteren Geschlechtem reiche Früchte tragen. 
Als ein spätes Zeichen des Dankes und der Verehrung legt die Gesellschaft 
diesen Kranz nieder.' 

Endlich Bibliothekar Dr. Pfeiffer-Bamberg: 
'Zuletzt bringt in herzinnigem Danke mit bescheidenem Wort der 
historische Verein der Pfalz zu diesem Grabe den Lorbeer des Buhmes und 
die Palme des Friedens. Die besten Jahre der ungebrochenen Kraft dieses 
Mannes gehörten uns; sobald er 1839 nach Speier kam, ward er der Unsere, und 
wie er unserer Stadt Speier die Topographie schrieb, so hat er ein Juwel 
unserer Sammlungen, den Codex traditionum possessionumque Wizenburgensis 
in köstlicher Fassung der Nachwelt überliefert. 

Ein Grabhügel ist höher, als alle Berge der Welt, denn eine Bundsicht 
tut sich auf, über Höhen und Tiefen, und in einem umfassenden Ausblick eint 
sich Fernes und Nahes. Von hier aus bUckt das Bildnis des Mannes hinaus 
in die Weite, der einstens in der stillen Studierstube selbst nicht ahnen konnte, 
wie weit sein Wirken dereinst fruchtbar werden würde. Seines Namens 
Klang erinnert an den Olympier. Was Zeufs der Wissenschaft gab, was er 
uns gab, ist Gtöttergeschenk , xrf^fjta elg del. So bringe ich vom ragenden 
Kaiserdom und von Ufern des Bbeinstromes , des deutschen Stromes, weihe- 
Tollen Grufs und unauslöschlichen Dankes treues Gelöbnis zu Deinem Grabe, 
Unsterblicher r 

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Noch einmal ertönte Gesang, dann schied man von der 

Auf der alten Feste vereinigten sich die Teilnehmer der 
Gedächtnisfeier wiederum, von Bürgermeister Zintner begrüfst, 
dem Professor Brefsl au -Strafsburg dankte. Als der Abend 
niedersank und golden die Sonne zur Rüste ging, lag in 
magischem Glänze das Frankenland; dann spielten um Zinnen 
und Giebel bengalische Feuer; als Rauch und Flammen verweht 
waren, stand fem am Himmel leuchtend ein heller Stern. 

Bamberg. Maximilian Pfeiffeb. 


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Dayydd ab Gwilym hat in seinen Minneliedern vor allen 
andern Morvadd ausgezeichnet, eine blonde Schöne, deren Gestalt 
freilich bei ihm kaum bestimmte Formen annimmt. Er hat 
der Jungfrau sowohl als der jungen Frau glühende Verse ge- 
widmet, aber der Eoman seines und ihres Lebens ist verworren 
und unklar geblieben. Sie ist Davydds Laura, hat aber aller 
Wahrscheinlichkeit nach nie anders als in seiner Poesie gelebt. 
Die Gedichte an Morvudd sind bald hoffnungsvoll, lebens- und 
liebefroh, bald aber traurig, zweifelnd, ja verzweifelnd. Zu den 
letztem gehört das Gebet an die heilige Dwjrnwen (Barddoniaeth 
Nr. 79). 

Der heiligen Dwynwen, deren Weisheit in einer alten 
Terzine erwähnt wird (lolo Mss. 253), war, ebenso wie ihrer 
Schwester Ceinwen (MA. 423 b), Llanddwyn auf Mon oder 
Anglesea geweiht, ein Wallfahrtsort, den Davydd auch 208, 38 
nennt. Ihr Vater Brychan Irth Brycheiniog, der Sohn Anllechs, 
eines Königs von Irland, und der Marchell, die angeblich von 
einem Könige von Griechenland abstammte, hatte von drei 
Frauen viele Söhne und Töchter, 23 und 25 nach den einen 
(MA. 418a), 25 und 26 nach den andern (lolo Mss. 119 ff.). Die 
werden alle unter den Heiligen aufgeführt, und es sei erinnert, 
dafs der Ausdruck Saint den Walisern in alter Zeit im all- 
gemeinen die Vornehmen von christlichem Glauben bezeichnet. 
Dwynwen aber war eine fromme Nonne gewesen und galt als 
eine Heilige in der engern Bedeutung des Wortes. 

Der Dichter wendet sich in dem Gedichte an das Gnaden- 
bild der Heiligen in der Kirche zu Llanddwyn und bittet sie, 
dafs sie seine llaiteies 'Botin' oder 'Vermittlerin' sei, seine Liebes- 

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botschaft an Morvudd ausrichte. Die Heilige wird so gewisser- 
mafsen zu einer Liebesgöttin und ist als solche bei Davydd öfter 
genannt (vgl. 34,19. 35,27. 111,51. 158,45. 164,44. 188,13. 
197, 39), ebenso bei den Spätem. Das Gedicht ist ernst und 
feierlich gehalten, aber wer auf den Dichter sieht, erkennt 
vielleicht, dals er 'with one auspicious and one dropping eye' 
vor die Heilige hintritt. Es fehlt auch nicht an einem un- 
freundlichen Seitenblicke auf den JEiddig, den 'gilos' oder eifer- 
süchtigen Nebenbuhler, denn Davydd ist vorzüglich in der 
provenzalischen Dichtungsart der 'gilozescas'. Sein Gebet an 
Dwynwen erinnert auch an eine ähnliche Bitte, die der Trou- 
badour Gwillem von Cabestaing an die Jungfrau Maria tut. 
Den deutschen Leser aber läfst der Anfang an die * Wallfahrt 
nach Kevlaer' denken, deren Dichter 500 Jahre nach dem 
walisischen Minnesänger lebte. 

Das Gedicht (cywydd) Davydds ist nicht getreu überliefert, 
wie schon aus der unvollkommenen Cynghanedd mancher Verse 
hervorgeht. Die Schreiber und Herausgeber scheinen die zweifel- 
haften und dunklen Lesarten, die das Verständnis des Dichters 
fast auf jeder Seite hindern, oft willkürlich durch leichtere 
ersetzt zu haben, und nur durch langwierige Arbeit darf man 
aus den Handschriften einen bessern Text zu gewinnen hoffen. 
Aber die Kritik ist wegen des Mangels alter Codices und wegen 
der Menge der Varianten überaus schwierig. Wir müssen uns 
leider mit der Edition von 0. Jones und W. Owen begnügen, in 
der man den Dichter 120 Jahre gelesen hat. Die zweite Aus- 
gabe von 1873 hat nichts daran gebessert und ist durch zahl- 
lose Fehler entstellt. 

Ymbil ar Ddwynwen santes. 

Dwynwen deigr d^anian^) degwch! 
Da gw^r,') gor fflamgwyr fflwch, 
Dy ddelw anr diddoluriaw 
Digion draain-ddynion draw. 
5 Bfn a wylio, gloyw-dro glän, 
Yn dy gor, un deg*) eirian, 

») aiien lolo Mss. 83, Rep. 1, 284. 411. 
*) deg wyr lolo. 
*) Indeg lolo. 

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Nid oes glefyd na bryd brwyn 

A §1 ynddo o Landdwyn. 

Dy laesblaid, yn dy Iwysblwyf — 
10 DoluruB ofalns wyf ! 

'Y mron oer am yr unferch 

Ysydd yn unchwydd o serch. 

Hirwayw o sail gofeiliaint, 

Herwydd y gfwn, hwn yw 'r haint: 
15 Oni ch&f, o byddaf byw, 

Forfndd — Uyna oferfyw. 

Gwna fi 'n lach, weddnsach wawd, 

0*m anwychder a'm nychdawd! 

Cymysg latteiddrwydd flwyddyn 
20 A rhadan Dnw rh'od a d^. 

Nid rhaid, ddelw enraid ddilyth, 

It^ ofn pechawd fethgnawd«) fyth. 

Nid adwna da ei dangnef — 

Dnw a wnaeth nad ei o nef. 
25 Ni'th wyl muraen yleni 

Yn hustyng yn yng a ni; 

Nid eill Eiddig dd^ dig dn, 

Noeth ddragwm, fyth mo'th ddrygu; 

Ni rydd Eiddig ddig ddygnbwyÜ 
30 Warffon i ti, wyry' ei phwyll. 

Tyn o'th wobr — taw! ni thybir 

Wrthyd, wyry', gymhlegyd hir. 

Landdwyn, dir gynired, 

Y gwn y tro, gern tir cred: 
35 Nef ni'th omeddawdd, hawdd hedd, 

Dawn iaith aml, d^ ni'th omedd. 

Diammhen weddiau waith, 

Duw a'th eilw, dn ei thalaith! 

D§1 lid, Duw dy lettywr, 
40 D61 i göf dwylaw gwr; 

TrawB oedd y d^ a'i treisiai, 

Tra ddM im' trwy ddail mai. 

Dwynwen! pe parid unwaith, 

Dan w^dd mai a hirddydd maith, 
45 Morfudd lawen dd^n wen wych, 

Dwynwen, ni byddit anwych! 
Dangos o'th radau dawngoeth, 

Nad wyd forsen, Ddwynwen ddoethl 

Er a wnaethost, drwy ddanbwys, 
50 benyd y byd a'i bwys; 

yt A, yr B. 

•) wethl-gnawd W. Owcn^ fethl-gnawd S. Evans-^ pechawdseth 
syth Ä 

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Er ffyäAf er crefydd croywfyw, 
A wnaethoBt tra faost fyw; 
Er dy eirian leianaeth 
A gwyrfdawd j coethgnawd caeth; 
55 Er enaid, 08 rhaid yr hawg, 

Brychan Yrth breichian nerthawg — 

Eiriol er dy grefol gred, 

Yr em wyry*, roi ymwared! •) 


'0 Dwynwen, du in deiner Zähre Schönheit! 2) 
Im Chor') von vielem Kerzenwachs umflammt,*) 
Weifs wohl dein goldnes Bild den Schmerz zu heilen 
Den armen kummervollen Menschen dort. 
5 Wer Andacht hält,^) du einzig Schöne, Hehi'e! 
In deinem Chor (ein lauter, heilig Werk!), 
Ein solcher kehrt mit Krankheit nicht behaftet 
Noch sorgenvolles Sinns aus Llanddwyn heim. 
Die milden Deinen lafs in der Gemeine») 
10 Mir beistehn! Ich bin schmerz- und kummervoll. 
Das arme Herz ist um das Eine Mädchen 
In einer einzgen Liebeswallung mir. 
Ein langes Leid aus tiefes Grames Grunde, 
Das ist, so viel ich weifs, die Krankheit nur: 

*) wyryf Eep.; ym wared Ecp. i, 41L 

*) Der erste Vers ist unsicher and schwierig. Edw. Jones (Welsh Bards 
2i 55) ühersetzt 'Fair as the hoary tears of moming\ der Herausgeher der 
Jolo Mss. p. 473 '0 thon tears -endued Dwynwen, pure essence of heanty'. 
Letzterer liest arien (cf. arten deccad MA. 337 b infra) statt des gewöhnlichen 
danian, wofür ich d'anian yermute. 

') cor eig. der Teil der Sjrche, wo der Klerus mit dem Kirchenchor 
steht (wie mynach meum cilfach cor 63, 36. 128, 40. 48), daher sowohl ein 
Obergemach (aV dddr islaw V cor 108, 62. 13, 6. 32, 33. 132, 3), als auch das 
mit der Kirche verbundene Kloster und sein Seminar, wie in erefyddea a 
santes wyd, \ caredig iV cor ydwyd 10, 10. 11, 20. 28. 30. 22, 6. 122, 36. 138, 23. 
173, 29. 236, 38. 

<) In den lolo Mss. übersetzt: 'Fair grand-child of Flamgwyr's con- 
gregationM Vgl. da gthyr 76, 39; da gwn 58, 47; da y gwyr edrych 239, 21; 
und: canwyU fflamgtoyr 81, 30; gwe fflamgwyr toedd 60,7; fflamgvoyr I. G. 32,83. 

>) Eig. gwylio gwyl 'dieVigilie, das Jahresfest der Heiligen begehen', 
daher die Bestimmung auf ein Jahr Vs. 19. 25. 

") Dy laesblaid 'Thy extended guardianship I craye' Jones. 

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232 L. GHB. STERN, 

15 Wenn ich, so lange ich hienieden lebe, 

Nicht Morvndd habe, ist mein Leben leer. 

Mache gesund (mehr ziemt sichO .diese Weise) 

Von meinem Kleinmut, meinem Siechtum mich! 

Dies Jahr durch übernimm den Dienst der Botin 
20 Mit Gottes Gnaden zwischen dir und uns. 

Nicht brauchst du je des schwachen Fleisches Sünde 2) 

Zu fürchten, unvergänglich golden Bild! 

Nicht wird der Friedenreiche es verwirken,*) 

Gott hat's bestimmt, dafs du im Himmel bleibst. 
25 Nicht wird dich heuer eine Spröde sehen. 

Wenn flüsternd du mit uns zusammen bist.*) 

Nicht kann der heillos arge Eifersüchtge, 

Der bare Popanz, s) je dir Böses tun;«) 

Noch soll erglimmt der Gimpel in Erregung 
30 Dil' eins versetzen, die du reines Sinns! 

Mit deinem Lohne komm! 7) — nur still! Keusche, 

Man plant*») kein langes Klagen wider dich. 

Ich weifs, wie's im besuchten *J) Lande Llanddwyns 

Sonst zugeht, Juwel der Christenheit! 
35 Dir wehite nicht der Himmel selgen Frieden, 

Der Sprache Kraft versagt der Mensch dir nicht. 

Vgl. weddus tcawd 239, 32. 

2) Vgl. fnethgnatcd 'das fehlende Fleisch' 61,47 (von methu RB. 1, 101. 
170. LA. 157, 1); Pughe liest im Wörterbuche s. v. dilyth : toethlgnawd 'flesh- 
tempting' nnd S. Evans s. y. metMgnawd 'das bestrickende Fleisch' (yon 
methlu Bees 221). 

') Vgl. Nyt aiwna Dmo ar a wnd^ sagt Llywarch H§n bei Skene 2, 258. 

*) huatyng, husting 'flüstern^; vgl. dös yn ei chlust a hmtyng 21,29; 
y rhwyatr gtoedi yr hustyng 142, 16; hustyngwTj hasting air yn ei dUust 
192, 31. RB. 1, 60. 285. — yng, ing 'eng, nahe'; vgl. yn yr ing 154,72; mor 
ing i mi yw V angau 255, 49; dydd-ing 246, 7; du ing lid 106, 16; auch 13, 1 
nach zweifelhafter Lesart. 

^) dragwm 'Drache' hat hier vermutlich eine übertragene Bedentang; 
vgl. chioareu dragtvn 205, 8, wo andere eurwiag dragton lesen. 

^) mo (aus dim 0), entsprechend dem franz. pas, point, mie, goutte in 
negativem Satze, ist in Davydds Gedichten noch selten: nis guma mo hyn 
198, 81; na dd i'm gelyn gael mo 'm gtveled 246, 16; mo'i 28, 28 ist erat in 
der zweiten Ausgabe eingesetzt und mo^r od 31, 20 darin in mor od verbessert. 

7) Tyn o'th wobr 'hasten with thy reward' Jones; vgl. i bU iyn 148,48. 

•) Vgl. diben hton a dybir 232, 55. 

») Vgl. cynired 4, 52. 

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Gebete sind von zweifelloser Wirkung; 

Du Schwarzgekrönte! rufen wird dich Gott. 

Und kommt Verdrufs, gewährt doch Gott dir Obdach, 
40 Und spüren soll man eine Mannesfß^ust. 

Vermessen wäre der, der sie berührte. 

Wenn sie durchs Laub des Maien zu mir kommt. 

Wenn, Dwynwen, einmal nur du mir gewährtest 

Am lieben langen Tag im Maigehölz 
45 Das feine herzge Kind, 9 die heitre Morvudd, 

So wärst du, heiige Dwynwen, herzlos nicht 
So zeige denn, mit lautrer Gunst und Gnade, 

Dafs, weise Dwynwen, du nicht spröde bist 

Bei dem, was du vollbracht durch deine Leiden 
50 An BuTse dieser Welt und ihrer Last; 

Beim Glauben, bei dem tätig frommen Sinne, 

Den du in deinem Leben einst bewährt; 

Bei deines Standes preislichem Gelübde, 

Der Keuschheit des gebundnen reinen Fleischs; 
55 Und bei der Seele, wenn es fttrder nötig. 

Des armgewaltgen Fürsten Brychan Yrth — 

Fürbitte tu, bei deiner gläubgen Inbrunst, 

Dafs mir Erlösung werde, keusche Maid!' 

y ^^^ m der Bedeutuug ^die Geliebte^ ist bei Dayydd sehr häufig, 
griech. Ij avd^Qtanoq^ das jedoch oft mit Geringschätzung gebraucht wird. 

Berlin. L. Chb. Stern. 

Google — 

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1. Strophe 57 in Imram Snedgnsa ocas Mic Riagla. 

In meiner Ausgabe des Gedichtes, das die Seereise von 
Snedgus und MacBiagla erzählt, i) war mir, ebenso wie den 
Verfassern der irischen Prosaversionen, die Strophe 57 unverständ- 
lich geblieben. Es steht dort in Bezug auf Elia, der die Mönche 
in seiner Behausung willkommen geheiFsen hat: 

Cleithi suath suidhighthe lais, lith for forbairt, 
cotur cain^) coir co trillsib oir ocus argait. 

Den Schlüssel bietet cotur, offenbar dasselbe Wort wie catur 
catiur catar bei Meyer, Contrib. s. v. catar; Cain Adamnain p. 44 
zu 36, das aus lat. quattuor geschöpft ist und ein Buch mit den 
vier Evangelien bezeichnet. Dieses wird also hier clethe suad, 
'das Dach der Weisen' genannt, und die Strophe bedeutet: 

'Das Dach der Weisen wurde bei ihm (eher 'von ihm') hin- 
gesetzt — ein wachsendes Fest! — , ein schönes, würdiges 
Evangelienbuch mit Flechten von Gold und Silber.' Gemeint 
ist wohl, dafs die in Str. 58 erwähnte Predigt über das jüngste 
Gericht sofort von Elia gehalten wird, und dafs er dabei den 
Evangelientext zu Grunde legt. 

Was die sonstige Übersetzung betrifft, so wird man mit 
Strachan dia athair in Str. 61b wie gewöhnlich als 'Gott Vater' 
nehmen müssen, sei es nun, dafs man tnac na h-ingi^ie, dia athair 
als 'der Sohn der Jungfrau und Gott Vater' zu verstehen hat, 
oder dafs beide als eine Person gedacht sind, wie das dem 
Mittelalter geläufig ist. 

8. z.v, 418 ff. 
*) cotnreain MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Ferner betont Kuno Meyer mit Recht, dals das Anfangs- 
wort der Strophen häufig durch Alliteration an das letzte der 
vorhergehenden geknüpft ist (sog. fidrad freccomail, fidrad cubaid), 
und dafs dadurch meine Umstellung von Str. 11 und 12 als richtig 
erwiesen wird. Auch in Str. 53b wird gaile 'Flecken' sowohl 
mit dem vorhergehenden cesadh als mit dem folgenden Cain 
alliterieren; der Dichter hat also noch die altirische Form caile 
gebraucht, während schon im Saltair na Kann gaile durch die 
Alliteration gesichert ist (s. Stokes, KZ. 38, 461). 

Den Prosatext, den ich als Version B bezeichnet habe, hat 
jetzt Stokes direkt nach der Handschrift herausgegeben und 
aulser manchen Lesungen auch hier und da die Übersetzung 
verbessert. In Bezug auf das Gedicht stimme ich ihm jetzt 
darin bei, dafs in samtha Str. 67 und samud, samad Str. 74 
wohl das gewöhnliche samud * Versammlung' zu sehen ist; viel- 
leicht gilt das doch auch für samgha Str. 22, wo ich in der 
zweiten Zeile co h-indsi n-and lesen möchte. Aber die Über- 
setzung von congaib Str. 72 durch 'mit Speeren' (co n-gdib) kann 
ich nicht annehmen, da es mit longaib reimt; und die Cäsur, 
die Stokes p. 166 in Str. 67 b, 69b, 70b, 72a und b, 73b, 74b, 
76 b (auch 71b) abweichend von mir ansetzt, widerstreitet 
den Gesetzen der irischen Verskunst, da der Cäsurreim ver- 
nachlässigt ist. 

Zum Schlufs möchte ich den Zs. V, 421 ausgesprochenen 
Wunsch wiederholen, dafs das Gedicht in Imram Curaig 
Mailduin (im Yellow Book of Lecan und in Brit. Mus., Harleian 
5280) bald einmal zum Abdruck komme. 

Freiburg i. Br. R. Thürneysen. 

2. Notes on the Second Edition of the Martyrology 
of Oengas^ London 1905. 

p. ix, 1. 19, According to Lebar Brecc 110 a 37—39, Eve was created from 
the eighth rib on Adam's right side {don ochtmad cLsna üad^ 
tarach cMeib a lethi dets Adam dorünta Ena). 
xi, 1.27, for,.. read fructifies (?). 
xxT, 1.27, for bondage read fasting. 
1.36, dele winnowing. 

Rev.Celt 26, 130 ff. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



p. xxv: note 

xxvi, 1. 1, 

XXX, 1. 4, 
xxxi, 1. 9| 

xxxiv, 1. 1, 
XXXYÜ, 1. 5, 
xxxix, 1.17, 


xlv, 1.20, 
xlvii, 1.11, 

1, 1.27, 
li, 1.33, 

3 is wrong. The right band seems to have been called läm 
bermachtan 'band of benediction' becanse from tbe earliest 
times (see Genesis xlix, 14 et seq.) tbat band was nsed in tbe 
act of blessing. Tbe left band was called läm 808c6li 'band 
of gosper, becanse in celebrating mass, after tbe episüe is 
read on tiie rigbt (or soutb) side of tbe altar, tbe gospel is 
read on tbe left (or nortb) side. Hence in Cbarter YII of tbe 
Book of Keils in ferand ar do läim ioscHa means ' tbe land 
on tby left band*. 
for noble birds read famons birds. 

A. D. 797 is, according to tbe Fonr Masters, tbe date of Hael- 
rnain's deatb. Bat tbe Annais of Ulster give it, more cor- 
rectly, as A. D. 792. 
add SauuL 

for bnt dental forms are read Non-relative dental forms are 

for doriga Prol. 298 read dorega Prol. 258. 
dde in is, and dele 1. 6. 

add Said Ep. 524, is disyllabic: Qaixis Feb. 20, is trisyllabic: 
Eusehi Sep. 25, is a qnadrisyllable. Elision is extremely rare, 
pennltimate line, after letter insert At Prol. 24, Jnly 8, 12, 
Aug. 24, 25, and in Salt, na Kann 1735, 2257, 7337, «c allite- 
rates witb 8. And yet Atkinson {On Irish Metrie, p. 8) 
asserts tbat initial 8 wben followed by a mute can only 
alliterate witb itself and tbe same mute. 
for Feb. 6 read Feb. 13. 

for It mnst be confessed read Tbe Martyrology of Oengus is 
essentially a mnemonic poem. No one tberefore sbould complain 
for most read mncb. 
for wben read wbence. 
add and tbe etymology of Cypselw in Herodotos v. 92. 

p. 5, 11. 2, 3, 1 for enters on etc. read refers, in tbe prologne of tbe Mar- 
9, 11. 32, 33, 1 tyrology to Donncbad's deatb {tic /e p. 4 = tic tar p. 8, 

U. 26, 27). 
24, Prol. 165, for Temra read Temro. 

col. 2, 1. 15, for anguisb read trouble. 
27, Prol. 241, for do-cbingtbecbt read do cbingtbecbt, wbere do is tbe 
pretonic form of tbe prep. de: di. Mr. Bergin compares Cia 
ron-beth do chingthecht, eath fri Demon (Hbougb we may bare 
so mncb combating, a figbt witb tbe Devil') witb Wb. 28d29: 
fna rU'8'böi di humaldöit (gl. si sanctorum pedes lauauit) *if sbe 
bad so mncb bnmility'. 
29, col. 2, 11. 12, 13, for enquiring for every one read for anyone enqniring 
for tbem. 
col. 2, 1. 19, for cbapters read stanzas. 
1. 27, for cbapter read stanza. 

Digitized by 



1. 2, 




L 3, 

1. 7, 


1. 9, 


30, Prol. 309, read Lilesin. 
30, Prol. 316, for in read it 

col. 2, 1. 8, far writings read lines. 

1. 13, for *ti8 a blind direction to men read thou art the blindest 

of sense among men, dallchüüiu being the comparative (here naed 

as a Superlative) of dallchiall. 
last line for chapters read stanzas. 

for Aircc read Airec, 

the corrnpt gloss on Felix in LB. viz. pasa fsel .ix. .1. prius, is 

thuB corrected by Mr. Plummer: Papa Felix .i. primus. 

for Affrodius read Affrod[o8]ias, and see Pseudo-Matthaei Evan- 

geliuMj ed. Tischendorf, cc. 22, 24. 

for to read against. 

for Chöca read of a cook. 

i n-innsibh (sie ms.) shonld doubtless be corrected to i nD^isib 

47, 1. 11, for islands read Decies (without Druim). 

11.16, 38, for leprosy(?) read anguish. 
49, 1.25, afler backsliding insert for to him happened this backsliding, for 

1.35, for Nia read Niafer. 
65, 1.25, for wishes read daiuties. 

68, last line, after R* insert Fiachra, and after Suaide inaert [leg. Sui- 


69, 1. 5, for Dua read Dui. 

last line, for Suaide read Swilly. 
71, 1. 4, for stay read sing. 

1.31, after Shannon imert a nun who is in Cluain Bairenn beside 
99, 11. 16—24, The names are corrupt. Eabittu should be Avitus, Protas 
Protus, lacinthuB Hyacinthus, Elinua Helenus, and Steren 
Zareas(?). See the Vita Sanctae Engeniae in Migne Patr. 
Lot, XXI. 

105, col. 2, 11. 19—24, read on the fair feast of Quadratns, whose blood it 
is that does not perish. 

111, 1.32, for Cuachin read Little Cup, a nickname for King Guaire's 
caldron. The yerses are an extract from the legend of Guaire 
and S. Ck)lman mac Buach, Eriu I, 46, Bev. CeU. XXVI, 374, 376. 

113, 1.25, dele it went. 

149, 1. 2, read took the cow with her biestings ('m a nüs). 

151, 1. 1, for a pope read Pupu. 

160, col. 2, 11. 13, 14, for the prayer of paltry ones read a paltry refuge. 

175, 1.12, 13, for prayer of paltry ones, read paltry refuge. 

187, 1. 7. The stone-idol here called Cermand Cestach is Kermand Kelstach 
in O'Flaherty's Ogygia^ London 1685, p. 197: where he quotes 
a similar scholium, and attributes it to Cathaldus Maguir 
canonicus Ardmachanus, (supra p. XTTT): 'Hie Lapis . . . asser- 
vatur Clochariae ad dextram ingredientis Ecclesiam, quem gen- 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


tiles auro obtegebant, quia in eo colebant summum partium 

Aqnilonarinm Idolum Eermand Kelstach dictum', 
p. 195, col. 2, 1. 7, for the read bis. 
201, 1.20, note: As to cnning manu üniatrdj see the Tripartite Life, 

pp. 325-326. 
213, U.32, 39 for Quiriacns read Cjricns. 
225, notes, 1. 4, after 26 insert and the story o! Periander (og vsxQiS iovag 

MeXiaoy ifilyri), Hdt. V, 92. 
229, 1. 3, from bottom, for rol§ read rol4g. 
234, col. 2, 1. 17. for Moses' read the winter. 
237, col. 2, 1. 19, after noble insert ciy. 

241, 1. 13, prefix 4 toithout auddenneaa, i. e. at committing sin or denying God. 
243, 1. 9, note. So Cypselus (Kvxpekog) was so called froin xvxpSXti a 

ehest, box, Hdt. V, 92. 
251, Dec. 11, As E^ has trethain in 1. 4, we should perhaps correct 1. 2 to 

Mugnai tuathmaig lethain 'of Mugnae in the broad northern 

piain', where tuathmaig and lethain are locatives Singular, 
col. 2, 1. 20, for triad read trio. 

255, Dec. 29, As the gen. sg. of eenae is ecnai, we should read in 1.2 

donn-ecrai (^shelters us') and in 1. 4, iiecnai, 

256, 1. 16, read mörfognam. 

1.35, after est insert [2. Cor. V, 15]. 
261, 1. 5, for Thyrsus read Drusus, 

1.23, for ¥ read F(iacc) 

1. 8, from bottom, for lamnan read laman. 

267, Ep. 74, K. Meyer suggests that colbu may be for *coblu, compar. (here 

used as superl.) of cobd s= con-^-fialf whence cobk, Contribb. 
If so, read as colbu, and translate 'The race we haye run for 
the Kingdom of Christ who is kindliest'. Cf. carsait Crist as 
diliu, May 7. 

268, Ep.99. For noebän read perhaps nöeb an (where dn alliterates with 

idnai), and translate: 'eyery splendid saint with purity has 
wrought his stanza'. 

271, col. 2, 1. 23, for conflict with read match (for the Deyil). 

272, Ep. 172, beith should be corrected to both, 

284, Ep. 441— 556. These twenty-nine quatrains Thumeysen (Rev. Celt. 
Vn, 89) considers to be intercalated, 'par un po^te posterieur', 
as they do not obey the law that, where there is no disyllabic 
assonance between the last word of the third line and some 
Word in the interior of the fourth, the final syllable of the third 
line must assonate with the final syllables of the second and 
fourth lines. 

Glossarial Index. 

p. 294, ad-cuaid : for prefix read perfective. 
296, airdirc: read 0. Bret erdereh. 
299, 1. 7, for arduu read arddn. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


p. 299, pennlt line, for -selgim read slegim. 
301, 1. 8, for prayer, Aug. 8, read refuge July 3, Aug. 8. 
308, 1. 1, for büith read both. 

1. 17, imert perf. sg. 3 ro ncc Dec. 14. 

304, 1. 6, from bottom, hefort 375 insert acc. bnith. 

306, 1. 3, ddt (ex bhnyaiio-s). 

308, ddß 1.25, c^llin etc. 

309, 1. 7, from bottom, for see do-chingthtcU etc., read dat. Prol. 241, 

deriy. of the stem of cing, 

312, 1.13, for meaning obscnre read for comdhas, comadas. 

1.18, for conflict read match. 

313, corach, coraig should be corach, cöraig, as they are derived trom cör^ 

which in p. 156 rhymes with 6r ^gold'. 
316, 1. 15, after boat insert Dec. 1. 

1.19, for m read 111. 

1. 3, f^om bottom, for hlind guidance read blindest of aensey compar. 
of dallchiall, which here is a bahnyrihi adj. 

320, 11. 1, 2, for F6L Oeng. clixi, read p. 258. 

321, 1. 5, dele dochingthecht. dele 1. 29. 

1. 5, from bottom, for snbj. read pres. ind., and for -ecrae read -ecrai. 

323, 1. 9, for do-menaim etc. read do-m-fil p. 94. 

pennlt. 1. afler do-ro-chair insert has fallen. 

326, 1.18, for isnuaritu read ietmaritu. 

328, 1.19, /br 6U-n read f^U-n. 

329, 1. 13, for them read yon. 

330, 8. Y. flesc, dele (Cymr. ll'^sg)- 

344, 1.24, read miithe p. 46, now maoithe pain) grief anguish, Dinneen. 

348, 1. 9, add Br. mouga, 

349, 1. 4, for w not . . . 135, read nih m not, Jnly 3, Ang. 8, £p. 97. 
351, 1.18, for nwüann read hüälann, 

357, 1. 16, add Bo is neyer fonnd after mad- q. y. 

368, tirbaid, for anguüh read trouble: pl. n. tirbithi, Wb. 14dl3. 

384, Femae. In the earlier part of the Annais of Ulster the gen. is 

401, Astragie, add An Astriges ie dr^ 'the magician' is mentioned in 

Salomon and Saturn, ed. Kemble, p. 200. 
404, Bran Berbae, for a heathen king, read = Bran Ardchenn, king of 

Leinster, slain A. D. 795 (Tbnmeysen). 
413, Cn-chnimme, 1. 2, after 1888, imert where the colophon to the col- 

lection of canons in MS. lat. 12021 (Bibl. nationale) should, 

according to Thumeysen, be corrected thus: Euc usque Buben 

et Cücuimne lae et Durinis *8o far Rüben of lona and Cti- 

chuimne of Dairini8\ 

416, Donnchad; after 1. 1, insert Prol. 221, and deU a heathen king (Thur- 


417, 1. 1, add son of Brian brother of Niall of the Nine Hostages. To 

the Sil Duach belong the O'Conors, MacDermots, O'Flahertys 
and other Connaught finmilies. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


p. 419, Etech: add a Bnanann miüme na Fiann is mentioned in Cormac's 
426| Habitus: recte Ayitus. 

427, lafer Dnb. = Jupiter Niger, Pluto. 

428, luliana: add Irish Life in Liber Flavus Fergussiorum, Part EL, fo.9bl. 
436, The articles from and including Mochabae down to and including 

Moling, should come before Moluoc. 
462, triads: add the three atfUdich of Lreland 112. 
465, 1.28, for nglanbai read nglanbail. 
468, penult line; add nogessed Ep. 217, ngestae Ep. 4d2, part. nee. gessi 

Dec. 2. 
471, 1.22, for subs read sube. 


The following words should be inserted in their proper places: 

1. Glossarial Index, 
airbre a host^ pl. airbri XXTV. dat. airbrib, LB. 131a 48, a sister-form of 

arbar, gen. arbir (gl. cohortis), Thes. pal. hib. ü. 
airc X, difficulty, need: cogn. with Lat. arceo and ar(c)tus? Cf. Oyid's artis 

in r^u8, 
aliud renown, gen. allaid p. 156. 
än-ching a splendid Champion^ gen. -ed, Feb. 25. 
anailchi XI, vices^ analchi Thes. pal. hib. n, 244, pl. of analaig? 
anlann p. 88, a relish, condiment. Cymr. enüyn. 
ärach a fetter, dat. aruch p. 90, ex *ad-rig: cf. Lat. cor-rigia, 
araile another, Ep. 1, dat. arailiu Prol. 248. 
ar-coirbi XI, frudifies? Roy. celt. XXVn, 86, 87. 
aruclSn X, a little oratory (aracul), ariuclan Thes. pal. hib. 11, 294. 
assa shoe, gen. sg. p. 112. 
ban-gäirid 208, 1. 4, LB. 96, laughs aloiuL: bdn cognate with Gr. ^mv;/. Arm. 

ban, Lat. färi. 
biatach XIQ, victualler; cf. ar-biathaim I feed. 
boimm 88, a bit, (pl. bommann), ex *bog8men, cognate with Ir. bo-n-gim, 

Skr. bhajyate, 
cacht fa»ting, .i. troscadh O'Cl., gen. cachta XXIV, XXV. 
cSithlech XXV, c/uz/f, also cdith, cdithech: cf. Lat. quatio. 
cness skinf gen. cnis 46. 

coairt X, landholder: cf. eissirt, and Goth. airtha. 

con-ricim I come together, pl. 3 con-recat, June 14; 6-fut. pl. 1 conricfam 86. 
costad 88, 1. 14, act of establishing (com-stä . .). 
cüachän 110, a little cup, dimin. of cüach, Lat. caucus. 
deccair hardshipf pl. dat. deccraib X. 
denus 132, a space of time, cf. Lat. nun-dinae. 
dibregöit X, from Lat. deprecätio. 
do-essurg, -tessurg, I reßcue, do-n-esarta, do-n-esairgfind 152. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


do-ling Sep. 14, leaps. Skr. läAghati. 

donnall X, a piteous cry, 

dnailche vtce, gen. dnailchi XI. 

ecne 112, saknon. 

eifisirt X, a landlesa man: cf. coairt. 

escca 150, toatery sister-form of esc, Corm. from isca. 

faiiche in arathair 72, a ploughing-field, 

findfad XXV, haiTf a deriy. of find cogn. with the wint o! OHG. wintbräwa, 

now Wimper, IF. XIX, 345. 
fithise pathf orbit, m'[f]ithifii 76, sister-form of ßhis F., Ml. 28 e 19. 
fochla a den, dat. f ochlai 44. fochUiidh (gl. cavicola), Ir. Gl. 229. 
foglas XXV, greenish: Cymr. go las *rather blne', Uie /b-, go- is a diminn- 

tival prefix. 
foiB 168, re8t, ex *vo8tif cogn. with Ir. feiss, fosSf Skr. vastu, Gr. aarv. 
fo-nig XI, purifie8j pret. sg. 3 fo-nenaig Thes. pal. hib. II, 322. cogn. with 

Skr. nene^mi, Gr. Wgoi. 
fnathröc 92, apron, a cormption of fwUhbröc LL. 59 b 1. Zimmer, KZ. 30, 84. 
fnidell 92, leavings, Cymr. gweddiU ^reliqniae', DaTles. 
foilled addition, Ml. 69 b 6, dat. i b[fjnillind 150. 
grSda epscnip, gtSdtL sacairt 72, episcopal Orders, sacerdotal arders. 
imnedach 154, fuU of troubles, deriy. of imned, gen. imnith Wb. 6 c. 
innmat, innmadh 134, act of toashing, 
irifl 200, a strap, a suspender. Lism. Lives 1. 4358. 
it Prol. 316, thou art. 
leistiar 112, for aUestiar *on the west-side' from *an'leth-8iar; cf. al-leth- 

thess, Trip. Life 148. 
l&m fri cach s^ri 42, abstinence from (lit. band against) every food. See 

Erin H, 56, § 9. 
lam soflc^li XXV, left hand, lit. gospd-hand, 
liter domnaig XXV, Dominical Letter, 
loithe Prol. 287, dvmbneas, 

mire XXIQ, madness, deriy. of mer *mad', LTJ. 40a33. 
mi-r6n XI, maliee, now written miorAn, 
mor-fognam 256, great servitude, 
mör-gorta 146, great hunger, 
mör-iaraid 148, act of entreating greatly. 
nnimir 6ir XX, the Golden Number, 
nüs 148, biestings (colostra), a contraction of nüa ass. 
ochtmad 148, one of the eight For like use of other ordiuals Bee Ir. Texte 

IV, XIV, et infhi s. v. tres. 
öib XXV, seniblance. 
primchathair 184, chief monastery, 
samad 94, congregation, Community. Compd. with sam. 
Bc6 a thomtree, gen. sciach 134. 
senttath 256, an old tribe. 
soc 72, ploughshare, from Lat. soccus. 

8ol6ir Ang. 26, very pious. « 

sreb stream, pl. sreba 152. 

Zoitichrift f. cell. PhtloIogiA Vi. Iß 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

242 inSOELLEK. 

talmanta 112, earthly, deriv. of talatn 'earth', gen. ialman. 

tiug-bas 154, final death, LL. 133 a 8. 

tomlachta 56, they toere rnüked^ for do-mlachta. 

tonn-bläth 286, fiower-awarded. tonn = Cymr. ton, and blath = Cyrnr. hlawd, 

tres 70, 136, one of three, 

üalann N. Sep. 26, Nov. 2Qj a cry: cf. Land 610, fo. 95 b 1: 

tricha hliadnae &a hnaland 

rom-bui hi* rigu H6renn. 
üar-glan XXIV, cold and pure, üar = Cymr. oer : glan = Cymr. gUin, 
umaloit 92, humble service, Cymr. ufeUdod, from Lat. humilitatem. 
nr-thirad XXIV, act of drying com: cf. oc tirad a cholptha frisin tenid, 
LL. 272b8. 

2. Index of Places. 
Balle Atha Buidi xxiii. 
Baue in phoill xy. Pütovtm, 
Desmnmn xy, Desmond (Sonth-Mnnster). 
Disert Bethech xxiy. 
Domnann gen. sg. xxv, xlvii, 72. 
Dun Doighre xvi. Durnry^ co. Galway. 
Eoir xxiv, the river Nore, 
Muad4n 110. 
Red Sea x. 
Urmumu xt, Ormond. 

3. Index of Persons. 

Affrodius for Aphrodosius 42. Bngge, Alexander, xxviii. Bury, Pro- 
fessor, xxix. Butler, Edmund xiv. Cathal Maguire xiii. Colgan, Fr. John, 
xii, xiii. Danann ix. Dergthene ix. Dubaltach mac Firbisig iy. Dabthach 
ua Duibgennan xxiii. Dubthach ua Lngair xlyiii. Elenus for Helenus p. 98. 
Fenius Fanaid ix. Gregory of Tours xliii. Jocelyn, bis Life of S. Patrick 
xxi. Lhuyd, Edward, xiii. Michel 6 Clerigh yiii. Mug Nuadat ix. Niall 
son of Fenius Farsaid ix. Petrie, George, ix. Steren p. 98. Todd, J. H. xy. 
Tomas, Earl of Desmond xy. Triton lii. p. 370. 

4. Index of Things. 

accent xxxix, xl. Alliteration (üaim) xli. Äpgiter cräbaid x. Ar- 
chaisms xxxyii, xxxyiii. Assonance xl, xli. Book of Carrick xy. Buddbistie 
legend 261 n. Buming aliye lii. Deponents xxxy. Disyllabism xxix, xxx. 
Eastem Church xliii. Exchange of names li. p. 244. Exposing infants 1. i. 
Expulsion from a tribe lii. Fetish-stones 1. Gallican influence xliy. Glossary 
xii. Irrational vowels xxii. Manuscripts of the Martyrology of Oengus 
viii — xxiy. Mermaid 1. Perfective prefixes xxxii. Eeduplicated preterites 
xxxiy. Scöp a Fanait xi. Skaldic yerse xiii. Sources of the Martyrology 
xliy. Syntax of the Martyrology xxxyi— xxxyiii. Verbal particles xxxii. 
Yogis xlix. 

London. Whitley Stokbs. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


3. Zn Tochmarc £täine. 

In dem irischen Texte CZ. 5; 524 Z. 1 sind die Worte caencomrac (.i. 
sid), 7 n{ bi nech a fuaith a cJiile nach K. Meyer zn verstehen: ' freundliches 
Entgegenkommen, und niemand hafst den andern', und demnach p. 528, Z. 12 
zu verhessem. Zn SiugmaU p. 530 hätten Nettlaus Bemerkungen in der Kevue 
celtique 12, 229 f. erwähnt werden sollen. In dem Liede Midirs (Windisch, 
Texte, p. 133, 12) mufs doch wohl, wie Prof. Thumeysen erinnert, dodon 
archm ar äraim geschrieben werden (nicht ar a raim^ wie CZ. 5, 533, Anm. 2 
vorausgesetzt ist); denn äraim bildet aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach den Reim 
zu dem vorhergehenden Ädaim. 

Berlin. L. Chb. Stebn. 

4. OlantOf to land. 

Mr. Eilian Owen, in bis ingeniouH and successfnl attempt to clear up 
an obscure and dispnted line from the Black Book of Caermarthen (v. Ztechr. 
f. celt Ph. y, 572—74) having mentioned the verb glanto as a modern Sub- 
stitute for its old and indigenous Oymric equivalent tirio Ho land' remarks 
that glanio must have already existed in the ISth Century, since Williams 
Pantycelyn (1717—91) uses it. Perbaps, I may be permitt^ to point out that 
glanio 'to land' occurs as early as the end of the 16th Century, being found 
in bishop William Morgan's first Cymric Bible Version of 15i38; cf. S. Marc 
VII, 53, at the end: ac a läniasantf 'and they landed', [in terram e navi 

Oxford. H. Kbebs. 


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Celtae and Galli, by John Rhys. From the Proceedings of 
the British Academy, Vol. IL. 64 pp. 8». 

Der AuÜBatz, der mir durch des Verfaesers Güte zugekommen ist, 
stellt einen neuen Versuch dar, hinter die Rätsel der Sprache des Ka- 
lenders von Coligny (s. Zs. II, 523) und des Bleitäfelchens Ton Rom 
(Key. Celt 19, 170) zu kommen. Gleichzeitig werden die fragmentarische, 
halb lateinische Inschrift von Eyreux (CIL. 13, 3204) und die Zauber- 
formeln des Marcellus aus derselben Sprache gedeutet. Aber die an- 
gewandte Methode scheint mir zu keinen haltbaren Resultaten zu 
führen; es wird einfach nach äuTserer Wortähnlichkeit interpretiert. 
Auf diesem Wege hat man bekanntlich z. B. aus etruskischen Inschriften 
einst jeden beliebigen Inhalt herausgelesen. Eine kleine Probe mag 
das Verfahren illustrieren: 

Das Fragment des Kalenders ox.antia \ pogdedartonm | quimon 
wird gelesen: ox[t] antia pogde dorton in quimon und übersetzt: ^Aber 
dieses hier ist ohne es (d. h. diese Monatshälfte ohne die vorhergehende) 
in das Lustrum gesetzt worden^ (p. 14 ff.). 

ocht wird air. acht 'aufser, aber' gleichgesetzt, das etymologisch 
dem gr. ixrog entspricht. Man müfste also annehmen, dafs, wie im 
Irischen schwachbetontes e- zu a- geworden ist, so in dieser Sprache 
zu 0-, und femer, dafs -08 abgefallen sei. 

antia wird in an und tia zerlegt Jenes sei gleich dem irischen 
demonstrativen und relativen Element sa», das kühn in a-an zer- 
schnitten wird; in tia vermutet Rh. ein lokativisches Wörtchen 'hier'. 

pogde soll ein Pronomen de enthalten, davor eine Doppelpraepo- 
sition pog oder poc aus po oder pa = kymr. o *von' und oc = ir. 
oc *bei\ 

dortmi wird auf dortton oder dordton zurückgeführt und mit 
air. durrat verglichen, das die Grammatica Celtica' p. 478 mit 'data 
est' übersetzt hat. Das beruhte aber auf einem Lesefehler, da an der 
Belegstelle Wb. 33 b 8 die gewöhnliche Form durratad steht. 

Bei gutmon, angeblich 'fün^jähiige Periode', schwankt Rh. (p. 5), 
t>b es ein vollständiges Wort sei oder eine Abkürzung für guinguimon. 

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Er vergleicht es mit lat. bimu8j das man doch mit Wahrscheinlichkeit 
in dvi'Mmos 'zweiwinterig' zerlegt 

Auf diese Weise kann freilich kein Text der Dentnng wider- 
stehen. Aher anf eine solche Interpretation nun eine Zweiteilung der 
Stämme des festländischen Galliens in Cdtae und Gaüi zu gründen, wie 
der Verf. tut, heifst eine Seifenhlase als Fundament benutzen. 

Auch in der Polemik kann ich ihn nicht glücklich finden. Auf 
dem Kalender steht in den verschiedenen Exemplaren des Monats Du- 
mann . . je am 2. Tage : satnon prini loud, samon prin lod iti[os]f 
samon prioudix iuos. Daraus hatte ich Zs. U, 528 geschlossen, dafs an 
der dritten Stelle entweder pr. loudix oder pri. [l\oudix gemeint sei, 
da -x ein häufiger Auslaut auf dem Kalender ist. Diese Ergänzung 
wäre kaum einleuchtender, meint Bhys p. 25, als die Annahme eines 
Lehnworts lat. itidex. Das verstehe ich nicht. Zum schliefsenden -x 
ist die gallolateinische Schreibung AtimeHtx für ^W/uj^rog, Älanux 
(s. Holder) zu vergleichen, die darauf hinweist, dafs es irgend eine 
Modifikation des auslautenden s darstellt. 

Seit meiner Besprechung des Kalenders ist die Sachlage bekannt- 
lich gewaltig geklärt worden durch den Nachweis von Esp^randieu und 
Dissard, dafs alle Fragmente zu einer Tafel gehören, die einen fünf- 
jährigen Zyklus mit zwei Schaltmonaten enthielt. Hinzufügen möchte 
ich nur, dafs, da im ersten Schaltmonat (Fragm. 33) am 1. Tage Esp6- 
randieu CIA richtig als Giammt . . . liest, am 2. die Buchstaben 
SONNA das Ende des Monatsnamens darstellen, als dessen längste Form 
man bis jetzt SIMIVISONN kannte (Zs. II, 535); ob Simivisonna nun 
die volle Form ist, bleibt freilich zweifelhaft, da man einen Genitiv 
erwartet (p. 531). 

Freiburg i. Br. R. Thürneysen. 

Edward Gwynn, The Metrical Dindshenchas, Part 11 (Todd 
Lecture Series, vol. IX). Dublin. 1906. 2sh. 6d. 

In dieser Fortsetzung seiner vor drei Jahren begonnenen Ausgabe 
bringt der Herausgeber achtzehn Gedichte mit Übersetzung zum Abdruck. 
Drei von diesen sind freilich nur verbesserte Auflagen von Gedichten, 
die schon im ersten Teil erschienen sind, wobei die Zeitschrift HC, S. 429 
gegebenen Fingerzeige benutzt sind. Doch ist immer noch einiges zu 
ändern. S. 4, L. 43 ist wohl der Alliteration wegen üachalda zu lesen. 
Vgl. den Mannsnamen üachaüa, S. 54. Auf S. 8, Z. 2 lies immo statt 
*mo und ebenda Z. 87 (Utin statt discin und übersetze ^ though she granted 
neither right nor law' (detiuj das altir. nomen verbale zu damimj mitt«lir. 
damthain). Hier haben wir ein gutes Beispiel, wie wenig der Über- 
lieferung des Buchs von Leinster zu trauen ist, auf welches Gwynn in 
erster Linie seinen Text gründet. Diese schöne und alte Handschrift 
besticht uns durch ihr Äufseres und durch die Reinlichkeit ihrer mittel- 
irischen Orthographie. Es ist aber nicht zu viel gesagt, dafs die in ihr 

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enthaltenen Prosatexte und Gedichte fast durchweg einen arg verwahr- 
losten Text bieten, der oft selbst gegen yiel jüngere Handschriften un- 
vorteilhaft absticht. Bei älteren Texten wie der Tdin Bö Cüailnge ist 
das längst anerkannt; aber auch Gedichte des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts 
und Prosa aus derselben Zeit wie z. B. die Tecosca Carmaic wimmeln 
von verderbten Lesarten, Verschreibungen und Nachlässigkeiten aller Art. 
Im folgenden beschränke ich mich darauf, eine Liste von Corri- 
gendis zu Text und Übersetzung aufzustellen. 

S. 10, Z. 16, lies ndth statt nath, 

S. 12, Z. 38, statt lorc lies Lore. 

Ib., Z. 42, lies trethan tonn statt trethan-tonn; tonn reimt auf tromm. 

S. 14, Z. 51, statt hi tir lies iar fir, 

S. 14, Z. 52, statt focheü (LU.) lies dotriachtj welches durch das zwei- 
mal folgende ni thoracht gesichert ist. 

Ib., Z. 54, lies for leirg (LU). 

Ib., Z. 55, lies lige n-iiathaid. Hier und an anderen Stellen stellen 
sich auch die Lesarten von LU. gegenüber den andern Hand- 
schriften als wertlos heraus. 

Ib., Z. 58, statt dead (LU.) lies ddig. 

S. 20, Z. 25, lies cialUi in cor. 

Ib., Z. 30, statt br6grad lies bregrad (: ergnani). 

Ib., Z. 31, statt run lies f^in (: 9uil), 

Ib., Z. 43, statt asa n-esib loimm lüath lU) lies asa n-essib, loiynm 
lüath lib. 

Ib., Z. 46, lies co n-üaill. Ebenso S. 24, Z. 87. StAtt gdeth lies gdith. 

Ib., Z. 48, statt bäeth lies bäith, 

S. 24, Z. 81, statt lötar lies lotar (ebenso S. 38, Z. 33), und in Z. 84 
statt combrüithe lies co mbruithe, 

S. 26, Z. 15, statt domna lies donmu (: fonnnu, sie leg.). 

S. 28, Z. 26, lies ba Mat fodroirgetar. Hier reimt das zweisilbig zu 
lesende JUat auf gUaÜ und allitteriert mit fodr-oirgetar. 

S. 30, Z. 46, lies dg statt ad (vox nihili). 

Ib., Z. 57, lies triath tuired (: Afuirerf, sie leg.). 

Ib., Z. 66, statt drongdide lies drongide. 

S. 32, Z. 69, lies o2o gnim rogSne and sin. 

Ib., Z. 77, lies 8on-ard sc. 

Ib., Z. 70, lies ä^c (: gine). 

S. 34, Z. 94, lies tadcMaid tüath. 

S. 38, Z. 42, lies /br bith cU. Ebenso S. 40, Z. 54. 

S. 40, Z. 65, lies glan gni. Das Gedicht hat durchaus einsilbige Vers- 

S. 42, Z. 3, statt luid lies lui[n]d (: Chuind). 

Ib., Z. 9, lies Brdtha (: Dedtha, sie leg.). 

S. 50, Z. 28, lies cäna-hort. 

S. 54, Z. 4, statt Snithe ües Sni^Äc (: tire, S. 56, Z. 31). 

Ib., Z. 22, lies co n^dn-tolchaib. 

S. 58, Z. 10 u. 11, lies ni siled und nodüed. 

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S. 64, Z. 1, lies CiUdub. Z. 10, tilge das Komma hinter rnaaa. 

Ib., Z. 11, lies täith (: Aith, sie leg.)- 

S. 68, Z. 25, statt mit müad lies miUnüad, wie es das Metram verlangt; 

es ist Attribut von snUh. 
Ib., Z. 31, lies taire statt tdire; es reimt auf iiipe, welches kurzes a 

hat, wie der Reim Aige: maige oben zeigt. 
S. 74, Z. 59, statt nirlam lies nirlam[air]. 
S. 76, Z. 68 u. 75, Ues Bod[b]maü, 
S. 78, Z. 11, statt bat lies 6a und statt ropat in Z. 12 roba. Hier sind 

die älteren Formen handschriftlich gesichert. 
S. 80, Z. 15, lies tir eadtoj cathir ehrichid, 
S. 82, Z. 28, lies ba statt bat. 

S. 2, Z. 9, statt 'kept' lies 'had brought up' (roalt), 

S. 11, Z. 4, statt 'possessedthee' lies ^driyen about onthee' (immotrH 

= immot-rided). 
Ib., Z. 11, statt *in sooth' lies *readily' (Hm). 
Ib., Z. 20, statt * he* lies 4t'. 

S. 13, Z. 38, statt 'on his track' lies *on Leinster' (Lore). 
S. 15, Z. 51, statt 'they are' &c. lies: ^verily, thou art not bereft of 

wealth: Conn the just of the hundred battles has come to thee'. 

Hier reimt icradach auf c6tchathach und kann deshalb nicht für 

ecratach stehen. Es ist vielmehr = i-crodach. Conus Beiname 

bezieht sich auf die von ihm gelieferten hundert Schlachten. 
Ib., Z. 55, statt 'proud' lies *lonely' (üathaid). 
Ib., Z. 58, lies 'because of the Truth*. 
S. 17, Z. 73, statt *kind* lies *fair' (cäin). 
Ib., Z. 75, statt 4et men' &c. lies: 'becanse they have not worshipped 

great God, — very hard for them! — they are in torment'. 
S. 19, Z. 2, statt 'points' lies ' yerses'. 
S. 21, Z. 30, statt 'deception' lies 'beauty'. 
Ib., Z. 33, statt 'refused' &c. lies 'expelled him from his keep'. 
Ib., Z. 43, lies: *from which he drained — a speedy draught for you — 

his drink for the ho8t\ 
Ib., Z. 46, lies: ' with pride of concord, wise men declare it'. 
Ib., Z. 48, statt 'pair' lies *deed' (beirt). 
Ib., Z. 49, lies: 'on a fool's foolish errand'. 
S. 25, Z. 95, statt *when the eye' &c. lies 'wheu he broke the 

S. 29, Z. 26, lies: *that it was they that had delayed him'. 
S. 31, Z. 66: drongide 4ull of hosts, crowded'. 
S. 33, Z. 70, da ere zu lesen ist, kann 'bürden' (airCf ere) nicht die 

richtige Übersetzung sein. 
Ib., Z. 77, translate: ^This then said the loud-voiced host whom Ruad, 

very rough of wrist, possessed'. 
S. 35, Z. 94: tadchlaid ist ein Substantiv, von dem tüath &c. im gen. 

plur. abhängt. 
Ib., Z. 99 : nirbo th-ü ^ she was not doomed to an early death '. 

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S. 37, Z. 14: de Lagnib lir <of the Leinstermen of the sea%' lerda ist 

- ein stehendes Epitheton für die Provinz Leinster. 
Ib., Z. 17, lies: 'What hronght the man of Leinster yonder?' 
S. 45, Z. 41, statt Lamentation' lies 'pride\ 
Ib., Z. 47, lies: ^as polished lore relates'. 
S. 45, Z. 51: greis 'protection' hat kurzes e; wenn grSsa die richtige 

Lesart ist, liegt wohl der gen. sing, von griss * Werk, Arbeit' vor. 
S. 47, Z. 2, statt 'great was the day' lies 'many were the days' {ba 

mör Id). 
Ib., Z. 11: rath hat im älteren Irisch noch nicht die Bedeutung 4uck', 

sondern vielmehr 'grace, endowment, gif f. 
S. 49, Z. 34, statt *among princes' lies 'beyond kings' (dar rigaib). 
Ib., Z. 18, statt *swift' lies *comely' (dathä). Siehe meine 'Contributions', 

8. V. dath. 
S. 53, Z. 8, statt 'since' lies 'from'. 
S. 55, Z. 22, statt 'onsets of women' lies 'fair hüls'. 
S. 59, Z. 12, statt 'she loved' lies 'she satisfied' {nodiled). 
S. 63, Z. 1, statt 'silence' lies 'murmuring'. 
Ib., Z. 4, tilge 'smooth'. 

Ib., Z. 18: ttnga bedeutet nicht *roof-tree', sondern 'covering, roof '. 
S.65, Z.4, statt 'with' lies 'of. 

Ib., Z. 8: daiger-derg, nicht 'red-knived', sondern 'flaming red'. 
Ib., Z. 10: fri fola frithbert 'at Woody attack'; fola, gen. von fuil. 
Ib., Z. 11: sieg täith. Hier ist tdith der gen. von tdth = W. tawd. 
Ib., Z. 15: ba greit gdid, nicht 'he was the warrior who prayed', 

sondern 'he was a dangerous warrior'. 
S. 69, Z. 29, lies: 'that is an ancient stream' (sruithlind sin). 
S. 79, Z. 11, statt * with the spear' lies *with spears' (im gu). 
S. 83, Z. 42: Segsa snds^ nicht 'the Segais which flows'^ sondern 'the 

stream of the Segais'. 
Ib., Z. 44: tibitj nicht 'they drain', sondern 'they beat upon'. 

"Liverpool. Küno Meyer. 

M61anges H. d'Arbois de Jubainville. Recueil de m6moires 
concernant la litterature et Thißtoire celtiques d6di6 ä 
M. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville ä Toccasion du 78e Anni- 
versaire de sa naissance. Paris, A. Fontemoing (1906). 
Vn + 289 pp. 80. 

Zur Ehrung für den verdienten Förderer der Celtologie in Frank- 
reich, der bis in hohe Jahre an der Forschung teilnimmt und seit zwei 
Decennien die von H. Gaidoz gegründete Revue celtique herausgibt, 
haben sich vierzehn französische Gelehrte vereinigt, die jeder eine Gabe 
aus dem Gesamtgebiete der verzweigten Studien in diesem Buche dar- 
bringen. Einige Aufsätze betreffen das Altceltische. So prüft F. Lot 
die mit uxeüos (osceüus), oxitna, oxisamaj uccio, ucciacus zusammen- 
gesetzten gallischen Ortsnamen, denen allen die bezeichnende Bedeutung 

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des Hochgelegenen gemeinsam ist. E. Philipson sucht in den inschriftlich 
überlieferten iberischen Namen, die W. y. Humboldt vergebens mit Hülfe 
des Baskischen erklären wollte, die indogermanische Deklination fest- 
zustellen. G. Jullian führt aus, dafs der Ügurische Stamm der Salyer, 
dessen Gebiet die Gegend um Arles war, sich seit ca. 400 y. Chr. mit 
den einfallenden Gelten vermischt hat, bis seine Sprache auch die 
gallische wurde. A. Meillet erklärt die irische Genitivform tuaithe aus 
einer Doppelbildung von dem indogerm. Thema auf -d, wonach der 
Genitiv teils auf -äs (wie noch im ir. mnd) und teils auf -yäs ausging; 
die letztere Form findet sich auTser im Irischen auch im Armenischen 
und Indoiranischen. J. Vendryes erklärt sich gegen die Annahme, dafs 
das altir. Adverb cid ^selbst, zugleich, auch' aus ce, da und einer 
Gopula zusammengesetzt sei; er hält es vielmehr für eine indogerm. 
Bildung, die im Sanskrit die gleiche Form cid hat. G. Dottin, der sich 
mit Vorliebe mit irischer Lautlehre beschäftigt, liefert diesmal eine 
Skizze der Geschichte der irischen Diphthonge, indem er darlegt, welche 
Geltung sie in den alten Glossen haben und wie sich ihre heutige Aus- 
sprache phonetisch entwickelt hat und wie sie zum Teil daraus ge- 
schwunden sind. M. Grammont behandelt die Metathese des w, die sich 
in den britannischen Dialekten mit einer gewissen Regelmäfsigkeit 
vollzieht, indem z. B. armor. gloan^ kom. gluan aus wal. gwlän * Wolle' 
und arm. grocufh aus wal. gwräch (ir. fracc) *Weib' hervorgehen. 
E. Emault handelt von den verschiedenen Namen für 'Gott' im Bre- 
tonischen, und die mannigfaltigen Formen bieten ihm Gelegenheit 
auch andere phonetische Erscheinungen der Yolksdialekte zu berühren. 
J. Loth bringt eine etymologische Auswahl, in der er meist ziemlich 
schwierige, Wörter der britischen Mundarten deutet; er mifsbilligt die 
Ableitung des w. aches von *accessus' und des w, brwydr von ir. 
hriatliar-y w. enllyn 'Zukost' leitet er von lind, uneingedenk des ir. 
annland. Auch Gegenstände aus den celtischen Literaturen werden in 
einigen der Aufsätze zum Vorwurf genommen. P. GoUinet zeigt, dafs 
der Einflufs des römischen und des kanonischen Rechts auf die 
walisischen Gesetze nur sehr gering gewesen ist. Die Regel Pestis 
unus testis nullus', die Festsetzung des heiratsfähigen Alters der 
Mädchen auf 12, der Knaben auf 14 Jahre und die Rechte der Könige 
scheinen Bestimmungen der sonstigen westeuropäischen Rechte nach- 
gebildet, doch ist es sehr fraglich, ob dergleichen schon in die ur- 
sprüngliche Gesetzsammlung Hywel Ddas aufgenommen war. P. Le 
Nestour fügt die diq'ecta membra eines mittelbretonischen Mysteriums 
über die Zerstörung Jerusalems zusammen, die Le Pelletier in seinem 
Wörterbuche aushebt. Es ergibt sich, dafs das verloren gegangene 
Drama nach dem Französischen über den Gegenstand gearbeitet war, 
von dem eine zweite Ausgabe 1510 erschien. P. Le Roux teilt aus 
Penguems bretonischer Sammlung ein Volkslied über den Seemann 
Duguay-Trouin (1673—1736) mit; und einen Beitrag zur Geschichte des 
bretonischen Volksliedes liefert auch A. Le Braz. Die gwerz von der 
Marquise D^gange, die der Verleumdung bei ihrem Gatten unterliegen 
mufste, ist nicht bretonischen Ursprungs, sondern es ist die Geschichte 

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der Marquise de Gange, die um 1658 in Langnedoc dem Verbrechen 
zum Opfer fiel, darin wiedergegeben. De la Yillemarqnd hat sich die 
Ballade nicht entgehen lassen, aber sie im Clerc de Bohan nach seiner 
Weise ausgeschmückt nnd mit einem serbischen Volksliede verquickt. 
S. Beinach bespricht endlich eine von Caesar überlieferte Nachricht, 
wonach es dem gallischen Krieger verboten war in seiner Eriegarüstung 
seinen mindeijährigan Sohn öffentlich zu empfangen; er erkennt darin 
ein altceltisches gei8 oder tabu. 

H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Dniides et les dieux celtiques 
k forme d'animaux. Paris, H. Champion 1906. VIII 
+ 203 pp. kl. 80. 

Das Druidentum ist eine Einrichtung der Q-Celten, die etwa 
1000 Jahre vor unserer Zeitrechnung die britischen Inseln in Besitz 
genommen und sich in Irland bis auf den heutigen Tag erhalten haben. 
Grofsbritannien aber wurde einige Jahrhunderte v. Chr., wie Orts- und 
Personennamen überall zeigen, von den P-Celten erobert, das sind die 
Gallier, zu denen auch die Belgae, Atrebatii und Picti gehören; sie 
brachten den Besiegten für die bis dahin üblichen Bronzewaffen die 
Eisenwaffen, nahmen aber von ihnen den Druidismus an. Dieser stand 
der römischen Herrschaft feindlich gegenüber und muTste vor ihr 
schwinden, nicht nur in Gallien, sondern auch in Britannien, wo er 
indes nördlich vom Valium Antonini bis ins 6. Jh. Stand hielt Noch 
länger gab es Druiden bei den Iren. Wenn die giäuatri der Gallier 
etwa den Priestern oder flamines der Bömer und die uäti den Wahr- 
sagern oder Auguren entsprechen, so scheinen die Druiden die ponti- 
fices gewesen zu sein. In Irland bildeten sie eine Körperschaft, aber 
sie waren keine Mönche; sie galten als Wahrsager, scheinen aber eine 
vielumfassende Philosophie gelehrt zu haben, unter deren Sätzen sich 
auch die Unsterblichkeit der Seele und die Seelenwanderung befanden. 
Der Glaube an Naturgötter wird durch die alten Eidesformeln der Iren 
beleuchtet und unter ihren tierförmigen Gottheiten ist die Schlacht- 
güttin, die Krähe badbj die bekannteste; wie sich Götter in Tiere ver- 
wandeln, dafür zeugen die Tun bo Begamna und Cophur in da muccida. 
Dies sind die Hauptpunkte, die der Verf. in seinem Buche behandelt; 
mit den Mitteln der Wissenschaft wohl gerüstet, pflegt er in die 
celtische Prähistorie kühner als irgend ein andrer vorzudringen, sodafs 
man darüber vergifst, dafs die klassischen Zeugnisse über die celtische 
Mythologie spärlich und verworren sind und daüs die irischen Märchen 
zwar manches ahnen lassen, aber nicht den Wert geschichtlicher 
Wahrheit haben. In einem Schlufsworte wendet sich der Verf. gegen 
Caesar, der seine Commentarien nicht mit 'Gallia omnis', sondern mit 
'Gallia comata' hätte beginnen sollen, mit Ausschlufs der 'togata' und 
der 'braccat«'. In der walisischen Bardenabstufung derwydd-varddt 
ovydd und priv-vardd, die übrigens in ganz modemer Zeit ersonnen ist, 
vermutet der Verf. die alte strabonische Dreiteilung, sodafs der ovydd 
dem tiö^t entspräche; bei den Barden aber ist der ovydd zweifellos der 
Ovidius, der Meister in der Ars amandi. 

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V. Tourneur, Une monnaie de n6cessit6 des Bellovaques. 
Bruxelles, imprimerie PoUeunis & Centerick 1906. 

In einem Funde gallischer Münzen, den man 1905 zwischen 
Beims und Chalons s. M. gemacht hat, finden sich neben Stateren, die 
man den Moriani zuschreibt, Goldstücke in Eugelform Ton IV2 cm 
Durchmesser, die keinen andern Stempel als einen yierstrahligen Stern 
tragen. Diese Kugelstatere von 7,20 Gramm Grewicht sind in unvoll- 
kommener Weise mit Silber legiert und der Yerf. sclüiefst, dafs sie 
von der Völkerschaft der Bellovaci stammen und eine Art Notgeld 
bildeten, wie sie es yielleicht herstellten, als sie in den Kriegen Caesars, 
mit den Morini verbündet, Alesia zu Hülfe eilten (de hello gallico 7, 76). 

J. Vendryes, M61anges italo-celtiques (Mfemoires de la Societe 
de Lingnistique de Paris XIII). 25 pp. 8^ 

Ein etymologisches Allerlei aus dem Gebiete der celtischen 
Sprachen, wovon die folgenden Einzelheiten hervorgehoben seien. Lat. 
terrestria ist durch das Suffix tero- (tro-) von terra oder genauer von 
dem neutralen Stamme H^08 abgeleitet, der sich im ir. tir erhalten 
hat. Die gallischen Ortsnamen auf ü oder m (wie Aballo ^AvallonS 
Arausio ' Orangenstadt ^ Avennio 'Avignon* etc.) entsprechen griech. 
Bildungen wie dfinsXwv, datpvwv, uxavd^Ewv, ^Avtqwv u. a. Gall. Rigo- 
dulum ist aus *rigo- durum 'königliche Festung' entstanden und 
Nemours geht auf Nefjtwooog zurück, mit r8 für S8 wie Marseille 
(Massilia) u. a. Das Suffix der Verbaladjectiva -fo-, das sich in ir. gfuith 
* gewöhnt', ro ort 'er wurde geschlagen', orte 'geschlagen' u. s. w. 
findet und von dem die britannische Bildung auf -etic abgeleitet ist, 
findet der Verf. auch im Gallischen, wo es jedoch oft als -ti- erscheint. 
Altir. nach statt na * noch ' weist der Verf. auch aus Wb. 17 b 18. 20 
nach. Für das altir. Interrogativpronomen stellt der Verf. fest, dafs 
während im Mask. und Fem. ce, da (lat. qud st. quo-) sowohl pro- 
nominal als adjectival ist, im Neutrum (quid? t/) ir. cid in der ersten 
und ced in der andern Bedeutung üblich ist; auf den Stamm quo- 
würde ir. coich weisen, ebenso wie can 'unde'. Das noch in Ortsnamen 
erhaltene bretonische kougön 'Grotte' ist w. gogof xmd dies wird mit 
dem ir. cüa 'hohl' zusammengebracht. Die irischen Stämme dercy drüs^ 
draigen gehen alle drei auf die Wurzel dhergh- zurück, die am deut- 
lichsten im griech. rgi/vog 'junger Sprofs' (st. ^Qtyvog) vorliegt. 

G. Her big, *Keltoligurische' Inschriften aus Giubiasco (Anzeigen 
für schweizerische Altertumskunde Nr. 4, 1905 — 1906, 
p. 187—205). 8». 

Ausgrabungen, die man in Giubiasco bei Bellinzona im Kanton 
Tessin vor einigen Jahren gemacht hat, haben Tongeföfse mit kurzen 
Inschriften zu Tage gefördert, die jetzt im Landesmuseum zu Zürich 
befindlich sind. Die Schriftzeichen gehören dem nordetruskischen Lokal- 
alphabete von Lugano an, das auch zwei mit Wahrscheinlichkeit als 
gallische angesehene Inschriften gebrauchen. Die sonst im Gebiete der 
celtischen Ligurer gefundenen Denkmäler sind aber kaum celtisch, da 

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sie namentlich die Genitivendong -ui zeigen. Der Verf. betrachtet auch 
die Inschriften von Bellinzona als liguriHche, bezeichnet aber das Er- 
gebnis, zu dem ihn seine mit yieler Sorgfalt geführte Prüfung des 
leider wenig reichen Materials gelangen läfst, mit Nachdruck als ein 

Kuno Meyer, The Triads of Ireland. Dublin, Hodges, Figgis 
& Co., 1906. (R I. Academy, Todd Lecture Series vol. XIII.) 
XV +54 pp. 80. 

Tr6cheng breth F€ni ^die Triaden Irlands', etwa 250 an der Zahl, 
sind ein altes Werk, das im Gelben Buche von Lecan und einem halben 
Dutzend jüngerer Handschriften überliefert ist und nach der Sprache, 
wie der Herausgeber ausführt, aus der zweiten Hälfte des 9. Jhs. 
stammt. Dafs die Form der Triaden, die übrigens nur einen Teil der 
gnomischen Literatur der Iren bilden, in der biblischen Sprache ihren 
Ursprung haben, kann nicht zweifelhs^t sein. Das Genre ist weit mehr 
und bis in die Neuzeit von den Walisern gepflegt worden, denen man 
die Erfindung wohl absprechen mufs. Aus den biblischen Vorbildern 
erkl&rt sich auch, dafs Triaden bei den meisten christlichen Völkern 
vorkommen: man braucht nur ihre Sprichwörter nachzuschlagen, um 
z. B. mehr als hundert deutsche beisammen zu finden. Die irischen 
Triaden, deren Übersetzung keineswegs leicht war (die Iren selbst haben 
schon Glossen dazu geschrieben), sind mannigfaltiger Art, topographisch, 
social, moralisch. Wenn man sie aus der gesamten Literatur bis in die 
Neuzeit zusammentragen wollte, so würde es ein grofses Werk geben. 
Vielfach haben sie im Sprichwort Wurzel gefafst und auch im Volks- 
liede erscheinen sie, sowohl in Schottland als in Irland. So heifst es 
in einem irischen Volksliede Tri ni dochim Ms an ngrddh, An peacadh, 
an bäa is an phian; und in einem albanogälischen Gedichte heifst es: 
^'S tri ni thig gun iarraidh. An gaol agua eagal, 'S gun leithageul an 
tiadach] die Triade iochd is grädh is fiughantaa kommt in mehreren 
Gedichten yor (Mackenzie, Beauties p. 81; Glenbard CoUection p. 44). 

Kuno Meyer, The Death-tales of the Ulster heroes (R. L 
Academy, Todd Lecture Series, vol. XIV). Dublin, Hodges, 
Figgis & Co., 1906. VI + 52 pp. 8o. 

Von den Erzählungen über den Tod (oitte) der Helden von Ulster 
sind zwei schon behandelt, eine (Fiamain) ist verloren gegangen und 
die übrigen fünf, die zum Teil nur in der Edinburger Handschrift er- 
halten sind ebenso wie die hinzugefügte über Cet mab Magach, werden 
in dieser Sammlung von Prof. Meyer mit der von ihm gewohnten 
Sorgfalt ediert, übersetzt und sachlich und sprachlich erläutert. Von 
diesen Stücken ist der Tod Conchobars aus 0' Currys Materials p. 637 ff. 
am bekanntesten, aber der Herausgeber hat zu dem Texte in LL. noch 
drei andere Versionen aus jungem Handschriften gesteUt. 

T. K. Abbott, Further notes on Coney's Irish-English Dic- 
tionary. (Hermathena, vol. XIII, p. 332—353.) 1905. 

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Der Verf., dem man schon eine Liste von Nachträgen und Yer- 
bessemngen zu Coney verdankt (CZ. 5, 426), liefert einen weitem 
nützlichen Beitrag zu dem Sprachgebranche der irischen Bibel. Er 
kommt zu dem Resultate, dafs O'Donnells Neues Testament aus dem 
Griechischen übersetzt ist, dafs aber dem Alten Testamente Bedells, das 
hier und dort vor der Drucklegung durch Marsh verbessert wurde, die 
englische Version zu Grunde liegt. Der Verf. ist auch die Apokryphen 
Bedells durchgegangen, deren Manuskript ebenso wie das des Alten 
Testaments in der Universitätsbibliothek zu Cambridge aufbewahrt wird. 

Alfred Schulze, Zur Brendanlegende. (Zeitschrift für Ro- 
manische Philologie XXX, 257—279.) 8«. 

Der Verf. betrachtet das Verhältnis der lateinischen Navigatio 
Brendani, deren Handschriften bis ins 10. Jh. zurückreichen, und das 
irische Leben des Heiligen im Buche von Lismore, von dem die 
lateinische Vita im Codex Salmanticensis eine Kürzung ist. Umsichtig 
verficht er mit innem Gründen gegen Zimmer die Meinung, dafs daä 
irische Leben die Übersetzung einer altem lateinischen Vita ist, deren 
Spuren er auch in dem lat. Leben des Machutus, eines Schülers Brendans, 
erkennt. Dieses Denkmal, das dem Ende des 9. Jhs. angehört, ist ver- 
öffentlicht in dem Bulletin et Memoires de la Soci^t^ arch^ol. du D^part. 
d'Ble-et-Vilaine XVI, 137 ff. Die darin eingeschobene Meerfahrt 
Brendans ist für den Verfasser ebenso ein Zeugnis für die gemutmafste 
ältere lat. Vita mit der Meerfahrt wie ihre Erwähnung im Heiligen- 
kalender des Oengus. 

R. Priebsch, Quelle und Abfassungszeit der Sonntagsepistel in 
der irischen *C&in Domnaig'. (The Modern Language 
Review H. 1907, p. 138—154.) 

Die unlängst erfolgte Veröffentlichung der irischen Version der 
Epistel Jesu über die Sonntagsheiligung (Cäin domnaig) durch J. G. 
O'Keeffe (iferiu 2, 189 ff.) gibt dem Verfasser Änlafs die von ihm be- 
handelte angelsächsische Fassung (über die wir CZ. 3, 195 berichtet 
haben) damit zu vergleichen. Er kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dafs beide 
etwa der Mitte des 9. Jahrb. angehören und dafs der Northumbrier, 
obschon ihm ein lateinisches Original vorgelegen habe, doch mit dem 
irischen Bearbeiter in nahe Verbindung getreten sei und von ihm 
einzelnes angenommen habe. 

F. N Robinson, A Note on the Sources of the Old Saxon 
Genesis (Modem Philology IV. 2, October 1906). 8 pp. 8«. 

Die DarsteUung der altsächsischen Genesis, die die Schuld des 
Sündenfalls durch Lügen der Schlange mindert, scheint dem Verf. aus 
einer apokryphen Schrift ähnlich der Vita Adae et Evae und der 
Apokalypse Moses geflossen, deren Einflufs auch im 'Saltair na rann' 
erkennbar wäre. 

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Phil, de F61ice, L'autre monde, mythes et legendes. Le Pur- 
gatoire de Saint Patrice. Paris, H. Champion 1906. 193 pp. 
80. (6 fr.) 

Der tief wurzelnde Glaube an die Gerechtigkeit, den die gegen- 
wärtige Welt nur zu oft zn Schanden macht, hat die Menschheit seit 
den ältesten Zeiten dazu geführt, die Vergeltung Ton dem Leben nach 
dem Tode zu erwarten. In dieser VorsteUung sind die Ägypter voran- 
gegangen, die Griechen schlössen sich an und zur höchsten Blüte ge- 
langte sie im Christentume, das eine lange Reihe Visionen des Jenseits 
entstehen liefs, von der Apokalypse des Petrus und dem Gesicht des 
Paulus bis zur Gröttiichen Komödie, deren Dichter von seinen Vorläufern 
allein den Paulus erwähnt. Doch wir stehen in Gefahr uns ins Weite 
zu verlieren, wenn wir dem in der Eschatologie der Völker bewanderten 
Verfasser folgen. Sein eigentiiches Thema ist das Fegefeuer des heiligen 
Patricius, das bis in die Neuzeit hochberühmt war. Er schildert uns 

. die düstere Höhle auf einer unwirüichen Insel des Loch Derg aus 

eigener Anschauung. Er unterrichtet uns weiter in dankenswerter 
Weise über jene lateinische Vision des Cisterziensers H. von Saltiy 
(c. 1189), die neben der des Tnugdalus im Mittelalter am bekanntesten 
war, hat sich aber die Geschichte ihrer Verbreitung in den verschiedenen 
Eultursprachen noch vorbehalten. Der Verf. erkennt in dem Helden 
der Vision Owein miles den irischen Elfen Oengus oder Mac Öc. Hierin 
trete ich ihm njcht bei, denn das irische Wunderland hat mit der 
christiichen Schilderung des Jenseits nichts zu schaffen. Die Iren 
excellierten im Elfenmärchen, aber die Hölle haben sie nicht erfunden. 
Eher wären, auTser Fursaeus, Adamnän etc., die irische Vision Laisr6nB 
und die Gedichte über die letzten Dinge im 'Saltair na rann' zu er- 
wähnen gewesen. 

V. H. Friedel und K Meyer, La vision de Tondale (Tnudgal) 
Textes frangais, anglonormand et irlandais publi^s. Paris, 
H. Champion 1907. XX + 159 pp. 

Der ZufaU fügt es, da£s wir hier sogleich ein verwandtes, uns 
noch näher angehendes Werk anzeigen können, mehrere Übersetzungen 
der eben genannten Vision des Tundalus. Das lateinische Original 
wurde von einem irischen Klosterbruder Marcus im Jahre 1149 in 
Regensburg niedergeschrieben und war bald weit verbreitet. Das Jahr 
der Abfassung stellen die Herausgeber gegen den erhobenen Zweifel 
fest. Der Verfasser war in Munster zu Hause und kannte die Er- 
eignisse, die seine Heimat in jener Zeit beunruhigten. Er erwähnt 
Cormac den König von Desmond (f 1138) , seinen Bruder Donnchad 
mac Muredaig (f 1144) und seinen Verbündeten im Kriege gegen 
Connacht, Gonchohar O'Brien (tll42). Die Wanderlust hatte ihn nach 
Regensburg geführt und er fand vermutlich Aufnahme im St. Jakobs- 
kloster, das der Bischof Hartwich um 1120 für die zusammenströmenden 
Schotten geweiht hatte. Von der Vision des Iren veröffentlicht nun 
V. H. Friedel nach Handschriften des 14. Jahrb., von denen die eine in 

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London, die andere in Paris liegt, zwei französische Übersetzungen, 
nnd nach einer Handschrift im Trinity College zn Dublin das Bruch- 
stück einer anglonormannischen Bearbeitung in Versen. K. Meyer druckt 
zwei irische Versionen ab. Die ältere in H. 8. 18 TCD., einer Hand- 
schrift des 17. Jahrb., ist die Übertragung des lateinischen Textes durch 
Maurice O'Mulconry, den wohlbekannten Compilator des Buches von 
Fenagh, aus der Zeit von 1511 bis 1519. Die Sprache ist also frOh 
neuirisch, hat aber, wie der vom Herausgeber beigegebene Index ver- 
borum zeigt, mancherlei Altertümliches. Der zweite leichter yerständ- 
liche Text findet sich in Ms. Stowe C 11 2 RIA. und gehört dem 
16. Jahrh. an; er erweist sich als eine Überarbeitung O'Mulconrys, 
dessen Stil dadurch in lehrreicher Weise beleuchtet wird. 

R. H. Fletcher, The Arthurian Material in the Chronicles, 
especially those of Great Britain and France (Studies and 
Notes in Philology and Literature, vol. X. Boston 1906). 
VI + 313 pp. 8«. 

Der Verfasser bespricht die Chroniken, die die arthurische Legende 
enthalten, also die lange Reihe jener Geschichtschreiber, die sich an 
Gildas und Nennius angeschlossen haben. Von den nächsten Nachfolgern 
legt William von Malmesbury in seinen Gesta regum Angliae 1125 ein 
bemerkenswertes Zeugnis ab für die Popularität, deren sich Arthur 
unter den Briten damals erfreute, aber der eigentliche Gewährsmann 
ist der etwas spätere Gottfried von Monmouth, über dessen Quellen der 
Verf. eingehend handelt; daTs der famose 'liber vetustissimus' des 
kühnen Fabulators eine Fiktion ist, erscheint auch ihm glaubhaft Anf 
Gottfried folgen gegen 200 Chroniken des 12.— 16. Jhs., in lateinischer, 
französischer, englischer und schottischer Sprache, teils in Prosa und 
teils in Versen. Von den Gedichten sind der normannische Brut von 
Wace und der englische von Layamon die bekanntesten. Der Verf. hat 
den weitschichtigen Stoff mit grofsem Fleifse zusammengetragen; er 
legt dar, was die einzelnen Werke Besonderes haben, wem sie folgen 
und wie sie von einander abhängen. Von dem sachlichen Inhalte gibt 
ein ausführlicher Index übersichtliche Auskunft. 

A. L. C. Brown, The Knight of the Lion (Publications of the 
Modem Language Association of America XX, 673—706). 
1905. 80. 

Der Verf. hatte vor einigen Jahren über das Märchen von Iwein 
geforscht (CZ. 4, 582) und war für seinen in allem Wesentlichen 
celtischen Ursprung eingetreten. In der vorliegenden nachträglichen 
Studie hebt er hervor, dafs die walisische Fassung in den Mabinogion 
in mehreren Punkten eine ursprünglichere Farbe bewahrt habe als 
Chrestiens Gedicht, und ist der Meinung, dafs auch der Löwe als 
Führer in die andere Welt den alten celtischen Sagen keineswegs 
fremd sei. Er verweist namentlich auf Tochmarc Emire, wo auch 
Cüchulinu ein Tier 'wie ein Löwe' dienstbar ist. Der Löwe möchte 
also schon in dem Märchen vorgekommen sein, das Chrestien vorgelegen 

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hat. Das ist wohl zuzugeben, doch weist ein Löwe, der in einem 
celtischen Volksmärchen vorkommt, nicht auf ein Land hin, wo man 
ihn aus der Anschauung kennt? 

H. Zimmer, ßandglossen eines Keltisten zum Schulstreik in 
Posen -Westpreufsen und zur Ostmarkenfrage. Berlin, Weid- 
mannsche Buchhandlung 1907. 124 pp. 

Es handelt sich darum eine wunde Stelle am Leibe des Deutschen 
Reiches zu sanieren und der Verfasser tritt mit praktischen Bat- 
schlägen hervor. Indem er die mifsliche Lage betrachtet, in die die 
Volksschule in den polnischen Gebieten Preufsens durch den Sprachen- 
kampf zeitweilig gelangt ist, legt er dar, wie man ähnliche Schwierig- 
keiten in Irland, Wales und der Niederbretagne überwunden hat. Hier 
zeigt sich die genaue Kenntnis des öffentlichen Lebens jener Länder, 
die sich der Verfasser auf Reisen und durch die Verfolgung der ein- 
heimischen Tagespresse erworben hat. So schliefst sich diese Schrift 
Zimmers an seine früheren über den Panceltismus, die wir CZ. 3, 435 
erwähnt haben. 

H. Gaidoz, Pour le centenaire de Gaspar Zeufs fondateur de 
la Philologie celtique. Paris, Juillet 1906. 32 pp. S». 

Um das Gedächtnis des allverehrten J. £. Zeufs zu begehen, der 
am 22. Juli 1806 das Licht der Welt erblickte, wiederholt Prof. Gaidoz 
den* von ihm yerfafsten Nekrolog, den er einst in der Revue celtique 
vol. VI gegeben hat, und fügt einige zeitgenössische Besprechungen der 
Grammatica celtica hinzu. Das Büchlein ist mit einem Bildnis des 
Forschers geschmückt, das das jetzt in der Münchener Akademie be- 
findliche Ölgemälde wiedergibt. Nachdem dieses inzwischen gereinigt 
worden ist, wurde für das diesem Hefte beigegebene Bild auf Ver- 
anlassung K. Meyers eine neue Aufnahme gemacht. Diese Überlieferung 
seiner äufsem Erscheinung wird ein wenig ergänzt durch die bestimmten 
Angaben seiner Reisepässe, die in seinem Nachlasse in der K. B. Hof- 
und Staatsbibliothek zu München aufbewahrt werden (CZ. 3, 202). 

Berlin, im Januar 1907. L. Chb. Stebn. 

Druck von Ehrhardt Karras, Halle a. S. 

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Google — 

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Drack von Ehrbar dt Earras, Halle a. S. 

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57-S9 LONG ACRE 129-138 WF.S>T 20th STREET 


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Inhalt des 2. Heftes des VI. Bandes. 


£. Meyer, Mitteilungen ans irischen Handschriften (Fortsetzung) ... 257 

F. N. Bobinson, The Irish Lives of Guy of Warwick and Bevis of 

The Irish Life of Bevis of Hampton 273 

Translation 298 

Glossaiy 320 

Index of Proper Names 335 

Additions and Corrections 555 

A. Anscombe, The date of the first settlement of the Saxons in Britain, 

n. Compntation 'secnndnm evangelicam veritatem' . . . 339 

H. Osthoff, Znr keltischen Wortknnde 395 

1. cymr. dir; 2. cymr. rhech; 3. cymr. esgid; 4. cymr. uffam^ ffer, 
ffem; 5. cymr. taith^ mordaith^ mordwy^ gall. moritsx. 

W.Lehmann, Irische Etymologien 433 

1. ir. *clag-j deutsch laichen; 2. ir. fiothalj ahd. wldiUo; 3. zu 
deutsch zwerg, gr. o^Qipoq^ ir. dergnai; 4. ir. scairt^ ae. hreper; 
5. ir. ceOf deutsch heiser; 6. ir. bil, mhd. biler. 

E. W. B. Nicholson, Bemarks on ^The date of the first settlement of 

the Saxons in Britain, L' 439 

H.Zimmer, Zu den Würzburger Glossen 454 

L. Chr. Stern, Bemerkungen zu dem Würzburger Glossencodex . . . 531 

L. Chr. Stern, Über die irische Handfifchrift in St. Paul 546 


5. E.W. B. Nicholson, Zur irischen Kanonensammlung. . . . 556 

6. F. N. Robinson, Corrections 556 

Erschienene Schriften 

von J. Rh^s, T. Rice Holmes, H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Wh. Stokes, 
0. J. Bergin, M. Esposito, H. R D. Anders, J. van Ginneken, und: 
Anecdota from Irish Manuscripts, Eriu, Journal of the Gy^sy Lore 
Society 557 

Mitteilungen für die Redaktion bittet man an 

Prof. Kuno Meyer, 41 Huskisson Street, Liverpool, England, oder an 

Prof. L. Chr. Stern, Berlin W. 57, Bülowstrafse 45, zu schicken. 

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Colum CiUe cantavit hoc canUcum* 

(Land 615, S. 113.) 

1 ForO fäesamf, a Mhuire, dowaisilbem^) uile öm fult gom 

da fonn, 
a mäthair Eigh nime, ar ecnairc ar flne rolä fortacht forn. 

2 Rocloithear mo ghnidhe is möag congaibe do lln daoine tr6n, 
ar luagh aighes aighe Maire rodamaire fordomraibhi a s6n. 

3 Rosöna mo 66ttu rob forfindu s6tu ceim^) thlas fo nim, 
robb6 oc ma c[h]abhair a hitc[h]i domf orair mathair Isn ghil. 

4 Eomsnadlia a horäid fö bith rodancaraid Maire ingen tlag,^) 
rob läirech dorn anmuin, domremho ar tedhmaim, nimthairle 

in lüagh. 

5 Nimthairrle a ngalur fili^) gosan amar ar ndithoman cäch, 
hi suidhiu, hi lighiu is Muire go ngaire dorn c[h]obwr gach 


6 Atach ind so atroithich Colww Cille co m-mäthair nisu ar ind 
lüaidri rorat do Colum Cille. Nach aon dia tiberthä in brothc[h]än 
sa asmperam 6 ragaibtAer ind mbennachoä sa foir tr^s nö 
sebtimö bith slän de manabtur i. herbhthur cüadh do tAromthoit 
lemnachta ibur talm( ^)) aire 7 es bec a ain iphthi compi saithech 

7 dopperar ^itach tromm foir condoticc aldus. Bidh slan iarum 
si. Beus vo . . . 

^) Lies fort *) Lies domaisilbim 

*) Lies csini? *) u&dh MS. 

^ Lies file •) Lies talmaidiu? 

Zaltaohrift f. oelt. Philologie VI. 17 

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Oracio Coltmi CiUe .ec 

(Ib. S. 115.) 

Damfett Cristt cuntt cumhachta. co Elgh inna n-nili n-ard. 
aiteoch naomthrinöitt. tri nert dreconta. aasalri nodomfriserbh 
adhbartaidhi. snaidhfe sn&idhsium. saorsam carsom c&enihacht 
cuiriss dim claa idhan. frithchuires dim accra olca amhuinsi 
5 cotomimthegat lüireclia uile leasa fiadh. ar thruime meanman 
ar crüas ar romhaithe ar tlaitheltraib gaibthi gath 7 aicned. 
Nimromhüchat nlmradhmillet nimindrisit arurcc a tiachra 7 a 
n-amainsi. Uamh träghat hi muir. maidhet M talmain. nim- 
thisat nimtacmhaisit a n-athc[h]a a miscsin a n-adhbartaighe. 

10 moightiumh dia dänaibh saoraibh. slänaightium contt ceill ciunn 
cnrp cnämhaibh rnisc tengadh slane arlabhra guth. nimromhüchat 
Dlmradhmillß^ nimforbriset nimnM uile earcoöl— nibbat form 
churp contt ceill coimsighe cotomncrt naomtÄrinöit röathar hi 
toil D6 7 a thimna hi niort athar 7 aobmaic 7 aobspirda naoimh 

15 dusnicc dim meircci muirecha mertnecha di clüais mo äh& ö nö 
di rusc mo da dü[i]l. dim cet aisle dim cdt fethi dim cet cnämha. 
madh fer dotghn6 soaith for a t&rAaib. madh ben dotghn6 soaidh 
for a bandaz&. madh inghen dotgne soaidh for a genus dosnic 
dim feis nEir^nn fös fess nAlban feiss süadh feiss drfiadh feiss 

20 cerda feiss cuthchoire feiss coiTguine feiss södhguine feiss cech 
duine bi doni olc 7 amhnos frim chorp 7 mh'anmoin atdniasat 
a neimhe 7 a mbraona for cülu atsnigh gaith muire atsnigh 
tontt trachta. Dia athair rium moc dom coimet spiratt naomh 
dorn inöorchughadh. amhein amh6n. 

Zwölf Arten der Reue. 

(Bawlinson B. 612, fo. 143 b 2.) 

.Xn. cinäi na haithrighe, edön: saethar Tar n-ttaignis, gradh 

lar füath, umla Tar ndimus, genmnaighecht Tar ndrüis, cob- 

saigh[e]acht Tar n-utmaille,^) äine Tar craes 7 intinn maith Tar 

^ formad, emai[g]thi Tar maithnechtaighe,*) bochta Tar sai[d]bris, 

tröcaire lar n-etröcaire 7 maith lar n-ulc 7 cet. 

>) udatmaiUe M8, 
*) maitnechtaidhe MS, 

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Jfcm soll das Ahend/mahl nüchtern empfangen. 

(H. 1. 11, fo. 151b.) 

Arole senntond dicöid do c[li]omnai iar ndit[h]at dl. lar 
ndnl .tL hi cumaidh csich don bannscäZ doralai in^ cruimthir 
ind naom-mbairgin ina gin. Hitracht ind mbairgin for calai for 
inn discea.^) Cuiris ildiu in fecht tanai^ea a fabhdomhain') a 
beöil hl 7 hitracht for cfila doriisi. Cairis in crumper in treas 
fecht 7 atracht edarbfias, cn riacht for Iflr in corp orais büi^) 
forsin clais. Imcomaircis ind cruimthir risi don tsentuind. Eo- 
indis dö anfem cn rob iar seire donanaicc 7 reL 

Jlfael Isu ceo^nit. 

(Eg. 111, S. 15; Add. 80, 512, fo. 44 a 1; H. 1. 11, fo. 154b.) 

1 A Choimdin, nom-chomet^) etir chorp is anmain, 
etir iris n-imglain co ndigins^) fon talmain. 

2 Comet dam mo äüle, a Isu meic Maire, 
nacham-dernaO santach aicsin cruid neich aile. 

3 Comet dam mo chlfiasa nar' cloistet fritt») ecnach, 
nar' eistet co rognath^) for bas, for bith betach. 

4 Comet dam mo thengapd] nar' ecnad ar duine, 
nar' cainer araile, nar' baider tre luige. 

5 Comet dam mo chride, a Christ, ar du baide,^^) 
nar scrütar^') co trüaige^^) düthracht nachat-claine. 

6 Nl raib miscais fo6 na format na dallad, 
na dimmus na dimes na eilned na annach. 

7 Comet mo broinn mbuilid nar llntar^^) cen mesair, 
CO rop deniu a tosaig a bith isin tesaig.'^) 

8 Comet dam mo lama na rigter fri debaid, 

nar chlechtati^) Iar sodain adchuingid fo mebail. 

9 Comet dam mo chossa for bith builid Banba, 
na digset i^^) fosta fri tosca cen tarba. 

>) ig J£S. >) Lies deisc 

*) Lies fddomain *) Lies ar a als co mbüi 

*) namoomed M88. ") condigin H, 

') nachandema Ä •) firi EA frith H. 

•) ragnath H, ^) dubaiide H. 

«0 Bcnitair H. 8c6tar E. ») trnade EA. 

s>) lintaiT AH. '«) tesaid EA. 

») clechtaid H. ») a M88. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


10 Nirbam utmall aübsaid, a meic mo De deithnig, 
CO na farcbur m'inad, co rop dliged deithbir. 

11 Comet mo ball ferda imm genus co nglaine, 
etrad nl rom-bade, nlm-thairle, nlm-thaire. 7 rl. 

12 Nlm-reilce i cair chenna«) dond ochtar ard airdeirc, 
a Christ, tair dorn dochum dia tofunn, dia tairbirt. 

13 Nom-erbaim duit») uile dorn dltin^) cen doidnge, 

ar do rath co romet nom-chomet, a Choimdiu. A. C. 

Hin Trcmm Colwm CiUe^s. 

*(H. 3. 18, S. 60a.) 

Fts atchonnairc Colum Cilldea. Indalleis bfli farleblaing 
Aodha mic Ainmirech. Föchtaidh Aodh menmarc inntsamlaigrthi 
frisna ruibhni 7 frisgart Colum Cildea^ conid ann asbert: 

Tarfas dam-sa dul for set, itb6r is ni himarbr6c, 
focluinim cluibhne ein chol, is 6 rombud for comror. 

Euibne roratas for cai, foiglim is ni fuigell gai, 
is e mu menmarc itceas condorala for ruidhles. 

Is 6 mu chubhus ein chlaön, cidh sochaidhi nö cidh a6n, 
coniscumhaing mu Bigli ran mu heiih ic timtach ein t&r. 

T. rL finit. 


(Additional 30, 512, fo. 33 a 2.) 
Vgl Senbriathra Fithail, LL. 345 c. 

Ferr d&la ina deabaid, 
Ferr teiched ina tairisi, 
Ferr sobarthon ina imad, 
Ferr sidh ina soc[li]ogad, 
Ferr cara ina conmlr, 
Ferr cTall inä caemchruth, 
Ferr ithe ina cobadh,*) 

*) cemia H, Lies chennda; cair eh. Hauptsünde. 

•) doit EH. 

s) dhiden EH. 

*) Wohl verderbt aus ferr aithe infi opad. Vgl LL. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Ferr fairi^) ina iarraid, 
Ferr foigidne iM imrisain, 
Ferr ana ina ancis, 
Ferr rath ina rlagaZ,*) 
Ferr reide*) ina rogaos, 
Ferr buidi ina äigbal, 
Ferr hec ina 6ra^ 
Ferr cara ina cuirm, 
Ferr sobfes ina doilgid 7 rl. 

Ib., S,31b2. 
Vgl Senbriathra Fithaü, LL. 8. 345 d. 

Dligid ecna airmitin, 
Dligid gö cairiugud, 
Dligid rath riaradh, 
Dligid fuidir*) fritli[f]olta, 
Dligid maith möradh, 
Dligid dibhi dini[m]olad, 
Dligid ög eladha, 
Dligid altmm imf oehaid, &) 
Dligid maighistir sogaire, 
Dligid faendledach forögra, 
Dligid ecconn imchoimet, 
Dligid athair somiad, 
Dligid mathair mine, 
Dligid mer a münad,*) 
Dligid cu a hastadh, 
Dligid dall a didin. 

Maith dän egna, ferr d&n forba, doiligh dän laech[d]acht. 
Nl suthain a mbi, ifernnaig a qairb. Nl thimuin athair dia 
mac. Mairg dianad dan laech[d]acht 

Ib., fo. 31b2. 
Äine anma is chuirp co cert, cöicc uilc ina coimidecht: 
ferg, brön, dlmus, — dian in d41, — deinmne im blad ia 


^) Lies aire *) riaragnd LL. 

*) Teige MS, *) pudhair(!) 3£S. Vgl LL. 

^ immaithigh MS. Vgl LL. •) anmuim. MS. Vgl LL. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

262 KüNO METEB, 

Lohet den Herr^u 

(23. N. 10, S. 78.) 

1 Laudate Dominum de celis, in faair do doma, 
laudate eum in exelcis, ite connoga. 

2 Canum äUi etorport, fillem congluine,^) 
adram in Ardrig, coimsid') na ndtüa. 

3 Donfe Flada findneme for aite röetu, 
uidrine ocjcus oislne isatmuindt^ daena. 

4 Ädchln gedat*) (tetsmus na dignad fo diud, 
fil ann ina certfarra[d] teimnen cona triur. 

5 Tainic in trath gabaJa, in tirt is comlann, 
tinöilid tor ndamana, laudate Dominum. Lau. d. 

Sechxehn Teüe der DichOcunst. 

(Land 610, fo.92b2.) 
Vgl Irische Texte III, S8. 29 und 120. 

[ImjgabaU emeltusa i. issed 7 is 6 cend in fir 7 is si cend 
na mnä. 

Sochraidi raid [i.] is hi in gobur, ar rop emilt a r^cKs h6 
in gobur 7 is hi in gobur. ^^ 

Dilmaine .i. in lestar usci do rädh, ar rop e a haicned in 
lestar cosin uisce do r&d. 

Tucait deochrai^^ß is si, is lie, issed. 

Nl fili nad fiastar s6 hemaili d6c na filidechta co n-aisn6is 
anma athar Athime: saigid 7 ascnam 7 liüaim do rind 7 com- 
insma, comgne c6ille 7 brosna süad 7 duinediglaim 7 sreth 
immais, cöir molta 7 cubaid comfotta 7 fidrad frecomaU 7 ord 
slonte 7 imgabail emeltussa 7 sochraidi raid 7 dTlmaine raid 7 
tucait dechraigthe .i. commad isind iarcomarc in focail toissech 
amatZ rogab lassin filid:^) 

Dondchad dia fich domun 7 rl. 

.i. CO rop Dondchad rissin fordünad. 

^) Lies Domnum. 

') Lies ar nglüine? 

') coimsigh MS, 

*) g (oder t?) und t auf Basur. 

*) file MS, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Ascnam .i. co a leth .i. don fainne son bia 

Hfi[a]im de rind i. co rop do rind na cethramthan do raith 

Gominsma .L insma ind larcomairc isint dillaib thoissig 
nammä, amal roAgab ^do' i. 'Dondcbad'. 

Gomge cöille 1 co rop inand ciall dia n-ais[neis] 6 thossach 
CO diaid ind raind i. na raib clöen and 7 rl. 

DankHed eines Schwerkranken. 

(Frandflcan Library, MerchantB' Qnay, Dnblin, Handschrift A(9).0 

1 Atlochar duit, a mo Ei, do-gnl ar sochar ar bith ce, 
ö domrala il-ligi leöin se mis fo deöid cnsane. 

2 Atö mar chimid i cip do tarrachtain imid n-nilc, 

sflas heres m'anmain inocht, mo chorp isin talmam toit. 

3 Domratad i slabra[i]d snnn, maith dom anmain as gach am, 
bec mo nert, am scith bnn's cind,^) indar lim fomrith co fann. 

4 Fearr lern, a d^mic De dein, cidh leir in treblaid rom-t[h]raig, 
ina fledhöl im t[h]lr tfiaidh nö degör^) ein lüaigh fom laim. 

5 A log mo chuil is mo cealg mad romgab mnin mö cecb mairg, 
domfaraill, nl düairc in t-(o)rt, beim nad borb dot abainn aird. 

6 Aia-sdi, mar bis dall dub, is mo t[li]aeb co fann re fraigh, 
monfiaragan, a De dil, mise trfiaghagan in^) taigh. 

7 Testa mo neart, nllal cen cleith, a Athair na slüagh, nam-saich, 
romlais i caimrech i croich amnicb i tir Mnimneach maith. 

8 Matat co met teimil tmim mo da rose i ngeimil^) grinn, 
adsaeilim, a Bl na rann, beither tall co hseibind ind. 

9 Is e mo samail acht bec mar bis lach gaba^'Z ar gmig, 

ic a crothod fo c[h]mb c[h]ait, ni nach ait, atlochwr duit 

10 Uch! nocha n-eirgim cen cneid, nocha teigim fo gnth cluic, 
nl gairit«) m'othwr ar m'olc, a Dhe, anocht atlochwr duit. 

11 Mun badh tac[h]rad, a De, duit, atberainn astan cen at^ 
imomcenise arad rod, mör lem a fod at intat. A. 1. 

1) Eine aargfäliige Abschrift dieses und der folgenden Gedichte aus der- 
selben Handschrift verdanke ich der GHHe des Herrn J. G. O'Keeffe. 

*) = boinscionn, Contribb, is boinscionn do iabhrann b6, Ärch, in, 
S. 246. 

«) äethoT MS. *) Lies im. 

•) ngeimel MS. •) gaiirid MS., 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Bmiahnung den Leib zu kasteien* 


1 A c[li]uirp, notc[h]aith fri crabwd! dena maith, nä bl i 

d^b biaidh co laath ein labra i lepaid/t talman Ü^mur, 

2 Is e do t[h]echta tongu,') cath frit c[h]rechta 's frit c[h]aire, 
guidh in ßi[g] reill nacÄ faictÄer co tl d'aitreb do t[h]iglii. 

3 Trebaire^) is tir i-täthar nl gnlm ceanaidi at-citÄer, 
crabud ar bitb nl baethar, maith in saethar dia snithar. 

4 Crabtid croidhi glain genmnaidh in denmna samad sobraidh, 
cainiudh cacÄ cinadh caingnig^) co nderaib saidbrib*) solmaiftA.«^) 

5 SrTan frit broind, büaidh ria mbannaibh, srlan frit c[h]ridhi 

crüaidh cumaU, 
srlan do tabatVt fri tengaidh cen meandair is clall connail. 

6 Is set cert cäem co cnibdhi techt co Dia naem nom-anghi, 
rochtain cosin ßi[g] nemdha acatat sealba sai[d]bri. 

7 Saltrad ar demon ndimbraig^) ") nä rab marcach ar t'anmuin, 
he do rath in c[h]uirp chredlaig, cath fri cach n-erbaidh 


8 Ernaighthi, äine it aisenl re claine ar cac% conair, 

CO ris in saidhbri suilid iar ndai[d]bri duilig^) domoin. 

9 Druim fri mna maetha mine, daigh nidat gastha a ngaire, 
laim fri lochta co leire, feili is bochta co mbaine. 

10 Betha craibdech co cnibdhi, aicned^) ailgen cen ainble, 
is dreim diadha ein dimda ceim clalla idhna ainmne.^^) 

11 Atclam erchra na ndaine, cia mairit tealcha ar tire, 
is bec nacA fas cacA feili bas co ndeine gach dine. 

12 Is denta dfin ord larnm, betha nach borb 's nach bäeghal, 
lacht an talman ac träghudh, slabrudh diar snadhudh saeghul. 

13 Sgarum fris gach^O nibsBS mbunaidh, na carnm craes na 

saltram for tarbaib tomair,^^) cobair diar n-anmuin idhain. 

^) gongu MS. ') .i. gliocns 

») caingmd MS, *) saibri MS. 

^) .1. ^sguidh <) ndimbraidh MS. 

') darüber neimeg. «) dnilidh MS. 

») aignidh MS. w) [.i.] foigidne 

^^) Mit Ms gach vergleiche nimgeb formach fris nach sen, Otia I, 
S. 124, § 13. 

^*) unterstrichen und darüber domoin 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


14 Ifemi) denn, 2) döer an dlthrub,») romeall mör löech co*) 

carcair cmaidh corr crom casrach, loc lonn lom^) lasrach 


15 Mairg lingis leim in leth-sain, mairg cingis in reim rod-sain, 
mairg bias isin mbriaidh mbrisc-sin, romiscnidh liaig in loc-sain. 

16 Leic Oait do lot[li]rad lOarda! leic do c[li]odIaä is do c[h]8emda 
ingaib ifem<^) searb slanach, rothi nem niamach nsebda! 

17 Not-imbcr frisin maith-sin ar fis imaid an nilc-seo, 

ar an Athair n-ard n-amra cathaig co calma, a c[h]uirp-seo! 

18 Fotr^scaib, a c[h]uirp congbaid,^) gnim co n-altaib uilc adbuil, 
t'athair o tacmud meabraf^ erbaidh adbal fon talmam. 

19 Do m&thair maith co mine, do da br&thair co mbaine 
tncsat fo tuinn uill flire co ndflire a ndruim fri daeine. 

20 Docaaidh i n-üaig^) giarb esbaid nech iar mbethatd glüair 

erchra in fir^) cnbaidh cosmuil dobetr osnaidh fom asnaibh. 

21 Ermör ar csem 's ar carat robadar co saer sealat, 
fflaratar tir na togat, fir co lobat, co leaghat 

22 Nl luga legfa feisin, nocot-fia seachna sosaidh, 

iar do brüdh, iar do brisiud'o) biaidh ein clisindh fo chosaibh. 

23 Comaill a n-ecna n-uclan,^^ bl co becda amail bochtan, 
bidh snädhudh for set sercnaem cräbwd certc[hjaem i corpän.»^) 

24 Fogebat plagha pecthaig,^^^ ar it lana do lochtaib, 

a n-anman^^) duba i ndaire, ferr leo cseime dia corpaibh. 

25 Cidh tend do berla bladhach, cid at S6g[d]a seang subach, 
notrlsat daela dnba, iTnfat»^) cruma do c[h]uracL*») 

26 Cach soim is cech doim seachtair, cach aen fo mbi coim 

is talom moirtc[h]enn martair carcair coitchenn dia corpmM. 

^) Diese Strophe findet sich auch auf den oberen Band von Harl 5280, 
fo, 22 geschrieben. 

*) ifim deang MS., ifernd dend B. 

») in ditreb H. *) is Ä 

B) na loc lom H. •) ifim MS. 

^ congbaib M8. <") annaidh MS. 

•) fir MS. ") briaidh MS. 

") Lies 6gl&n oder = nd-glan? ") a corpain MS. 

») pecdaidh MS. ^*) ananm MS. 

*«) Unfad MS. '•) S. 3. cnrach, Contribb. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


27 lar teacht don^ domun dronnfinn, iar cac% rolmd cert cluinim, 
cen trist öm c[h]arp geal glanfinn m'anim^) i') n-ncht Crlst 

cüirim. A. G. 

An Crinoc 


1 A C[h]rinöc, cubuidh do c[h]eöl, ein co fat firöc, it flal, 
ronmösam taaidh i^) tir Neil tan dorönsam feis reidh riam. 

2 Hob hl m'aes tan ro[f]öis lern, a be niata in gaesa grinn, 
daltan cllabglan caem nat cam, macän mall secht mblladan 


3 Bamar for bith Banba bailc ein eilniudh anma na eoirp, 
mo ll lasraeh Ifln dot hseirc, amatl geilt ein aslach nilc. 

4 Erlom do c[h]omairli eöir döigh nos-togham-ne in cech tir, 
is ferr rogradh dod gsBis geir 'na comradh reidh frisin Elgh. 

5 Eo[f]öis re ceathrur lar sein im dla[i]dh cen nach methladh 

dofedar, as beüdha in bladh, at glan ein phecad re fer. 

6 Fodeöidh dom-rfiaehtais a-rls iar cGartaib sgis, gleö co ngseis, 
dodecha/d temel tart^) gnüis, ein drOis is dered^) dot aei& 

7 At inmnin lem-sa cen locht, rotfla mo ehen-sa^) ein cacht, 
ni leicfi ar mbadhadh i^) pein, fogabnm cralmd leir lat 

8 Lan dod labra in bith bllan, adhbul do rith tar cach rian, 
dia seichmis cech dia do dhan, roseismis Aän co Dia ndlan. 

9 Dobere do timna nl toi do e[h]ach co himdha ar bith ce, 
slthlai düin uile in cech lö, nl gö guide dichra Dhe. 

10 Dorata Dia debradh da[i]n are rit ar menman^) min, 

rob »<>) rolaind frinn^O gnüis Eigh reil lar n-ar leim ör eolainn 

crln. A. C. 

11 Rogatar flaim cech sal sneid, doratar nem dam 'na diaid! 
romgabat fir richidi^) reill tan ragat^^) lar ceim ön cAnfaidh! 

A. Cr. c. 

*) manam MS, 
*) a MS. 
•) deridh MS. 
•) a MS. 
'•) robo MS. 
") rithigh MS, 


= din 


a MS. 

<) Xar do MS. 


mocennsa MS. 


menmain MS. 


rinn MS. 


radhat MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Verstand geht über Schönheit. 

(23. N. 10, S. 112.) 

1 Nlmgeib fonnat fri fer find, fiad chach a chruth cith aagfind,0 
ar is derb nl ferrde de, a chlall dia mba teimnide. 

2 Cruth cen cheill, döiriu^) cach cor, is neime i^) n-örlestar, 
is nemi dian serb^) cach sruth, is crann cain co mlthorud.^) 

3 Nl hingnad a beith cen rath, duine drechmas co ngeldath, 
mebal fotuinn fosluide, cid flada fuilt findbuidi.*^ 

4 A chruth is cainiu^) setaib minbad län d[i] ilbröcaib,») 
is luchra greine do fraig, cruth rochain») co ndrochalaib. 

5 Is blath for laith, is trüag set a chruth llnas cech länbrec, 
flad c[h]äch is nathir i*») cris, nl do c[h]arait nl düthriss. 

6 As tine §indaig sechtair, flad c[h]ach is blath selestair, 
län menge a corp co mbaine, cia rothibe^O flndgaire.^2) 

7 La decsin a chrotha gil la cach n-öin is indeithbir, 

mina tegma,!^) süaichnid»*) sin, ceill n-aith n-airetraim 


8 Is ed so rombia de, la cach n-öin bid cuitbide, 

duine tiamda techtas cruth cen c[h]öill glain*«) dia fur- 

sundud. ") 

9 Duine nonerba dia chruth cen nach ceille comslonnud 

is cosmail lemm, nl mess buirb, fri borrfad^^) nö side builg. 

10 Nimtha sin duine teimen co nglanc[h]eill, cid imthemel, 
nlnlen robaes, ferr cach rath, bröc nä fogaes nä fobra[th]. 

11 Cid dam focerdta roga, nogegainn mo chöimthoga,'») 

nl gelc[h]ruth teite tar reir, ferr lium teimne co ndagcheill.'®) 

12 Duine techtas ceille cruth sloinnet cen merba merugud, 
ocus na len menma mör, is flndruine fri firör. 

') daoire 

*) seasp 

•) fionbuidhe 

*) ilprecaiph 
^^) naithair a 
^') fiongaire 
^*) suaithnid 
") glaoin 
w) porrfad 
*') go ndagceild 



^) mithoradA 

'') caoine 

») rocaoin 

") rotipe 

>') degma 

«) imglaoin 

") fursandud 

^^) caomtoga 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


13 Mad aille lat dala cur dam-sa arnad imracul^i) 

is lestar n-öir [as] lan d'firn clall glan la cruth nach anmln. 

14 Do duine temen is gle bat cara, bat cocele, 

fri findruine, fath is prap, co brath nlirigeib^) a format. N. g. f. 

Die böse Schtmegermutter. 

(Additional 30,512, fo. 3da m. Inf.}. 

Ls dobran re minlascach, seobacc re h^naibh slMbhe, 
catt re lochaid, cü re muic ben mic is mathair ch6ile. 

Die Tonsur aUein tut es nicht. 

(British Mnsenm, Additional 33,993,'} S. 7 b m.) 

Coröin do chur isi*) cenn, munba deöin le Righ na rann, 
bia in t-anum co hainmech de, munbo caimech^) in craidhe. 

Zeichen des Alters. 

(Brüsseler Handschrift 5100, S. 6.) 

Is e airrdhe na crine: dibe, delus is d6ine, 

boille saebh forsna söile, l&mh for na glüine ag 6irge. 



For cubhas caich leghfas leir ocus fegfas senadh sTr, 
tabradh bennachtain in Üain^) for anmain an trüaigh roscrib. 

^) iomracal 

*) ni geip 

') Pergamenthandschrifl aus dem Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts. Sie 
enthält u,a. auf—lb Tdin B6 Regamain, — 2b Tain B6 Dar- 
tada, fo.2b—3b Siabnrcharpat Conculaind (Fragment)] /b.4a — 56 Tochmarc 
Etaine (Fragment)-, fo. 5b — 7a die irische Version von Maundeville (s. Zeit- 
Schrift II j 8. 1), fo. 7b— 8 a Anraicept nö Tecusc Morainn, femer eine Anzahl 
Gedichte auf einzelne Stämme und Familien. 

*) = isa 

5) =coimech *mit einer Tonsur versehen*. 

•) .i. agnns Dei 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Mac Coisai cednit. 

(Ibidem, S. 6.) 

Der Dichter tröstet Derbail, die Tochter Tadgs, über den 
Verliest ihres Sohnes Aed. 

1 Abair dam-sa re Derbail, tagair re hiLghin Taidg tüaith, 
na denadh dithre di . . .,0 nl le f6in an frlthe füair. 

2 Na ferad debaid re Dia, r6 Rig belaigh betha c6, 
adradh don tslicht for atu . . .2) ... donneach nar le. 

3 Leigedh an rigan a rec[h]t, tr[eiged] bith brecht is a bruc, 
ge caine gacb ben a mac, anti dorat as e mc. 

4 Car doilge [le] inghin Taidg 6c Aodha aird, aidhble uird, 
Ina d'Echtaigh a bäs bröin Gorbmaic hw j Cuinn ö [Maig Luirg.] 

5 OcttÄ is luga roleth cumha dar Saidb, soillsi a dath, 

lä iar tuitim Eogain uill ocus Airt maic [Chuinn] hi ccath. 

6 Nochar Isligh Bebinn blEith faidh a guil gnaith risin ngeicc, 
dar' marbh Cüc[li]ulamn grmn ... a mac Fraech for Linn 

finn F6icc. 

7 Nocha lugha rocaoi in ben Cäintigem da treb da ö . . . 
bis Mongaln i nGartüir glain don ail doteilcc Artüir air. 

8 Nocha ferr le rign[ai] rain bäs Laegaire meic nair Neill 
in bhail itä lecht in laeich roselt ö gaeith is 6 ghr[6in]. 

9 Nir ferr le Fe[d]llm in mbeirt easbaidh Eirc, immain 16 a mac, 
dar' thuit mac Coirpri ina f[uil] le Conall ar Muigh Bregh balc. 

10 O'tcüalaid ifecuba in gnimh, de nocha dema snimh s[aaill], 
don racheim rucc Ec chtair an dar' gabh fa gäibh Aicheü üair. 

11 Cidh mör do maithribh mac righ rorathaigh cec% gnImh 

cen gliaidh, 
fada atathar ar a räin dail a mathar ina ndiaidh. 

12 Nach cüalaidh Derbail dar Dia nach mö le CrTst caidh co ce61, 
g6mad grüg leis gach righ rä,n na do lädh a drücht don feör? 

13 Nl mö leis blath droigin duibh ocus cach do chur 'na chin,^) 
Mir tuile is traigh is tor ina duille da chor d'fidh. 

14 Leiccedh a daghmac do Dia, bud h6 flach da n-adhradh i,^) 
met gradha a meic lennaig le bud 6 m6d a chennaigh di. 

*) Durch Abstofsen des Bandes sind die Zeilenenden meist unleserlich 

>) atain(?) mit c iäter ii(?}. 
^ i e. chimi 
*) di M8. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


15 Tabradh cro[i]s CrTst dar a bucht, adradh don Rlgli darab ced, 
seachnadh seach ifreann ngarbb ngrod go port na n-apstal 

's na n-abb. AbairJ) 

Corbtnac CiiUenna/bn cecinü. 

(YBL. S. 420 b, H. 8. 18, S. 37, 23. G. 3, S. 37, 23. G. 25, 8. 13, ^. N. 11, 8. 179.) 

1 Eochair chfeille coistecht, eochair fieirce samud,*) 
eochair ecna umla, eochair chundla crabud. 

2 Eochair ratha rochruth, eochair sochra^) saidbre, 
eochair nöibe^) naire, eochair aille ainmne. 

3 Eochair ferge füasait, eochair athchoir echta^*) 
eochair sainte soirthius,^) eochair thoirrchius') techta. 

4 Eochair gnima gaisced, eochair amsa^) ailech, 
eochair mire®) mellgal, eochair engnam^^) enech. 

5 Eochair üaisle 6tach, eochair chädais cennacht^^^) 
eochair düaisi^^) düana, eochair böada bennacht 

6 Eochair feichim^^) ferann, eochair aile^*) opad, 
eochair chomais coinnmed, eochair choidben cocad. 

7 Eochair 1^) dibe dioltad, eochair seilbe seccad, 
eochair ferta feile, eochair p6ine peccad. 

8 Eochair töma taisse, eochair timme teched, 
eochair äaisle ä^isse,'*) eochair b&isse brefel. 

9 Eochair tnütha*') trebad, eochair dotla düarcus, 
eochair cumainn^^) cuidbde, eochair soirge säarcus. 

10 Eochair fessa foglaim, eochair ^ta anble, 

eochair cirte^») comrainn, eochair dograing*«) daidbre. 

11 Eochair liüda luardacht, eochair congair cuitriud, 
eochair forr&in forlonn, eochair comlonn^>) cuitbiud. 

^) Slicht an linbair rüaidh innsm 

^) e. sesaim sasdacht G ') sochair Y 

*) naeimhe Y, neime H ») e. echoir dachta H 

^ saidbrins Y ») thoirchitM Y 

*) amsacb Y ») miUe G 

10) d*eng^am G ^0 cennsacht G 

i>) dtiasa H ») feichimh Y, feiche H 

»*) aiUe G ») Diese Strophe fehU in Y 

>^ aoifli Gy iale H »») tnüide H 

w) comain Y »•) ceirte Hy ceille Y 

«*) dodbraing Y •*) comhlniiin G 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


12 BomditneO Dia diles ar ifemn Uig feochair, 

na rop ass^) mo planad glass ro hiadad') d'eochair. E. 

Die acht Haren zur Bekämp/king der Todsünden. 

(R. 3. 18, S. 44.) 
Vgl. Wh. Stoke», Lives of Saint» front the Book of Limore, S. XVm. 

1 Ocht n-airic[h] go ngolaige rongl6at go grlan 
na hocht trätha toghaide dia ndichar co dlan. 

2 Prim fri cairib comsidi, tert fri feirg na fäth, 
medönlai süairc soillside^) fri hetrad ng6r ngnäth. 

8 Nöin fri haigid n-accoba[i]r üs mar talman tinn, 
esparta süairc socomail üaind fri toirsi timm.^) 

4 Compk»^ fri snim sechmallacA, isi in comroinn cöir, 
iarmerge üar lethrannach fri möidmnigi möir. 

5 Tingnair m^tc De dllgethnigh fri dlmmus nderg ndocht, 
CO ronsaora, a righbrethaig, a Isu, ar in ocht 

6 Is tnidecht dar [ jrlagatZ, bid bitbbüan a olc, 

a ndenat na füathc[h]leirigh na tri trath da hocht. 

Hinterlassenschaß eines Mönches. 

(Ibidem, S. 10 a.) 

largrinde (nö iargrine) gach manaig lar n-egaib 7 a dicelt 
.L a brat tri leth n-uinge 7 16ne lethe n-uigge 7 a c[h]aindten 
foirpe 7 a c[h]erchaill cltlimhe^ 7 a geimhin^) claisi 7 a c[h]ris 
cnipr« 7 a da ass 7 a di eochra 7 a dl lamhann 7 a fldhbac 7 
a feac 7 a slaasat 7 a c[h]omain7) 7 a mias 7 a ard&n 7 a 
c[h]olpach flrind ingrisi 7 iuman screpaill^) 7 a saiUmaYA do 
sainmesaib 7 a cAa/bairgein le^ftmech, da dubhiestur deac do 
cormam i nAk sechimvasi!^ nö dia cris corma. 

Oute BatscMOge. 

(Ibidem, S. 37.) 
1 Dober*) comairle dorn charait, da ndema hl, bud 6 a les: 
na tagra a d&il co fergach, na bidh s6 co c&intech bras! 

>) romaince H ^) i H 

^ oen iadad H, d& iadha G, g& iadhadh Q 

*) Boillsigi M8. ») tinn HS. 

*) lÄe» geimen ^ = cummain, Contribb, S. 564. 

•) Bcrp- IfS. •) doberainn MS 

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2 Na d^na^) imurbaigh i n-airecht, dena oirichill ar do c[h]is, 
na bl mur bidhbaid don eclais, nä bi egnaid dimbuidhech dit. 

3 Bidh CO min michnir ret c[h]airdibh, gab got c[h]omarsam 

mad f ann, 
conguibh grä^in re do bidhbaid, na dena flnglia[i]l na fealL 

4 Dena einech acus engnam, adhair dot thrlath da mbe i treas, 
dena comann re lucht fedma, üair dogebhair tarbha as. 

5 Na bl go trodach ar slüagod na ar margoäA na i tighibh n-öil, 
minie trithu nech do marbad, is ferr dnit adradh don c6ir. 

6 Na togh fein duit inad cadhnis um tlirath cota, is 6 do les, 
is ferr duit heith ar sgath muine na do chur roim duine as. 

7 Da mb6 nrsgartad ar fledhaib*) eirig-si^) roim cach co grott, 
na slr-[si] don fleid^) a tuillem acht mad cuirther cuinu(2& ort 

8 Na sg&il rün na cogar airdrigh, congaib agut 6 go docht, 
is ferr duit heüh ina ngradaib, oir is de bus sadha[ijl ort 

9 Na tabair biadh acus doichell do duine c6in b^ i corp, 
da tucair a haithle fergi, nl dilfa sin seim saighde ort 

10 Bi CO foighitech 'm& cluinfe, gemad anait let 'ga rädh, 
ferr duit nech aile ar na cintaibh, na hinguib, na hindsaig^) &gh. 

11 BT go hairech itir naimdib, bec ani trina tic olCj 

na cotail ar fagh[b]ail robuid dia tegmad drem folaiä ort. 

12 Na dena fladnaise breige, gabh agat charuit gan ceilg, 
na bl cogothach ar duine, na taba/r luighi tre feirg. 

13 Na hindis fein maith da ndingne, I^ig do c[h]ach a aithris ort, 
na d6na aithrechus 'ma caithleir, mtna caithir 6 co hole. 

14 D6n reir do mathar is t'athar madh ail let fein heith co buan, 
na han ag ataeh Righ mmi, dogebhair mur dlighi Oadh. 

15 Tabha/r a chis fein don C[h]oimdhe, na fuiri^f re iaraidÄ ort, 
dena f6isitin gan iaratV, caith fo thrl 'sa bliadain corp. 

16 Bidh CO humal kscaid mir aic, na ruh ughdar indisin sgel, 
den«) mo c[h]omairle mur aderim, duit doberim is iober. Dobßr. 

') d^nadh MS, >) fleghnib MS. 

») eiridhsi MS. *) fleigh MS. 

*) Über dem g ein Strich. 
^) dena mit punctum delefia unter detn a. 

Liverpool. Kuno MstxaV 

^Digitized by VjOOQIC 



[Bethadh Bibuis o Hamtuir.] 

1. [p. 848 a] Bui iarla saidhbir, socarthanach a Saxanaibh 
doshinnrudli diarba comaimn Sir Gyi o Hamtuir, 7 dochaith se 
da trian a aisi 7 a aimsiri re gaisced 7 re gnathirgail; 7 ni 
roibhi bancheile aigi risin re-sin. 7 Tugudor a aes gradha mur 
comurle dö ingen rigb Albnn do thabairt mur muai. 7 Is 
amlaidh robui an ingen-sin, 7 rogradh adbulmor aici do mac an 
imper Almaindigh i. Para a ainm-sidhe, 7 dobidh sei-sin di-si 
mur sin. 7 Gidhedh is i f a comurli le righ Albun a thaburt 
d'iarla Hamtuir ar egla a laime 7 a dighultt^^, uair ni roibi 
acht sruth Biroigi eturra, 7 gurb eidir le hiarla Hamtuir a 
les no a n-aimles do denum. Tug iarla Hamtuir ingen righ 
Albun, 7 dorindi a banais iarum, 7 thug leis hi da chathraigh 
fein; 7 nir chian di gur ba halacht hi, 7 dorug gein minalainn 
mic, 7 tucadh Bibus d'ainm fair, 7 tugadh da oilemain e do Sir 
Saber i. ridiri crodha f a derbrathair don iarla, rl-. ^) 

2. Aroile la dia roibi in cunndais cruadcuisech-sin aga 
fothrugudh ina seomra 7 docunnaicc si a delbh fein 7 adubairt: 
'Is truagh dhamh', ar-si, 'senoir crichthach,^) crolinntech ar 
caitLemh forgla a aisi 7 a aimsiri do bheth mur cheile agum 7 
mo oheile comain-si 7 mo cetgradh d'feruibh in talman .L in 

^) 1. et reliqua, 
«) 1. crechtach? 

Z«itiohrlit f. oelt. PhUologi« VI. 18 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

274 F. N. B0BIK80K, 

t-imper ög Almaindech gan bancheile fos dorn serc-si 7 dorn 
sirgradh, 7 da fhedur', ar-si, 'is gerr co n-ingen a thoil 7 a 
sirmian'. Tng an oigrighan-sin sgoiger da moindtir fein calci, 
7 dogab minda ruin») fair, 7 do- [348 b] lig a coibhsena fris 7 
doghell na li-uili mhaith dö 7 dal aaithi a techtairecht coraicci 
in imperi, 7 a rad ris beth deich cet^) ridiri derbtha da mortegh- 
lach fein a farais fladhaigh iarla Hamtair indara la do 
shamrad. Dala in sgaigir roimigh roimhe asa haithli co 
cathraigh an impir, 7 faair in t-imper innti, 7 roinnis a thosca 
7 a techtairecht do co hincleith. 7 Ba lathmenma lasin imperi 
na scela-sin; 7 roghell co n-ingned mar adabradh ris, 7 adabairt 
CO n-ingned ridiri don sgniger fon am-sin. Tanicc in sgaiger 
tarais a cenn ingine righ Alban. 7 Ba mait[h] leisi a menma ona 
scelaibh sin, 7 dorag as mar sin co tosach samraidh, 7 dolig si 
galair gaasachtach bregi da hinnsaigi fon am-sin, 7 adabairt co 
roibhi si a n-gaasacht bais. Rofiarfaigh in t-iarla cred tanic r6 
no in roibe fartacht airre. Adabairt an drochben celgach, 
mailisech, 'Ata, madh all let-sa', ar-si, M mo saith d'fheoil oc- 
callaigh allta domairbflghi a farais an cnain do thabairt dam', 
ar-si. 'Dogebair-si sin', bar in t-iarla, 'aair rachad-sa a marach 
gan mooindtir^) d'faghail in callaigh-sin dait.' 'Na beir aendaine 
let', ar-si, 'acht do gilla con cad flr^) cloidhim, aair ni fhail 
egla do mair na do thir fort, aair dogendais do slaaigh-si garta 
seitrecha selga, 7 dobrisfidis fiadhac na faraisi na pailisi com- 
daigin claraigh ata ina timcill, 7 doflacfigi an farais gan 
fhiadhach.' Imtas iarla Hamtair ar maidin iama marach docaaidh 
isin farais co n-aathadh maindtiri marsen ris, 7 doligedar an 
gadhnr 7 dolabar^) asa haithli. 7 Docaaidh in t-iarla ara cinn 
ar in conair 7 ni rairigh snni no co facaldli in t-imperi ina 
dochnm co ndrecht ndana, [349a] ndasachtach, ndifhalaing, ar 
n-iadhad ina arthimchell; 7 rocaithsid frais fergach, fimeimnech 
da n-armaibh ar aensligidh ris. Tac in t-iarla lamtapadh laechda, 
lanarrachta fora doidim 7 dogab do beimeannaibh bithnertmara 
far maindtir an imper, co torcair cet^) laech lanchahna don cet- 
raathar leis. 7 Docaaidh iar-sin mar a facaidh an t-imper, 7 
tag bailli bithchalma do gar trasgair asa dilait e 7 cromais air 

^) Perhaps mind a ruin, 'an oath of her Beeret*. 
>) MS. ur. c. s) 1. mo nihuintir. 

<) Beading tmcertain. *) 1. dolodur? 

•) MS. .c. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

l'fiE rftlSÖ IilPJt Ot BBVIS Ol* äAMl»T01^. 275 

iar-sin dia^ choscairt 7 dia cnamgerradh. Dochuador na hAl- 
mainnig etnrra co harrachta, 7 dorugadur in t-imper on toruind- 
sin, 7 docnrediir ar ech allata, ardermach 6, 7 roiadhadar a 
timchill an iarla, 7 romarbudur a sd^t, 7 robui in t-iarla da 
chois, 7 urloighi arrachta, ainntreannta/ irgalach, 7 comach 
cnaimgerrta aigi aga tabairt ar muindtir an imperi. Is ann-sin 
adubairt in t-imperi: *A iarla Hamtuirr', ar-se, *tabur thu fein 
budhesta, 7 dogebuir h'anuni'. Adubairt in t-iarla: 'Da tugtha- 
sa ced imthechta damh 7 mo ben 7 mo mac do breith liom, 
dobeminn m6 föin duit.' 7 Dogell in t-imperi sin do, 7 roiar a 
cloidim aran iarla asa haithli, 7 tng an t-iarla sin do. 7 Anaair 
f a-rainic in cloidim a läim an imperi aingidhi, etroccuir, tag beim 
bedgnimach bais don iarla gor thesc a chenn da colnind, 7 
docuir techta leisin cenn cnm ingine righ Albun mnr sed suirgi, 
7 fa luthairecb le cenn a flr d'faicsin mnr sin. Adubairt Bibus 
Hamtuir, 7 se a cinn teora bliadan ann-sin, 'A merdreach, 
mailisech, mithsemannach', ar-se, 'is truagh in gnim doronuis .i. 
in t-seniarla is ferr robäi sa cristaigecht do marbadh let; 7 
rachaidh sind co hole dnit fös'. Rolonnaighedh 7 roluath- 
fer[g]aighedh in righan rena mac 7 rocnir fo pein a anma ar Sir 
Saber bas do thabairt do Bibus. Adubairt Sir Saber co tibradh, 
[349b] 7 dorug leis co prap h6, 7 dochoimil [usc 7 ola] de, 7 
docuir sin delbh dochraidh, doaithennta fair. 7 Docuir edach 
deroil, drochdatha uime, 7 docuir an glenntaibh fiadamla f asaigh 
do com6t muc & Gonidh i adhaigh^) iarla Hamtuir sin. 

8. Dala in imperi iarum, tainic roime sa cathraigh cona 
muindtir, 7 rohullmuighedh fledh bainnsi do; 7 in tan rob 
ullamh in fledh, dorinded aithfreann posta doibh. 7 Docuadur 
iarum do chaithem na baindsi; 7 rodailedh in fledh forra, 7 ro- 
eirigh seiseilbe 7 sarmenma isna sloghaibh. 7 Dobi Bibus 
Hamtuir an U-sin faris na mucuib ar comgar na cathrach, 7 
dorne crain acu bainb, 7 domarbudur buachailli na muc cuid 
dona banbhuibh, 7 robadur aga n-ithi do grisaigh, 7 dobi Bibus 
aga ithi leo. Adubradar^) na buachailli: 'Mor an metachus duit, 
a Bibuis, beth a cuidiugudh na mbanb-sa linne, 7 banais do 

dia Ib coirected from do in the MS. 
«) MS. AU. 
>) 1. aidhedh. 
*) MS. A l 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


276 F. K. BOBIKSOK, 

mathar aca caithem a ndunadh h'athar 7 do shenathar aniugh?' 
Roimig Bibüs uatha leis-sin, 7 docuaidh co dorus na cathrach, 7 
docnala^) se greadan 7 garta grenacha na gasraighi ag ol na 
fleidL Tanic Bibus co dorus na cathrach, 7 roiar oslngud; 
fochtuis in doirrseoir cuidh b6i ann. Adubairt Bibus ba h& 
muiccidhi Sir Saber. Adubairt in doirrseoir gur maith in dil 
esanora e tri iarraidh teacht sa cathraigh. 'An licfir astegh 
m6?' ar Bibus. 'Ni licedh', ar-se, '7 da mbeinn amuig docur- 
finn a aithrechus ort techt dh'iarraidh osluicce.' Adubairt Bibus: 
'Da mbeithe-sa amuig agum-sa', ar se, 'docurfind a aithrechus 
ort gan mo ligen astegh.' Dofergaighedh in doirrseoir trit-sin 
7 tanic do^) marbadh Bibuis. Dotoguib Bibus in caman crom- 
cennach cuill, robi aigi ag timain na muc, 7 robuail builli co 
brighmar a mbathais an doirrseora de, 7 ba marbh in doirrseoir 
de-sin. Dochuaidh [350 a] Bibus asteg in tan-sin amesc na sluagh 
7 docunnuic se in t-imper, 7 atbert fris do guth ard, fhollusglan: 
'A tigema imperi', ar-se, 'is felltach, furmudach in gnim do- 
ronuis .i. in t-iarla uasal, oirbidnech do marbadh gan fhochuin 
do mian na merdrighi meblaighi, miceirdighi sin für do gualainn'. 
7 Adubairt: 'Ber do meirdreach let ad crich 7 ad cathraigh fein, 
7 fag m'oighreacht 7 mo cathair dam-sa, uair is me Bibus, mac 
iarla Hamtuir'. B^furail in t-imper Bibus do ceangal 7 do 
cruadhcuibrech. lama clos-sin do Bibus, roglac a caman co 
calma, cruadhnertmur, 7 robuail tri builli aran imper de innus 
gur bris 7 gur bruid in cumdach clochbuadhach, cengailti robui 
fura cenn an imperi, 7 gur dhoirt a fhuil co falcmar, 7 rotras- 
cair fon mbord 6. Is ann-sin roeirgedur teghlach 7 tromtinol 
in imperi do malairt Bibuis. Dala Bibuis iarom roeirigh roime 
CO dana, dethtapaidh, 7 domarbh dronga dibh lena chaman, 7 
docuaidh asin cathraigh amach. 7 Tarria Sir Saber ina coinne do, 
7 adubairt: 'A Bibuis', ar-se, \i. is truagh an gnim doronuis i. 
dul sa cathraigh congairigh, ar egla h'aithennta innti, 7 co tiu- 
radais bas duit da festais cia thu. 7 Dogendais an cetna rium-sa 
da mbeth a fls^) acu co mairinn tu'. Adubairt Bibus: 'Is maith 
in gnim doronus', ar-se, 'oir is doigh gur dilus m'athair 7 gur 
marbus in t-imper'. larna clos-sin do Sir Saber dorug se Bibus 

^) Perhaps rather to be expanded doctudaidh, It is not written out 
folly anywhere in these texts. 

') MS. do a, with do above the line. 
') a fis aboTe the line. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


leis 7 rofhoiligh e ina caifil6n fein. Roimderg 7 roaithisigh in 
t-imper ingin righ Albun 7 adubairt gur gell si bas do tabairt 
do Bibus, 7 con derma-si br^g ara gelladh. Doraidh in righan: 
'Doberim-si mo briathur', [350b] ar-si, *gur sailes co fuair se 
bas'. Is ann-sin tanic ingen righ Alban amach, 7 adubairt re 
Sir Saber: 'A treturaigh, fhallsa', ar-si, 'adubrais co tucuis bas 
do Bibus, 7 to[itfir fein] con do mnäi 7 do mac arson in gnima 
dorindi Bibns'. 7 Dogabadh Sir Saber iar-sin 7 a ben 7 a mac 
i. Tirri, 7 dobadar aca cur cum bais. lama clos-sin do Bibus 
tainic amach a fiadhnuse na righna 7 adubairt: ^A righan recht- 
'mur, roaingidhi, saerter Sir Saber let 7 a ben 7 a mac ann a 
neimchin, 7 dentur do thoil fein dim-sa, osa me dorinde in gnim.' 
Dogabadh Bibus iar-sin, 7 rosserad Sir Saber cona mnai 7 cona 
mac, 7 adubairt ingen righ Alban ^) re dis ridiri da muindtir do 
marbadh 7 comurtha a claiti do thabairt cuici. Dorugadur na 
ridiri Bibus leo dia milliudh, 7 robensat a etach de, 7 anuair 
docunncadur gnuis alainn, furbailigh inn oig-maic, rogab truaighi 
7 ü'omneimeile iat 7 adubradar na ridiri: ^Is truagh duind', 
ar-siat, 'bas inn oig-mic neimcinntaigh-so do beth ar ar n-an- 
main'. Adubairt Sir Saber: *A ridiri uaisli, trocureacha', ar-s6, 
'denaidh-si co maith .i. racaidh in mac risin luing paganta ata 
ag fagbail in cuain, 7 berdid sin an oirrter in domuin 6, 7 ni 
fuighter a scela co brach aris'. 7 Dorinmdur^) amlaidh, 7 
dorucadur na ridiri edach Bibuis iama gerradh lena n-armaib 
lan d'fuil coruigi in righuin. Conidh e-sin loinges Bibuis. 

4. Dala na luingi inar cuiredh Bibus, nir an si noco ran- 
gadur d'iath töictech, tromconaich na Meirmidonda moire sa 
Greig. 7 Bobui paganach poinnighi, primarrachta ina rig furan 
crich-sin x Eirmin a ainm-sidhe. 7 Dobronnsad furenn na luingi 
Bibus don righ, 7 rofiarfaigh Ermin scela de, cuidh e budein 7 
ca tir do. Adubairt Bibus: 'Mac d'iarla Saxanach [351a] me', 
ar-s6, '7 romarbadh m'athair a feil, 7 dogentaighi me fein mur 
an cetna da mbertai orum'. Adubairt in ri: 'Creid dom deib-si', 
ar-s6, '7 dober-sa m'ingen do bancheile duit, 7 dod6n oighri dit 
ar mo tigemtus'. Adubairt Bibus nach treiccfed a tigema fein 
.i. in t-athair nemdha, ar maithus na cruinne co comlan. Dala 

>) righ Alban added in the margin. 
>) 1. dorifmedur. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Bibuis iarom robäi se secht^ mbliadna a gillacht ech don rigL 
AroUe la dia nde[ch]adar2) sescad ridiri do muindtir Ennin do 
gnim a n-ech 7 Bibus maraeii riu. 7 Adbert ridiri dibh: 'A 
Bibhuis', ar-se, 'in fidir tu cr6d 6 uaisliu an Isb aniu isin crich 
7 isin csemferonn a rugadh tu?' Adubairt Bibhns: 'Ni comuin 
lium cr6d i naisli an ls& aningh ann, uair ataim secht^ mbliadna 
d'fhag an talam a rngud me, 7 secht^ mbliadna ele m'&is 
da fagbail'. Adubairt in ridiri: 'Nl mur sin dam-sa', ar-se; *is 
cumain lium cr^d an uaisli fuü aguibh-si aran ]a aniu, uair is 
comainm na haidhchi ar6ir da rucadh in dia da creidi-si 7 Is 
iat ar seinnsir-ne docroch h6, is la nodlag ainm an Ise aningh 
aguib-si a crichuib Saxan'. Adubairt Bibhus: 'Is truagh lium- 
sa', ar-se, 'gan nert agum a digailt omibh-si a admailcnrob 
lad bur [sinsir]^) tug pais dorn tigema'. Adubradar^) na ridiri 
paganta: 'Da mbeth nert agud-sa, dodenta sin', ar-siat, '7 os 
againne atä, dodenum an cetna rit-sa'. Docruinnigedur in da 
trichad ridiri ar aenslighi docum Bibuis dia malairt. lama 
faicsin-sin do Bibus doben se a cloidheam don ridiri roba nesa 
d6 dibh, 7 dobuail 6 fein de co nderna da n-orduin de. 7 Robuail 
fa na ridiribh iarum, 7 romarb uile iat acht sentriar nama 
docuaidh le Inas a n-ech mur a roibhi in rl do chosaid in gnima- 
sin. Docuaidh Bibus Ina seomra [351 b] co ferg n-adbuil tre gan 
dil a shainnti d'faghail dona paganachaibh. Docuadur an triar 
ridiri sin, docuaidh^) as Bibus le cosait cum an righ, 7 ro- 
innsidur Bibus do marbadh na ridiri. Docuir an ri techta 
arcenn Bibuis, 7 roiaradur na techta leo 6 acenn in righ. Dotho- 
gaibh Bibus a cenn ona Mach, 7 robadur a shuili ar merlasudh 
ina cinn le ruamanntacht na rofergL 7 Adubairt Bibus: 'Da 
mad ridiri no lucht gaisgidh dotiucfad leisin techtairecht-sin, 
ni liccfind eladhach betha beo dibh, 7 ni flu lium echt anuasal 
na gillannrach do marbadh. Tangadur na techta coruigi in 
rig; roinnsidar nar faem Bibus leo. Adubairt Sisian, ingen Ermin, 
CO rachadh föin d'agallaim Bibuis, 7 docuaid co ndröing m6ir 
d'uasalmnaim marasn ria, 7 roaigill si Bibus do briathraibh 

1) MS. .7. 
>} MS. deadar. 
3) MS. indistinct. 
*) MS. A Ä 

') docuaidh appears to be a mistaken repetition of doctuadur, and I 
haye omitted it in translating. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


blasta, binngloracha. 7 Dotham sin ferg Bibuis, 7 tainic leisin 
righain acenn in righ, 7 roinnis d'Ennin in t-adhbor trinar 
marbh se na ridiri. Adubairt in righ: ^Maithmid duit marbadh 
na ridiri', ar-se, '7 dobermid cairt do shidha duid, uair tuicmid 
in tan ata in grad üd agud aran righ nach facais riam cnrub 
m6 na sin do gradh orum-sa, uair is m6 in ri docnnncais'. 
Conidh amlaidh-sin dos^radh Bibus ar marbadh na ridiri. 

5. Aroile Ik iarum robui Eirmin a n-oirechtus ar c6de na 
cathrach, connfaca ridiri da innsat^Ai 7 ech seng, salach, suaiti 
f&i,- 7 dothnirrling aran fod a fiadhnuse in rig, 7 robennaigh do. 
Fochtuis in ri scela de, 7 adubairt in ridiri: 'Atait scela mora', 
ar-s6, '.i. cuUach naimdeamail neme ar techt ad crich-si 7 ad 
caemferunn, 7 daine 7 innilli imdha ar toitim les. Cuirtenna 7 
caislein aga trascairt cum talmain co tromnertmur 7 ni hincomrac 
fer in talman tromfoidigh^) risin pest naimdeamail, nemcar- 
thanaigh-sin, 7 is iat-sin mo scela', [852a] ar an ridiri. Doraid 
in ri co tiubradh se fonn 7 feronn, ör 7 airged 7 na huili maith 
donti dotraethfadh in b^st^) bithgranda, bedgnimach-sin, 7 ni 
fuair fer a freastail ara theglach na ara tromshochruidi. Dala 
Bibuis iarum, ar faghail uaingis do dorug eideth 7 arm 7 ech 
leis, 7 docuaidh d'iaixaidh in cullaigh neme. Dobi Sisian in tan- 
sin ar barr a grianain 7 docunnaic si Bibus ag dul do comruc 
risin pest nemi, 7 adubairt Sisian: ^Is truag mo chuit de sin', 
ar-si, 'uair is tu fer is annsa lium d'feruibh in talman, 7 ni flu 
lium scela do innsin duit ar romet m'oigrechta 7 mo maithusa 
fein, 7 nach fes damh cred i h'uaisli-si na h'athairdecht. 7 Gideth 
da marbha in cullach thii, dogebh bas co bithurrlum dod cumaidh, 
a Bibuis', ar-si. Docuaidh Bibus iar-sin coruigi in furais ana 
ndubrad ris in cullach do beith, 7 tug builli brigmur, bithcalma 
für in mbarr mbuabuill robui aigi, 7 nir cian dofacaidh ina 
comduil in cullach cr&esm6r, cuibfhiaclach, cruadhcomlannach, 
7 suile dubha, doimne, duaibhsecha, dofhechsana ina cinn, 7 
mailgi^) mora, modardha osa dercuibh, 7 lasair lonnrach, loin- 
derrdha ag techt tri poUuibh a srona co seitreach, sirchalma, 7 
asa gin gnäsgorm, grainemail, 7 caeba cruaidhrighni, crefoigi aga 
cur asa cosaibh co coilgdhirech aigi; 7 dairgi^) dainngni, dimöra, 

>) MS. tromfoidigh. 

■) The speUing with b is canried ont in the a^jectiyes. 

*) Capital initial in Mä. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

280 F. N. BOBIKSON, 

7 cairrgi comora doch aga ngerradh co cniadhnertmur, co fortill, 
flrarrachta aigi ag läathlimadh 7 ag lanlimhagndh a fiacal 
arcinn in comluinn 7 in cathaigi-sin; 7 tolca^) tromthalman 7 
cairrgi comora doch aigi aga dilgen do gach leth do dronn a 
shuic 7 a srona. Docunnaic Bibus in cullach ina dochum; doleig 
spuir CO spraicemail isin sded, 7 dochuaidh co segmnr, socraidhech 
a coinne in cuUaigh. [352 b] 7 Tag sathadh sanntach sleghi for 
in cullach, 7 docuir ina craes hi, 7 dorindi in cullach blodha 
beca, brisdi, buanrebhtha do crann na sleghi iarna cogaint co 
cicarach d6. 7 Donocht Bibus a cloidhem co cetfadach iar 
mbrisedh a shleghi, 7 dorindi urlaidhi ainmin, ainnsergach risin 
cullach CO ttorcur leis marbh gan anmain a furcinn in comhluind. 
7 Doben a cenn de asa haithli, 7 docuir arcenn a sleghi 6, 7 
dochuaidh ara sd6t 7 rodermuid a cloidhemh aran f6d arar clai 
se in cullach, 7 dogluais roime cum na cathrach. 7 Robadur da 
ridiri dec do muindtir Ermin a coim6t na furaisi in la-sin, 7 
docunncadur Bibus ag fagbail na furaisi 7 cenn an cuUaigh aigi 
ar imchur. Adubradar na ridiri: *An feicidh in treturach, celgach, 
cristaighi ar marbadh in cuUaigh nemi? 7 imrem bäs air, 7 
berim cenn an cuUaigh linn cum in righ, 7 abrum curub sinn 
domarbh 6, 7 dogebum ar mbreath fein on ri'. Docuadur da 
ridiri dec na furaisi a coindi Bibuis dia malairt 7 dia mormar- 
badh, 7 ni roibi d'arm ag Bibus cum a cosanta acht fedh laime 
laich do crann cruaidh, craisighi, 7 domarbh se seiser dona 
ridirib do tri builli don crann-sin. Docuadur seiser ele as dibh 
le luas a n-ech mur a roibh in righ, 7 doronsad cosaid in gnima- 
sin. Robui Sisian, ingen Ermin, ac feithem in comhraic-sin aga 
dhenum, 7 docuaidh si mur a roibi a hathair 7 roinnis do mur 
dofhelladur ridiri coimeda na furaisi ar Bibus 7 mur domarb se 
seiser dib le bloidh bic do crann sleghi, 7 doshaer sin Bibus i 
in lethscel dogab Sisian do. 

6. Fecht n-aen dia roibhi Eirmin ar faithci a dünadh do- 
cunnuic drong do ridiribh ac techt ina comdhaU 7 ütreacha fo 
selaib acu, 7 roindsedur na litreacha co roibhi Bramon .i. ri na 
Damaisci ag [353 a] techt [d'iarraidh Sisian ingine Ermin] d'ais 
no d'ecin. Is ann-sin rofiarfaigh Ermin do Thosian^) nar cet le 

^) Capital initial in MS. 

') 1. Shisian? The fonn in the tezt might be dne to the inflnence of 
the name Josiane in the English original. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


a tabairt do Br&mon i. do ri na Damaisci; adubairt Sisian 
nar cheat 'Cr^dh in t-adhbur?' ar in righ. 'Is ^ is adbnr 
dam', ar-si, '.i. curob me is oigri ort-sa, 7 da faghtha bas comad 
e in f er dobeth agum-sa dobeth na righ isin crich-so tar h'eis, 7 
damad e Bramon roba ferceile dam ni hannsa crich-so [do]- 
anfadh se acht a ciscain do breith leis ina thir fein 7 an tir-so 
do cur a tarcaisne tre gan ri dobeth a comnaidhe innti; 7 is e 
sin in t-adhbnr nach cet lium mo thabairt do Bramon'. Adu- 
bairt an rig: *Cred ele do denum?' ar-se. 'Dodenuir co maith', 
ar-si 'i, dena-sa ridiri do Bibus Hamtuir, 7 budh moidi leis a 
menma 6, 7 tabur cennus do sluaigh d6, 7 cnir romud a tosuch 
catha e, 7 dom doigh-si dodenase gnim greannmur gaiscidh, nar 
docunnac-sa e ac marbadh in cnllaigh neime 7 an t-seisir ridiri 
le fedh laime do crann sieghi. Dorindi Ermin iarsin ridiri do 
Bibos, 7 tue Sisian sciath 7 cloideam 7 ech d6, Arindel ainm in 
eich 7 Morglae ainm in cloidim. Tanicc iarsin ri na Damaisci 
cona mörsluagaibh d'innrudh 7 d'argain na Meirmidoine. Docuir 
Ermin a slaagh ar enslighi 7 dochuaidh se a coinne Bramoin. 
7 Docuaidh Bibus a tus in catha co feramail, firarrachta, 7 
torcair catha 7 ceta leis co luath. 7 Docomruicc s6 re ri na 
Damaisci iar marbadh dö in crai catha robui aga imcoim6t, 7 
rogab se in ri amesc a muintiri, 7 docuir cengal 7 cuibrigthi 
air, 7 dorug a n-airginaib broide 7 gabala 6, 7 tue do righ na 
Meirmidoine e dia coimed. Roimpa [358 b] Sir Bibus iarsin re 
sluaghaibh na Damaisc 7 rogab 1) a cur a n-air, 7 fuair se dias 
do muindtir Eirmin aga ndicennud a sluaghaibh na Damaisci, 7 
rosaerad leis iat, 7 torcuir in drong robui aga ndicennudh les. 
7 Dolenadur in da ridiri sin Sir Bibus a haitli a furtachta. 
Tareis coscair 7 commaiti in catha sin tanic Bibus cnedach, 
crechtach, comurtach tara ais co cathair na Meirmedoine. Adu- 
bairt Ermin re Sisian Sir Bibus do breith le da leiges inan^) 
grianan fein. Conidh amlaidh sin docuir Sir Bibus in cath-sin 
ar righ na Damaisci, 7 reliqua. 

7. Dala righ na Meirmidoine iarum, doboin s6 a uili maithus 
mur fhuasgladh as righ na Damaisci, 7 fregra cisa 7 cana ar 
fedh a betha 7 comurle Ermin do denum ar gach ni. Dala 

*) 7 fo is repeated in the MS. 
«) 1. ina'> 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

282 F. N. BOBIKSOK, 

Sisian, ingine Ermin, dorug si Biblis le da leigas, 7 docnir na 
snidhi ar colba a himduigi he, 7 adubairt ris: ^A Sir Bibnis', 
ar-sl, ^ni faaras fein re t'agallaim tu coruigi so, uair is tn mo 
rogha nuachair 7 mo cetgradh d'fernibh an betha, 7 is tä is 
ail linm do beth mar ceile agmn'. Adubairt Bibns: 'Ni cubaid 
rit beth agum-sa', ar-s6, 'uair ni fuil isin cruinne co comcoitcenn 
fer nach foil a saith do mnai innnd; 7 a rigan', ar-s6, 'ni fail 
inme na ardflaithus agnm-sa', ar-s6, 'acht mina faghar le nert 
mo loinne 6, 7 is uime-sin nach dingmala dnit-si misi mar flr', 
ar Bibns. Adubairt in rigan co fiithir, fergach: 'A amais 
anuasail 7 a muidh modurdha, micerdaigh, 7 a innarbtoir dibligi, 
deroil, drochbertaigh, is iargulta, anoasal in fregra tnguis orum; 
7 fag in cathair so, 7 imig romud für loinges mur is gnath let, 
7 dober-sa manera(?)0 bis do tabairt duit'. Adubairt Bibns co 
foiginneach: 'A rigan', ar-se, 'co roibh maith h'anora agud! 7 
6[ideth] [354 a] ni hanuasal mese, uair as mac d'iarla nasal mhe 
as ferr robi^) isin domhan ina aimsir, 7 is i ingen righ Alban 
mo mhathair. 7 An t-inadh a fuarus in masla 7 in t-imdergadh- 
sin gan adhbhar, fuigfed gu firaibeil he, 7 in sded 7 in cloidhemh 
thugais dam a tuarasdatZ bid siad agad fein budhdheasta'. Ro- 
fhagaibh Bibus in tor co comfergach, 7 docuaidh a stabla na 
n-ech. Adubairt in righan ar tumad a treinfergi: 'A Bonafais', 
ar-si, 'is aitrech lem-sa a ndubart re Bibus; 7 da faga se in 
tellach-so, ni ba buan mo betha-sa da eis; 7 erigh 7 tabur cugum 
e, 7 dober a breath fein do ina esonoir'. Roimigh Bonafas a 
cenn Bibuis, 7 roiar cum na rigna he, 7 rogell a breat fein on 
rigain do; nir fsemh Bibus dul leis. 7 Robui bratt nasal do sida 
glegel, glangresach fa Bibus, 7 ilimud do [tinlaice?]^) oir 7 do 
legaib lanmaisecha loghmura ar na cengal 7 ar na cumdach 
für an c^metach-sin, 7 tug Bibus do Bonufas e arson a aisdir. 
Tanicc Bonufas tarais a cenn na rigna, 7 roindis di gur diult 
Bibus techt dia hagallaim, 7 adubairt Bonufas ilimud maithesa 
re Bibus, 7 adubairt nar duine anuasal tug an brat uasal-sin do 
fein, 7 nar cubaid olc do rad re [f]er*) in taburtuis 7 in tinn- 
laice-sin. Roeirigh in rigan iar-sin, 7 docuaidh si mur a roibi 
Bibus, 7 adubairt ris: 'A Bibuis', ar-si, 'is aithrech lium a 

^) Beading donbtfnl; something is apparenüy omitted. 
■) robi repeated in MS. 
•) MS. yery obscore. 
*) f indistinct in MS. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


ndubart rit, 7 dogebnir do breat fein ann; 7 da madh ail let 
misi do posadh, dogebnind baistedh 7 docreidfinn don Dia da 
creidi-si'. Adubairt Sir Bibus: *Gabhaim-si mur-sin let', ar-se, 
7 dogab a lam ina laim, 7 dopogsad a ceile asa haithli, 7 
dochnaidh Bibus le isin tor iarum, 7 docuiredh leighos 7 lesngadh 
air gor ba slan iar n-othrns. 7 Robador ag eistecht risin posad- 
sin in dias ridiri rosseradh bas le Bibus isin cath roime-siU) 7 
dochnador [354 b] mnr a roibi in ri, 7 roindsidnr scela in posta- 
sin do, 7 adubradari) ris bis d'imirt ar Bibus. Adubairt in 
righ gur mor cumain Bibuis fair, 7 nach cuirfedh fein cum bais 
e, 7 gideth adubairt co cuirfedh a n-inadh baiss^) d'fagail e. Is 
ann-sin do sgribadh litir d'Eirmin 7 issed robui innti, bas d'imirt 
ar Bibus. 7 Adubairt in 11 re Bibus dul leisin litir-sin cum 
righ na Damaisci. Adubairt Bibus: 'A thigema', ar-se, 'ni misi 
techtaire is cnesta do dul leisin litir-sin co Bramon, uair is me 
romarb a muindtir, 7 robris cath fair, 7 rogab e fein, 7 roben 
a uili maithus de mur fuascailt as, 7 tug fa eis duid-se'. ^Ni 
misdi sin', ar Ermin, '7 ni ba heguil duit-si senni ann, 7 is tu 
is tairisi lium-sa d'feruibh an betha, 7 na ber h'ech na do 
cloidem let, 7 na scail in litir noco roichi-si Bramon .L ri na 
Damaisci; 7 ber mul socair, sogluasta fud'. Dala Bibuis iarum, 
rogluais roime co ceimdirech, 7 nir cian do ac siubal na conaire 
CO facaid an falmaire feramail, firarrachta für in conair ara 
cinn, 7 se ag ithi a dineir i. tri culbur 7 buidel d'fhin mUis 7 
bairgen geaL Robennaigh Bibus don oilirtech, 7 rofreaguir in 
t-oilirtech e mur an cetna, 7 dothairg pairt don diner do Bibus. 
Sotuirrling Bibus, 7 aduaigh a cuid don diner, 7 rofiarfaigh 
Bibus scela don oilirtech ca tir d6, 7 cred in t-aiitir robui fair. 
Adubairt in t-oil[i]rtech: 'Eidiri Saxanach me', ar-se, *Sir Tirri 
m'ainm, 7 mac do Sir Saber me, 7 a lorgairecht Bibuis Hamtuir 
ataim, uair is dann da derbrathair sinn nar ndis .i. Bibus 7 
misi. 7 Dobenadh a tigerntus uili dom athair acht sbu tor 
daingin difogluighti ina fuil s6 fein, 7 tanag-sa do siubal in 
domhun d'iarraidh Bibuis tantuir',») ar-se, '7 an fuil enfocal 
da sceluibh agud-sa?' ar-s6. 'Ata', ar Bibus, 'uair ni mo na da 
aidchi cunnac-sa e, 7 is inunn m6t 7 delb [355 a] do 7 damh* 

>) MS. a. d. 

') Tliis Word is diyided by a hole in the MS. 

») 1. Hamtuir. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

284 F. N. BOBDffSOK, 

sa'. 'Tuicim airsin curob tu fein he*, ar Tini *Me', ar Biblis, 
^ 7 impuidh-si tar h'ais mur a fnil h'athair, 7 tabnr nert do laime 
leis, 7 is gerr co mbiad Bibus farib*. Adubairt Sir Tirri: 
' [Tabar.(?)] ^ in litir-sin ad laim' da leighedh damsa, uair is 
minie docuiredh sgribend a millti fein le techtoire'. Adubairt 
Bibus: *l8 doigh lium-sa', ar-se, 'nach ferr do leithoir litreach 
tu-sa na m6 fein, 7 ni ber ag tigema ara mbiadh amurns^) 
agum feil orum'. Doceilebuir Bibus do Tim, 7 roimigh Tirri a 
crichaibh Saxan. Dala Bibuis iarum, roimigh roimhe, 7 nir cian 
dö CO facaidh cathair na Damaisci uadha, 7 robui deich mili 
flehet 3) uadha hi in tan-sin. 7 Is amlaidh robM in cathair-sin, 
7 secht«) murtha daingne, dobristi ina hurtimcill do ballaibh 
cruadh-daingni doch, 7 tri fichit^) troigh idir in da balla dibh, 
7 tri fichit^) troig ar doimne isna diguib doimne, duaibsecha, 
doimtechta, 7 robui idir na ballaibh-sin srut ruadh, roburta, 7 
muir mer, moranfaidh ag imtecht fo cuairt isna loguibh lethna, 
lanmor[a] sin. 7 Barca bronnfhairsinge 7 longa luchtmura 7 
lestar lanaible ag imtecht ama gaethaibh gaibtecha, greannmura 
sin. 7 Droitced togbala a dul isin cathraigh-sin, 7 peilir poin- 
dighi, primarrachta prais aga imfulang, 7 deiche) cluicc cainn- 
techa, cichanacha für in droithcet-sin .L cuig cluicc ar gach taebh 
de. 7 Da saltrad urduil ind 6in') dein, dasachtaigh, risi-raiter^) 
in dreoUan, for in droichid-sin, doboinfldis na cluig-sin co 
cathaisech, congairech innus co cluintighi ar fedh na cathrach 
gair greannmur, geranach na clocc caismertach-sin. 7 Dofrea- 
gradais oig ainntreannta 7 curaidh comlonncruaidhe na cathrach 
CO d6tla, dethtapaidh cum an droichid le garthaibh na clog. 7 
Bobui tor taithnemach, toirtemail arin cend fa nesa don cathraigh 
don droitced, 7 dealbh dragain duaibsig, drochdatAa, ama buain 
ar tseb in tuir sin. 7 Da lig lanmora, loghmura mur shuilib 
aigi, 7 comla lethan, lanmör do [355 b] pras re dorus in tuir sin, 
7 is trit in dorus-sin dogabthai a dul isin cathraigh. 7 Rob 
imda clocha cristail 7 carrmogail 7 lega lanmaisecha, logmura, 
cengailti co cerdamail le hör na hAraipi a fuindeogaibh 7 a 
seinistreachaibh na cathrach-sin. Dala Bibuis immorro, roleig 
spuir CO spraicemail isin sdet, 7 rocuir na rith for an droichid 

^) Indistinctly written. *) I. bia th'amurus^ amrw7 

») MS. .X, müi jxix, *) MS. .7. 

») MS. sex, •) MS. .». 

^ MS. very indistinct •) I. mtn-rai^er. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


hi, 7 robenadur na cluic co cainntech, congairech, 7 roeirigh in 
ri cona mörtheghlach cum an droithcid. 7 Adubairt in ri: 'Ata 
nert namat ar techt aran droithced, no duine drochoiluntaecin'. 
Tainic in ri co lathair, 7 rothuirrling Bibus aran fod a fladhnnse 
in righ, 7 dorinde onüa do, 7 tag in litir ina laim, 7 roleigh 
Bramon litir. 7 Adubairt: 'Doden-sa gach ni adeir in sgribenn- 
Bo\ ar-86, 'nair is tu-sa Bibns Hamtuir, 7 is tu rogab misi, 7 
romarb mo mnindtir, 7 roben fhoasgailt asum, 7 tng onun 
freagra 7 nmla do thabairt do doine fa mesa na me fein'. 7 
Adubairt Bramon: 'Tabur biadh do Bibus', ar-se, 'uair ni cubaidh 
oglacb tigema maith gan anoir do denum do '. Dorughadh Bibus do 
halla in righ, 7 tucadb biadh do, 7 robadur aga fiarfaige diaroil^ 
crM in bas doberdis dö. Adubairt drong dib a losgadh co lanai- 
beil; adubradar^) drong ele a crochadh co congairech; adubradar^) 
drong ele a tarraing a ndiaig ech; adubradar^) drong ele a cur a 
prisun da pianad. Adubairt Bibus: *Is nar sin', ar-se, 4. in 
nech dothiucfadh le techtairecht do cur cum bais, 7 is amlaidh is 
maith dibh misi do cur tar an cathraigh amach, 7 trealam catha 
do tabairt damh, 7 sluaigh na cathrach uili do beth ina trealam 
catha am timchell, 7 a mbeth uili gum ledrad 7 gum lanbualadh 
ar senslighi, 7 is lugha d'adhbur gotha dibh-si misi do marbadh 
mur sin na mo marbadh ann-so'. Adubairt aroile dona sluaghaibh: 
*In uair fa fuaruis-[s]e sinne roime-so ar fairsinge na feronn 
docnris är ar muindtire; 7 dodenta in cetna anois, da faghtha 
amuigh sinn'. Is annsin doluigedh [356a] an IsBchradh l&ncalma 
ar muin Bibus conar ba luaithi saithchi brighmur bech os bech- 
lusaib naid sluaigh dana, dimsacha na Damaisci a cengal 7 a 
cuibrech an curadh crodha, ceimdighaind. 7 Docuiredur Bibus 
iar-sin ina cime crapaillti a prisun peannuidech da pianad, 7 
dorug Bibus bata bunnremur leis isin prisun, 7 robui saile siltech, 
sirbhruadh ac techt fa dhö sa lo con n-aidhchi isin prisun-sin. 7 
Anuair fa suighedh Bibus dobidh in sail[e] coruigi a smeig do, 
7 inuair dobid^) ina hesam«) doroithed in saile remur a lairgi, 
7 robui cris arrachta iamaighi, coinüethan re muinel miled, cen- 
gailti ina medhon, 7 carrtha comdaingin cloichi cengailti don 
Inib lanmoir-sin re druim Bibuis. 7 Tangadur draccuin duaib- 

1- diaroüe, 

«) MS. a .1 

*) in ioiU coruigi a smeig do 7 in/nair dobid iiuerted in margin of MS. 

*) fixpansion doubtfal; I take it. to be for ina iheaam. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

286 F. K. BOBINSON, 

secha, diablaidhi, 7 naithrecha naimdemla neme, 7 piasta poin- 
dighi, primarachta as cuil 7 as tsebuibh in prisun, 7 rogabador 
ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadh in Isechmiledh. Is ann-sin roathaigh 
Bibns in t-athair nemda da fortacht on pein-sin, 7 rocoimnig se 
in bata dorag leis isin prisun, 7 dogab se urluigi agarbh, ainiar- 
martacb arna hailpiastaib gur marb uili iat le cnmachtaibh Dia. 
7 Doboin [njathairi) neim feoil 7 croicind na malac de do greim. 
Dala Bibois iarsin, robüi se secbt^) mbliadna aga mnchadh isin 
maindir mordai[n]gin-sin, 7 ised fa betha dö frisin re-sin .i. 
lethad baisi bigi d'aran anmann eoma indara la, 7 ised ba 
deoch dö .1 saile sirbhruad, et reliqua. 

8. Aroile la dia roibe Bibns isin prisun-sin») ar cradh a 
cnirp re gorta 7 re cumgach, rosgrech se ar Dia in tan-sin, 7 
adnbairt: ^A sendia nilicumaclitaigh, dorinne. nem 7 tsAam gan 
t-saetur, 7 delt^Äuis*) la 7 aidhchi re ceile, 7 dober linad 7 
tragadh arna marannaibh, 7 dorindi na hnili ni do neimfni, is 
troagh nach b&s doberid damh-sa co hobunn pein 7 pennaid 
in prisnin-so ina fnilim re secht^) mbliadhnaibL 7 Doci tä, a 
tigema, nar treices do creidem fein fos ge taim coic<^) bliadhna 
dec a talom na paganach; 7 a thigema', ar-se, 4s aithnid dnid 
CO foiginn inme 7 ardCiaithns mor [da] ^) treiccinn do creidem-sa; 
7 a thigema nemdba', ar-se, ^foir omm intan is mithi [356b] 
let f6in'. Dolabur in t-aingel osa cinn, 7 adnbairt: ^A Bibnis'^ 
ar-se, ^bith menma maitb agnd, 7 bidh craidhi laidir, nairroeist 
Dia re do geran, 7 is gerr co fnigir fortacht'. Is ann-sin rofas 
soillsi mör isin prisnn timteracht an aingil, 7 docnaidh a 
radorc 7 a rathugudh asin dragnn, 7 domarbadh an dragun le 
Bibns. Dala na deisi ridiri robui a coim^t in prisnn, docnaladur 
imaighti 7 adhmoladh Bibnis für in duileman, 7 adnbairt aen 
dibh reroile: 'In dninid in treturach fallsa, fichmisgnech, ag 
adhmoladh an tretnraigh docrocadar ar sinnsir-ne, 7 6 aga 
moladh mnr Dia? 7 Doberim fom breithir co racha me sis do 
bualadh indnim fnr do gin gnusgorm, grainemail'. Docnaidh 

*) Haplogiaphy in MS. 

») MS. .7. 

*) MS. repeate da rMi Bibus isin pristm. 

«) MS. yery indistinct 

■) MS. .7. 

^ Numeral indistinct in the MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


in ridiri co rechtmur, roarrachta isin prison, 7 iar rochtain co 
Bibas dö, doben Bibus a cloidem asa dum dia aimdeoin, 7 
robuail do dhorn ina muinel, 7 ba marb 6. Rofiarfaigh in ridiri 
ele: 'Cinnus edrud 7 an cristaidhi?' ar-se. Adnbairt Bibus: 
'Ata se com cirrbadh co mor, nair is treisi 6 na me '. Docuaidh 
indara ridiri san prisnn d'fortacht a companaigh, 7 dobuail 
Bibas do cloidem e C9 ndema da ordain de. Dorinde Bibus 
imaighthi 7 adhmoladh cum Dia arson na mörmirbuili sin, 7 
tug se bogbertugudh air a medhon a iamaigb, 7 dothoitedur na 
geimlecba co grodurrlum de ar gach tsebh, 7 roeirigh ina shesum 
ar Iar in prisun, 7 roglac in rop rodaingen 7 in cadhla cruaidh- 
rigin cnaibi le tangadur na ridiri isin prisun 7 roimig leis suas 
ar urlar in balla. 7 Dofuair in dorus obela, osgailt, 7 tapur ar 
lasadb do gach tsebh de a medon aidhci do t-shinnrud, 7 sluaigh 
in dunadh uili ina collndh. 7 Docuaidh Bibus asa stabla na 
n-ech, 7 romarb se na tri fichiti) gilla robüi a coim6d na n-ech 
d'senbuilli le sail lethain, lanmoir robui fo chosuibh na himihaidhy 
7 rogab a rogha don echraidh. 7 Docuir eideth daingin, dobrisdi 
uime, 7 docuaidh for an sd6t, 7 roimigh roime co dorus na 
cathrach, 7 roiar oslugud roime, 7 adubairt gur eläidh in 
cristaidhi robui secht^) mbliadnaib accu a laim. 'Is truag sin', 
ar an doirr^eotr, [357 a] '7 lenaidh co luath [e]', 7 dolig s6 Bibus 
amach in tan-sin, uair ba doigh leis co rabudur sluaigh na 
cathrach uili ina diaigh; 7 is mur sin roimig Bibus gan cronug') 
asin cathraigh. Dala sluaigh na cathrach, nlr cian d'aidhci gur 
airighedur Bibus ar n-elod, 7 a lucht coimeda ama marbadh; 7 
dogabudar a n-eich, 7 dolenudur 6, 7 dorugadur air ar maidin. 
Robui ridiri nasal do muindtir righ na Damaisci ar tus in 
t-sluaigh, 7 ech roluath fai, 7 Grainndel^) ainm in ridiri-sin; 7 
tug Orainnder a comtrom fein d'6r aran ech-sin, 7 Treinnsiuis 
ainm in eich. 7 Dorne s6 le Inas a eich ar Bibus, 7 adubairt 
CO tiurad bas dö. Boimpa Bibus, 7 docomruic ris co neimnech, 
naimdemail, nemcarthanach, 7 tug Bibus sathudh sleghi an^) 
Grainnder 7 docuir tri na corp gan comruind hi, 7 ba marb 
Grainnder de-sin. 7 Dogab Bibus a ech .i. Treinsiuis, 7 docuaidh 
uirre asa haithlL 7 Dorug ri na Damaisci cona sluaghaibh ar 

1) MS. jcx, «) MS. .7. 

*) 1. erwmgvdh? ^ 1. Grainnder. 

^ 1. ar. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

288 F. N. KOBIKSOK, 

Bibos fon am-sin, 7 domarbh dronga diairme 7 drechta dermala 
dib. Is ann-sin roiadar sluaigh na Damaisci ina urtüncill, 7 
dogabudur aga ledairt 7 aga lanmarbadh. 7 Le fortacht Dia 
roleim Bibusi) a ech^) tar aill möradbuil mara, 7 robüi srath 
rnadh roburta 7 cuan cainntech, craadanfaidh don tsebh araill 
don carraic, 7 nir 6idir le bethadhach isin cruinne a snam. 7 
Doleim ech Bibuis isin mbrainde mborbruadh co bitburrlum 7 
dosnam si in cuan co ceimdirech, 7 dochuaidsi tar an sruth 
CO seitreach, sircalma. Ceithri buaire flehet 3) robui Bibus cona 
ech ag dul tar an moir-sin, 7 iar ndnl a tir do Bibns dothoit 
se da each le hanmainde a hruinne 7 le m6t a gorta. 7 Dogoidh 
s6 Dia CO dichra, duthrachtach dia comfortacht on gorta-sin, 7 
domol se co hadbul in t-athair nemdha, 7 tain- [357b] icc nert 
nna do les-sin, 7 Dogab a ech aris, 7 dochoaidh uirre, 7 dogluais 
roime in connir co ceimdirech, 7 docunnnicc [cathraigh]^) oadha, 
7 docuaidh da hinnsaigi, 7 ar rochtain doruis na cathrach do do- 
cunnuicc in righan rathmur, rouasul ar barr in tuir os cinn doniis 
na cathrach, 7 robennaigh Bibus di, 7 roiar biadh uirre anoir*) 
an AtharNeamda. Adubairt in righan: 'Tarra astegh', ar-si, ^7 
dogebuir do lordaethain bidh 7 digi'. Docuaidh Bibus astegh 
iar-sin, 7 dotuirrling Bibus isin halla riga/) 7 dosuidh ar bord, 
7 docuiredh biadh ina fiadhnuse. 7 Nir cian dö mur-sin co 
facaidh in fomoir feramail, flrgranna 7 in t-athach tarrlethan, 
tromnertmur ina dochum, 7 rofech se für Bibus, 7 docunnaic a 
ech') Grainnder. 7 Adubairt co nfata, nainidemail: 'Is i so 
Treinnsiuis, .L ech Grainnder mo derbrathar, 7 a treturaigh', 
ar-se, *is 6 a goid dorinnis'. Adubairt Bibus: 'Ni h6 a goid 
dorinis', ar-s6, '7 gideth romarbus int6 aga roibhi si, 7 dobenus 
in t-ech ar ecin de'. lama clos-sin don athach tue se buille 
bithnertmur do glaedhe greannmur, guasachta cum Bibuis, 7 
roerom Bibus fon mbord, 7 dolig an buille tairiss. 7 Dogerr 
an fodhmoir fedh laime lasic don bord os cinn Bibuis. Dobidg 
Bibus on bord leis-sin, 7 dorith s6 cum an athaich, 7 doben an 

^) b. in margin of MS. 

') 1. asa echj fts in earlier instances? 

«) MS. JDX. 

*) Indisünctly written above the line. 

•) L a n-anoir, 

*) 1. rigdha, 

») 1. each? 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


glsBdhe da ainndeoiD de, 7 dobuail bnilli aran athach de con derna 
da ordain da corp. Doheigedh isin cathraigh leis-sin, 7 docuaidh 
Bibus fura sded 7 domgadur lacht na cathrach air, 7 domarbh 
se dronga dibh, 7 roimig roime dia n-aimdeoin. Dala Bibuis 
iamm, roboi se ag sirsiubhal in domun soir roime no co rainicc 
se san India a cenn patriarcca in t-srotha .i. in trias [358 a] ri 
do rightib na hindia, 7 is e is papa acu. 7 Roan Bibus bliadhain 
na oglac aigi, 7 ni tarrla ris an bliadhain sin comrac curad na 
cathmiled, athaigh na baibhe, leomain na lipairt, dragoin na 
uilpiasta neme archena nar thuit leis re fedh na bliadhna-sin, 7 
dob imdha athnudh 7 edail tnc se do patriarca risin re-sin. 
Adnbairt Bibns co faicfedh se an India, 7 co mbedh se sei ele 
ac sinbal an domun siar gach ndirech. Adubairt patriarca: 'Na 
himigh', ar-se, '7 dober-sa righacht duit 7 do rogha mna sa 
talfnam-so, 7 an agum'. Dorindi Bibuis a faisidi re papa na 
hindia, 7 roinnis do co roibi ingen do righ paganta a cert aigi. 
Adubairt patriarca ma bi, nar dilus do-san ben ele do beth aigi, 
minar-truaill si a höghacht le paganach; 7 ma rindi, nar coir 
do-san a beth aigi Imtusa Bibuis iarum roceileabuir se do 
patriarca, 7 dogluais roime siar gach ndirech, 7 nir an co rainic 
ßodus; 7 robui bliadhain ele a fochair priora Boduis, 7 is adhbul 
a met dothoit leis an bliadhain-sin do paganachaib in bliadhain- 
sin, 7 is mor d'Eirristinibh 7 d'Iubulaib torcair leis an bliadhain 
sin, 7 dob imda athnudh edala tue s6 don prioir in bliadhain-sin. 
7 Dothairg in prioir tigemtus mor do, 7 anmuin aigi, 7 rodiult 
Bibus sin, 7 dorinde faiside risin prioir, 7 roinnis do ingen do ri 
paganta do beth a cert aigi, 7 dob inann^) fregra tue an prioir 
fair 7 patriarca. 7 Eoimigh Bibus roime as sin, 7 dorug se gell 
gaisgid gacha tiri 7 gacha talman dar-imig s6 don doman an da 

9. Dala Sisian, ingine Ermin, anuair far-cuiredh Bibus le 
litreachaibh cum ri na Damaisce rob fada le robüi ina fegmuis, 
7 docuaidh si mur a roibhi a hathair 7 rofiarfaigh [358 b] de ca 
roibi Bibus. Adubairt Ermin: *Truagh sin, a righan', ar-s6, 
'uair rocuir sa Saxan techta ara cenn, 7 dothabaigh se a 
tigemtus aran imperi dö; 7 tue se a ingen mur mnai do Bibus, 
7 ata se anois ina iarla a Saxanaibh. 7 Fös ni hintaebha na 

ifiann corrected in the MS. from ingin? 

Zeitaohrifl f. Mit. Phllologlft VI. X9 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

290 F. H. Bommoir. 

daine eoindiigche, iiair is imtll cum an inaidh f dn donid ükdeoigb. 
7 Dothairges-sa moran tigemtais dö do cinn anmmia agim, 7 
dodinlt dam, 7 roimigh roüne'. Dala Sisian inuiiorro, roboi si 
CO bronach do cmnaidh BiboiSy 7 gidh fo6 nir creid si radha a 
hathar, iiair fa doigh le nach dingnadh Biblis breg ra 7 Nir 
cian iar-sin gor coir Tbor J. ri na Damaisci techta dlairaidh 
ingine Ermin do banceile. Docnaidh Ennin mnr a roibhi an 
ingen, 7 roinnis di eo tangador techta da hiarraidli do ri na 
Damaisci; '7 dober-sa do tii\ ar-se. Adubairt Sisian: 'A athar', 
ar-si, 'doden-sa do thoil-si'. {I]ar-sin 9 docuir Ennin le techtaibh 
Tboir techt arcend na rigna fo cenn becain aimsiri. lama dos- 
sin do t-[S]isian,^) dorindi si cris alainn orsnaith 7 do sida 
somaisech, 7 docoir si annsa cris co glicc, gaesmnr leisin glicos 
nGregach nach fedfaidis fir in tahnan a bnain asa hoghacht in 
cein do beth in cris tairsdL 7 Docnir don t^bh astigh da 
hedach e nimpL Tanicc Ybor iarnm coic ') mili dec do sinaghaibh 
dia tabairt, 7 tngndh do hi, 7 dorinnedh a mbanais, 7 tncadh 
ech 7 cloidhem Bibns d6 le 1 Morglae 7 Airinnel a n-anmanna. 
Et docnir Ybor in cloidhem tairis, 7 docnaid aran ech, 7 ro 
aithin Airinndel narb e Bibns robni fnirre, dorith si co hainmin, 
anacarrach, 7 rofnadhaig 6 le binle^) 7 le borrfadh tre glendtaibh 
doimne, dna, [359 a] duaibsecha 7 tre cnoccnibh conra, cenncsla 
7 tre ailltibh arda, agarba, 7 is naill nar marbh si & 7 Do- 
cniredh in t-ech iar-sin a soiler chaisl6in, 7 laitisi iamaidhi ina 
timcell, 7 nir lam aeftdnine a glacnd sin amach no co tainicc 
Bibns iar cein moir. 

10. Dala Bibnis Hamtoir, iar f&gbail Bodnis d6 nir sgnir 
CO rainic cricha na Meirme[d]oine moire a crichaibh glanaille, 
gormtsrothacha na Gr6ige. 7 Tarria nech fris aran conoir, 7 
rofiarfaigh Bibns scela na criche-sin, 7 co smmradach scela 
Sisian. Adnbairt an t-oglach: 'Ata sidh 7 saime 7 socracht isin 
crich-so', ar-s6, '7 ata Sisian ina nmai ag righ na Memroine re 
noi^) mbliadhnaibh. Is brönach rogab Bibns na scela-sin cnigi. 

^) MS. artin. Perhaps dne to repetition of arsi by the scribe. 
^ No Bpace for 8 in the HS. 
>) MS. .iL 
*) 1. binbe? 
•) MS. .9. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


7 nir scuir iarum co rainici) cricha na Memrointi ar comghar 
cathrach Yboir, 7 tarrla oilirtech ris ar fagbail na cathrach, 7 
roflarfaigh scela de. Adubairt in t-oilirtech: 'Is annsa cathraigh 
ud ata an senben is ferr isin cniüme co comcoitcenn .L Sisian, 
ingen righ na Meirmeoine,^) ben Yboir ri na Memroine, oir flr 
in domhun do dal sa medbon lae cuici, doberudh biad 7 edacb, 
or 7 airgid doibh. 7 Is 6 ni adeir si re cois gach derci dib-sin: 
'Bitb sin agnibh a n-anoir Dia 7 ar anmain Bibnis Hamtoir'; 
7 ni tucenn sendnine in briathar-sin uaithi'. Adubairt Bibos: 
'A oilirthigh, ar-se, 'tabor iasacht na deisi boicbte-sin agud 
dam-sa', ar-se, '7 connaim mo deisi ridiri agud no co ticer 
tar m'ais'. Adnbairt an t-oilirtech nach tiubrad; adubairt 
Bibus: 'Tabur do dheisi bocht dam', ar-s6, *7 dober mo deisi 
ridiri duit [359 b] da cinn'. Doronsad amlaidh. 7 Docuir Bibus 
edach an oilirthigh uime, 7 docuaidh roime co dorus na cathrach, 
7 docunnaicc an righan ro-alainn, 7 a cenn amach tar fuindeoigh 
in tuir. 7 Jsed adubairt do guth geranach: 'A Bibuis', ar-si, 
'is truagh lium a fhad atäi, 7 taimicc buadha mo cresa, 7 is 
ecin dam toil Yboir do denum budhdesta'. Is ann-sin robennaigh 
Bibus di, 7 rofreagair si 6 7 rofhiarfaigh de ca roibh se. Adu- 
bairt Bibus: 'Dobadhus ag siubhal in domuin', ar-s6. Rofhiar- 
faigh in righan de in facaidh se 6nfocal do scelaibh Bibuis 
Hamtuir an senniad dar-gab s6. Adubairt Bibus: 'Docunnac-sa 
6, 7 ni fuil acht teora aidhchi shin e'; 7 roiar Bibus derc 
foran rigain, 7 adubairt Sisian: 'Tarra astegh', ar-si, '7 dogebur 
derc, 7 beir ad prioir ar bochtaibh na cathrach-so aniugh'. 
Tanicc Bibus astegh, 7 tainicc Sisian na comdhail, 7 dorug le 6 
coruige in soiler a roibhi Airindel, 7 dorinde si sitir aga faicsin 
iar n-aithne di, 7 roböi si ag lighi') a laima D'fosguil Bibus 
na laitisi, 7 tanicc in t-ech amach, 7 dorith si ar f&d na cathrach. 
Adubairt Sisian: 'Truagh sin', ar-si, 'uair ni bertar aran ech öd 
CO brach aris'. Dogair Bibus in t-ech cuigi, 7 tanicc co grod, 7 
robüi si aga ligi, 7 docuir astegh aris hi, 7 rofhech in righan 
air,4) 7 dothoguibh si in t-at pill da cend, 7 roaithin 6 ge roböi 
esbaidh na malach cl6 fair cunnuic si roime e. Doraidh in 

^) CO rainic repeated in MS. 
>) 1. Mermedoine, 
*) MS. Ivigi with u expunged. 

*) The MS. has oir written in above the line, apparently belween 7 
and dothoguibh, 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 

292 t. N. ROBtNSOW, 

righan: 'Is tu-sa fein Bibus', ar-si. 'Is m6 co derbh', ar-s6, 7 
roinnis firinde gach 6niii di. 7 Adubairt Sisian: 'A Bibuis^ 
ar-si, ^imigh amach asin cathraigh, 7 tarra a cenn an righ sa 
medon lae, 7 indis dö co robuis annsa Baibiloin 7 gor gabud in 
tir-sin oili acht cathair [360 a] na Baibiloine amain, 7 co foilid 
imud sluaigh ina timcill. 7 Abuir gurub 6 ri na Baibiloine 1) 
docuir arcenn Iboiri thü dia furtacht on ecin-sin, uair is der- 
brathair d'Ybor e; 7 rachaidh se da furtacht, 7 fuicfldh se an 
cathair-si co huaingech 7 is mnr sin dogebnm-ne faill cum im- 
techta '. Docuaidh Bibns asin cathraigh iarum, 7 tainic sa medon 
l86 innti, 7 docnaidh a fiadhnnise in righ, 7 roinnis do gur gabudh 
in Baibiloin acht an cathair mor amain, 7 *tanacc-sa co hincleith 
ar do cenn-sa do cumnad do d[er]brathair'. Docreid in ri sin, 
7 docuir tinol ara muindtir co hsenlathair, 7 rofhagaib coim6t 
a cathrach ag ridiri nasal dia muindtir, 7 roimigh fein roime 
cona sluaghaib. Doraidh Sisian: ^A Bibuis', ar-si, 4s amhghar 
atamaid anosa, uair ata doch buadha acan ridiri ud dofagudh 
a coim^t na cathrach, 7 ni fuil ni danentur^) isin cathraigh-so 
nach foillsigenn si do'. Dorinde Sisian deoch cumachtach leisin 
nglicus nGregach, 7 docuir si techta arcenn in ridiri, 7 tanicc 
CO prap, 7 tue in deoch shuain d6, 7 dochoduil se asa haithli, 7 
nir fheidir a dusacht co cenn ceithri n-uaire flehet. ») Conidh 
amlaidh-sin fuair Sisian uainges imthechta. 

11. Dala Bibuis iarum, docuir-se Sisian ar culaibh Bonafais 
.i. a seombradoir fein ba lenub hl co ham na huaire-sin, 7 
docuaidh fein ar Airinndel, 7 dogluaisidur rompo asin cathraigh 
gan airiugudh mur sin. Dala Yboir .i. ri na Memroine, nir cian 
ag siubal na conuire 6 in tan tarrla oilirthech ris, 7 fochtuis 
scela de ca roibh se. Adubairt in t-oilirtech: 'Dobadhus isin 
Baibiloin', ar-se. * Scela in tiri-sin agud', ar an righ. 'Is maith 
a scela', ar-se, 'uair [360b] ata sidh 7 saimhe 7 socracht isin 
tir ud, 7 is tren ar gach talmain , 7 ni tren entalam uirre'. 
'Is fir sin', ar an ri, '7 is derb lium curob 6 Bibus Hamtuir 
sind tanicc a rieht oilirthigh dar melludh, 7 dorn döigh dorne se 
in righan leis, 7 impuide duinn a fritheing na conuire cetna'; 7 

MS. babaibüoine. 
') 1. da n-dentur. 
») MS. ,xx. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


n( faaradur in rigan na Bonafas isin cathraigh. 7 Dolenadar 
ara lorg iad, 7 dorugadur orra, 7 roimpa Bibus riu, 7 roma[r]bli 
drechta dermala 7 dronga diairmigi dibh, 7 tarrla glend domhuin, 
dnaibsech rin, 7 enslighi cnmang coille a dnl ann. Eoimpa in 
ri cona mnindtir uadha fon am-sin d'egla a muindtir do marbadh 
do Bibus a comgach an glenna, 7 dothuirrling Bibus ar lar an 
glenna. 7 Adnbairt Sisian: 'A Bibuis', ar-si, ^fagh biad duind, 
uair rolin gorta sinn'. Adubairt Bibus, *A righan', ar-se, 'ni 
gar duind biadh d'faghail annsa fasach-so, uair is fada daine 
7 cathracha buain'. Adubairt Sisian: ^Docualusa', ar-si, 'co 
fagaid na ridiri croda biadh ama fasaighib le febus a lamaigh'.^ 
Bofagaibh Bibus Sisian 7 Bonafas ann-sin, 7 docuaidh fein 
d'iarraidh amanntuir urcuir, 7 tarrla damh osgardha allta fris, 
7 tug roga n-urchair do 7 ^) docuir f edh laime laeich don t-sleigh 
trena corp, 7 ba marb e, 7 tue cethrama leis de cum Sisian. 
Dala righ na Memrointi dobadur da leoman limfhiaclacha ar 
bethugudh aigi, 7 ni gabadh nert sluaigh na sochraiti riu, 7 
dolig se ar lorg Bibuis iat, 7 tangadur na leoghain mur a roibM 
Sisian, 7 roeirigh Bonufas, 7 docomruig riu, 7 romarbhudur na 
leoghain 6, 7 aduatar e fein 7 a ech. Tanicc Bibus iar-sin co 
lathair, 7 rofhuagair Sisian do bi in t-ech luath aigi teithedh 
roim na leoganaibh; 7 ni mur sin dorinde Bibus, acht techt co 
lathair. 7 Dobadur na leoghain ag ligi chos [361a] na righna; 
7 dorith leoman dibh a coinne Bibuis, 7 docunnaibh Sisian an 
leoman ele ar cois tosaigh, 7 roan aici gan t-ssethar. Agus 
romarb Bibus an leoman docomrac ris dibh, 7 rofuagair do^) 
Sisian an leoman ele 4) amach cuigi, 7 roiar Sisian cumairci don 
leoman robüi aici, 7 robagair Bibus fuirri, 7 adubairt gurb ecin 
di a ligen amach uaithi. 7 Dolig si in leoman cum Bibuis, 7 
domarbh Bibus indara leoman, 7 dothuirrling asa haithle, 7 
dorinde teine, 7 doberbh feoil fiadha, 7 tug a lordaethain feola 
7 firuisci don righain. 7 Docuaidh ara ech iar-sin, 7 rofhagaibh 
in glenn, 7 robui drumann slebhi aird, adfhuair aga imtecht aigi. 
7 Nir cian d6 co facaidh ina diaigh in fomoir ficha, foimiata^ 
firgrana, 7 in t-atach ainmin, anaccarrach, 7 bile bunnremur, 
barrlethan, re gualaind; 7 nir luaithi damh allta roim conairt 

^) a la of a lamaigh in the margin. 

>) MS. repeat8 7. 

«) MS. dho, 

*) 1. do ligen amach? 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

294 F. N. BOBINSON, 

na San rit dian, dasachtach, dorindi in f odhmoir andiaigh Bibnis. 
Dofech Sisian tara hais, 7 docunnaic si in t-athach ag techt isin 
toraigecht-sin. Doraidh Sisian: 'A Bibuis', ar-si, *docim-si trenfer 
righ na Mermeointi ad docum, 7 is aithnid dam-sa 6, 7 ni 
hincomrac sluaigh na sochraiti ris re m6t a nirt 7 re febns a 
laime. Adubairt Bibus rei-si: 'Tuirrling*; 7 dorini) co prap, 7 
docuir Bibns in t-ecb a coinne an athaigh, 7 tng an fomoir 
bnilli borb, bithnertmur cnm Bibnis, 7 dosecbain Bibns in builli, 
7 docnaidh se fon mbile cum an fathaigh, 7 roiadh a da laim 
uime, 7 tue cor furtill d6, 7 dotrasgair a 7 Docengail Bibus in 
t-athach co firdaingen, 7 anuair dob ail leis a cenn do buain de 
roiar Sisian a anum don fomoir 7 e fein do beth na oglach aigi 
sin amach re fedh a betha; 7 tue Bibus a anum do mur si[n]. 
Eoimgedur rompo [361 b] na triur, 7 dorangadur coruigi in muir, 
7 ni roibi long acu. 7 Docunncadur longa uadha furan muir, 7 
doglsedh Esgobard orra ag iarraidh luinge, 7 nir freagradur L 
7 Roimigh in fomoir co firrachta^) in muir, 7 roiadh a da laim 
fan luing roba nesa dö, 7 dosailedur in foirenn curob astegh 
isin luing rob ail leis techt, 7 ni hedh dorone acht an long 
d'impodh druim tarais, 7 a roibi innti do muchadh [a medjain^) 
in aigein, 7 an long do tabairt cum Bibuis. Docuadur isin luing 
iarum, 7 dogabhudur ag siubal na senfairrgi co sanntach, 7 do- 
gabudur cuan cluthar, comdaingen a Coilin a crichuibh Saxan. 
7 Dobi derbhbrathair athar Bibuis ina espoc isin cathraigh-sin. 
7 Tanic in t-espoc a comdail Bibuis, 7 dorindi anoir 7 ui'gair- 
diug[udh] dö. Bofiarfaigh Bibus in roibi gleo cocaid na cennairci 
a crichaib Saxan in inbaidh-sin. Adubairt in t-espoc: 'Ata 
guasacht 7 gabudh adbulmor isin tir-si anois', ar-se, M da 
diuice dimsecha dobi san Almain, 7 dobadur tricha^) bliadhan a 
cogadh re ceile, 7 dothoitedur a sluaigh 7 a sochraiti eturra ar 
gach taebh frisin re-sin. 7 Dorinnedur fasaigi doimne, doeoluis 
da tirthaibh 7 da talmano^M uili [7 nir] fed in t-imper na'n 
papa reitech eturra. 7 Docuadur fein iarum fadeoig do comruc 
re ceile, 7 dodhelbh Dia arsen iat le himud a peccad a rechtaib 
da dragun duaibsecha, diablaidhi, 7 roeirgedur a n-airdi os 
nellaibh 7 dothoirrling dragun dibh astigh isin Roim. 7 Dogabh 

1. dofinne'^ 

') 1. firarrachta. 

') Bracketed letters indistinct in the MS. 

*) MS. .xocx. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


ag marbadh na Romanach 7 ac fasagadh na cathrach. 7 Dogoidh 
in papa cona cleircibh in t- Athar Neamdha d'far[t]acht doibh on 
^asacht-sin, 7 dorindi Dia sin doibh .i. roanmaindigh Dia an 
dragnn, 7 docleangladar^) na Römhannigh he, 7 dochuireadar 
[362 a] a soiler caislein fa dhroichead na S6ma he, 7 ata se cean- 
gailti ann-sin. 7 Dotnirling in dragün eli dibh isin tir-se, 7 ni 
fnfl se acht secht mile as so, 7 rofhasaigh se morin don crich-so, 
7 domarb ilimnd da nd&inibh 7 da cethraibh, 7 ata a namun 
oruinde co n[d]ingna s6 fasach do crichoibh Saxan nile. Nir cian 
lar-sin co faair Bibns nainges on espoc, 7 roimigh co hincleith 
asin cathraigh, 7 in fomoir marsen, 7 docuadnr cornigi in forais 
ina roibi in dragnn, 7 docnaladnr sgrech nathmnr 7 beicedhach 
agarb on dragan. 7 Adnbairt Asgobard: 'Ar maithus na croinne 
CO comcoitcenn nach anfad fein risin p6ist naimdemhail, nem- 
cartanaigh-sin', 7 doteith an t-athach asin furais, 7 rofagaibh 
Bibns ina senar. Dala Sir Bibnis iamm, nir cian dö co facaid 
cnigi in dragan dnaibsech, dodelba, 7 dolig Bibus spoir co 
spraicemail isin sd^t ina comdhail, 7 tng sathadh sanntach sleigi 
isin dragun, 7 nir derg air. 7 Docuir an dragan tonn do sgeth- 
raigi naine fo sailibh Bibois, 7 nir fhagaib sin nert mn& seola 
and. Dochaaidh in oilpeist tairis don t-sracudh-sin, 7 docnaidh'^) 
isin tibra boi re thsebh, nair ba rogha leis a bathnd tara 
slogadh don dragan; 7 ar ndnl fon tibra dö tanic a nert fein 
do CO fartill, flrarrachta. 7 Roeirig aris a comhdail na peiste, 
7 tagh sathadh sleigi innti, 7 nir derg nirri. 7 Docoir in dragan 
indara tonn nime, 7 nir fagaibh nert naidhen ann, 7 docaaidh 
aris f an tibra cetna, 7 ba hoghlan 6 ag ergi eiste. Teora fecht 
do mar sin ag dal fon tibra iar mbaaladh na sgeithi naine, 7 
ba hoghlan e ag ergi. 7 An cethrama^) tonn robaailsi air, 
andatA, geal ro- [362 b] bai, 7 nir loigidi e sin ar traethadh 
nemi na hailpiasta, 7 tag Bibas sathadh sleigi airrthe, 7 docoir 
an t-sleig trithi, 7 do dicennadh^) i iaram, 7 doben a cenn di. 
Dala Asgobard, docaaidh se roime co Coilin, 7 roinnis don espoc 
gor marbadh Sir Bibas leisin dragan. 7 Docaaidh in t-espoc 7 
slnaig na cathrach a proseisiam a cenn cairp Sir Bibois; 7 

^) 1. doceangladar, 
>) MS. d/jhewiiähj with h expunged. 
^ 1. cdhramaäh, 

') A verb of motion may be omitted here, — 'he went, dismoonted, to 
behead it\ 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

296 F. N. BOBINSON, 

dobenud cluig na cathrach co comcoitcenn mar anoir do Bibus, 
7 ni clos senni isin cathraigh acht aBngair clog 7 comhurc 7 
caismirti. 7 Is ann docunncadur Bibns ina comdail, 7 cenn in 
dragun ara sleigh aigi, 7 in t-sleg re gualainn, 7 6 fein a nglaic 
dilaiti a steit. 7 Doligedur na sluaigb gartha luthaire ar f aiccsin 
Bibuis, 7 domoladar co mor in gnim gaiscidh-sin, 7 dochaadur le 
c^ile annsa cathraigh, 7 robüi Bibus fa anoir indti. Conidh e 
commcc Bibuis risin dragun-sin. 

12. Dala Bibus iarum, roimig roime sa Fraingc, 7 robüi 
sei innti, 7 rofagaibh Sisian a cathraigh daingin, 7 Asgobard 
da csemna 7 da coim6t. 7 Docuaidh Bibus docunnadh do Sir 
Bir^ i. a oidi 7 derbrathair a athar a crichaibh Saxan. 7 Nir 
cian do Shisia[n] iar n-imthecht do Bibus co tainic iarla saidhbur, 
samertmur dar comainm Miliss iarla da hiarraidh do bancheile 
iar tabairt grachra^) di; 7 roguidh hi 7 rodiult sisi do. Adubairt 
iarla Milis co mbeth si d'ais no d'ecin aigi. Adubairt Sisian 
nach b6t, 7 co roibh 6 a dil coimh6ta uirrthe; 7 roflarfaigh in 
t-iarla cred in coim6t robui fuirrthe. Adubairt in righan ba he 
Asgobard. Nir cian iarsin co tarrla in fodhmoir don iarla, 7 
tue litir na laim, 7 adubaii^t gurb e Bibus docuir an sgribenn 
cuigi da breith anns oilen, 7 dobi teora mili on cathraigh für 
muir. Docuaid in fomoir furan oilen, 7 iarla Milis dia innlucud, 
7 robui caslen daingen isin oilen, 7 docuir an t-iarla [End of 
362 b] — [363 a a line and a half unreadabley) tarais isin 
cathraigh cetna, 7 roinnis do t-Sisian co roibhi in t-athach 
[. . . ina] carcair coimeta. 7 Adubairt in t-iarla: ^[A Sh]isian', 
ar-se, ^is ecin duit mo thoil-si do denum festa'. Adubairt Sisian: 
'Is tu-sa mo rogha-sa d'feruibh in talman da fagaind po[s]ta tu; 
7 ni bia fer nemposta agum dorn deoin co brach'. Adubairt in 
t-iarla co posfad se iar marach hi. 7 A mucha na maidni do pos 
in t-iarla in rigain, 7 dorig [ ] 7 [. . .] haidhci iarum luigi leisin 
rigain. Adubairt in rigan: 'A iarla Milis', ar-si, *in ceird-sin 
dob ail let-sa do denum ni haithnit dam-sa re co ro-so, 7 guidim 
tu-s[a] gan enduine do ligen a n-entigh rind anocht'. Doraidh 

1) 1. Sir Sahir. 

*) I do not nuderstand grachra. Should it be corrected into grö[id 

') A considerable portion of this last page is almost onreadable in 

the MS. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


[in t-jiarla nach licfedh, 7 docuir a roibhi astigh amach, 7 dodun 
an dorus, 7 robui fein ag buain a eduigh de. Bo eirigh Sisian 
ina [sesum], 7 roglacc corda cruaidhrighin cnaibi, 7 docuir 
snaidh[m] retha fair, 7 docuir durchar^) (?) fo cenn iarla [MilisJ; 
7 robui sail arrachta tarrsna os cinn urlair in t-seomra, 7 do^) 
Sisian in corda tar [in sai]l, 7 tue tarraing [air rena braigid], 7 
dobuail cul a cind [don sai]l-sin co furtill, firarrachta, 7 rothacht 
[e] am|Iaidh]-sin. 7 Dolig toitim do, iar sgarad a anma fris, 7 do 
coduil fein asa haithli. Dala muindtiri iarla Milis ar ma[idin] 
iama marach, robadur ag aines 7 ag urgairdiugudh foran iarla 
mur ba gnath le lanmain oig. Adubairt fer dib gurob maith do- 
[th]aitin3) miniugudh na maigdin[e] risin iarla. 7 Adubairt fer 
ele gur coir [c . . . isi] ^) 7 cocairecht do cur da denum don iarla 
na b[eth] na coll[adh] in tan-sin tareis a fuair se do t-shaethar 
na haidhchi. Adubairt in [363 b] rigan: ^ . -V) ar-si, 'ni iarfaigh- 
80 cocairecht oraib, uair is marb e . . . [djigail m'esanora-sa, 7 
[doberim do m'breithir] curob ferr [lium b&s] d'faghail na beth 
mur [mnai don] iarla'. Doligedur a muindter ... [7 eidme] ar 
. . . [ca]ined a tigerna, 7 tangadur [sluaigh na cathrach] uili co 
lathair. 7 Dogabadh in rigain leo, 7 dofagadur ar ceide na 
[cathrach] hi, 7 dorindedur [teine trejathan-ruadh, tromlasrac di 
. . . dia losc[ud]; 7 roiar si mur athcuinge forra sacar[d do] ligen 
[a]ici CO ligedh a coibhse[na ... 7] tu[c]adh sin di. Is ann-sin 
[. . .]ic in fo[gh]moir .i. Asbogard,«) 7 e [. . . mur a roibi] a 
laim, in te[ine duaibhsech], taithnemach [ar] faidhci in dunadh, 
7 rosmuain ina menmain coroibhi ecoir, andligaidh aga denum 
furan righain. 7 Dogab [buile] borbdasacht [e], 7 robris glais 
7 geibhinn 7 cumdaigi cloc 7 claraigh in caislein, 7 docuaidh 
amach, 7 docuir a adhaigh [for] tuind treathanruaidh, 7 dogab 
ag snamh co sanntach, sircalma. 7 Docunnuicc an loingin ar 
Iar na linne, 7 iasguire na deredh ag marbadh [eise], 7 do[cuaidh 
in] fogmoir astegh isin luing, 7 ni rairigh in t-iascuire aenni 
noco facaidh se in duil dodhelbha 7 a [. . .] agarbh, aniarmartach 
ag ergi [asin muir] moranfaidh, 7 e ag te[cht] asteg . . . isin 

^) Eeading and translation both nucertain. The word may be duschar, 

*) Verb omitted. 

») MS. indistinct. 

*) The word looks like caüisi or cuilisi, 

*) Nearly a Ime is nnreadable. 

^ 1. Asgobard. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

298 P. N. BOBINSOK, 

luing;!) 7 rogab na[man ... in t-iasjguire, uair roshail se gor 
. . . [ifjfinin [e]. Do lei[m . . . rojbaidhedh e. Dala Esgobard 
iar-sin, rogab se ag inrudh na loingi [le lamaibh . . . ibh], 7 
rogab cuan, 7 do[rith] roime cum na cathrach. 

The Life of Bovis of HamptoiL 

1. [p. 273] There was a very rieh and charitable earl in 
England whose name was Sir Gny of Hampton, and he passed two 
thirds of his time and of his life in warfare and in constant strife; 
and he had no wif e at that time. And his friends connselled him 
to take to wife the daughter of the King of Scotland. And it 
was thns with that maiden: she feit strong, passionate love for 
the son of the German Emperor, Para by name, and he feit the 
same toward her. Howbeit, it was the plan of the King of 
Scotland to give her to the Earl of Hampton for fear 01 his 
might and h^ vengeance, becanse there was nothing bnt the 
stream of Berwick(?)2) between them, and it was possible for 
the earl of Hampton to help him or barm him. The Earl of 
Hampton took the daughter of the King of Scotland, and cele- 
brated his wedding then, and carried her with him to his own 
city. And it was not long before she was with child, and gave 
birth to a fair, gentle son, and Bevis was given him for a name, 
and he was committed for his education to Sir Saber, a brave 
knight who was the earl's own brother. 

2. One day this hard-spirited countess was bathing in her 
Chamber, and she saw her own form, and said: *It is a pity', 
said she, Ho have for my husband an old man, scarred and 
wounded, who has spent the best part of his life and his time, 
and my beloved companion and first love of all the men in the 
World, [p. 274] the young German Emperor, to be still withont a 
wife becanse of his love and longing for me; and if I can', said 
she, 'I will soon grant him his wish and his long desire'. The 
princess snmmoned a squire of her retinue, and took from him 
an oath to keep her secret,^) and made her confession to him, 
and promised him every gift if he would go with a message 
from her to the emperor and teil him to have a thousand chosen 
knights of his great retinue in the hunting forest of the Earl of 
Hampton on the second day of summer. As for the squire he 
proceeded after that to the city of the emperor, and found the 

^) isirUu ivritten twice in the MS. 

') Not mentioned m any other Tenion I have seen. It appean to be 
'Berwick* wMch ib the name of a border shire and town, bnt not of a river. 
*) Or perhaps, 'took secret oaths of him\ 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


emperor, and told hiin secretly Ms message and commission. And 
the emperor was joyful at this news; he promised to do what 
had been told him, and said that he wonld make the sqnire a 
knight at once. The sqnire retnrned to the daughter of the 
Eing of Scotland. And her spirits were good at that news, and 
she continued thus nntil the beginning oi summer; and at that 
time she pretended that a perilous disease had attacked her, 
and Said that she was in danger of death. The earl asked what 
had befallen her, or whether there was any help for her. The 
wicked, false, malicious woman said: 'There is help for me, if 
it pleases thee', said she; 'namely, to bring me my fill of the 
flesh of a yonng wild boar which thou wouldst kill in the forest 
bv the shore', said she. *Thou shalt have it', said the earl, 
*for I will go to-morrow with my retinue to capture that boar 
for thee'. 'Take no man with thee', said she, 'but thy dog-boy 
and thy sword-bearer, for thou hast no fear of anything by sea 
or land, and thy hosts would raise great cries of the chase, and 
the wild creatures of the forest would break the streng palisades 
of wood that are around them, and the forest would be left 
without game'. As for the Earl of Hampton, the next moming 
he went into the forest, and a small Company along with him, 
and they let loose the dog and followed after it. And the earl 
rode forward on the path, and noticed nothing until he saw the 
emperor approaching, after having first closed around him with 
a bold, brave, irresistible troop; and they discharged an angry, 
venomous storm of weapons upon him at once. The earl took 
a quick, warlike, bold grip upon his sword, and dealt the 
emperor's troop violent blows, so that a hundred brave knights 
feil bef ore him in the first onslaught. Thereupon he went where 
he saw the emperor, and he gave him a bold blow so that he 
knocked him from the saddle, and then he beut over him fp. 275] 
to kill him and lacerate him.>) The Germans went between them 
bravely, and bore the emperor off from that tumult, and put him 
upon a famous, high-leaping horse. And they closed around the 
earl and killed his steed; and the earl was on his feet, and 
brave, fierce and valiant was his fight, and bloody the disconmture 
he brought upon the emperor's force. Then the emperor said: 
'Earl of Hampton', said he, 'give thyself up now, and thou shalt 
receive thy life'. The earl said: *If leave were given me to 
depart, and to take my wife and my son with me, I would yield 
myself up to thee'. And the emperor promised him this; and 
after that he asked the earl for his sword, and the earl gave 
it to him. And when the sword reached the band of the wicked, 
pitiless emperor, he gave the earl a destructive, deadly blow, so 
that he parted his head from his body; and he sent a messenger 

^) I tftke this to be hysteran proteron, and not to refer to mntUation 
after death. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

300 F. N. BOBINSON, 

with the head to the danghter of the king of Scotland as a 
token of love, and she rejoiced to see her husband's head like 
that. Bevis of Hampton said, and he at the end of his third 
year: ^0 wicked, unhappy harlot', said he, 4t is a piteous deed 
thou hast done, to kiU the best earl in Christendom, and that 
will tnrn out ill for thee yet'. The lady^) was angry and 
enraged with her son, and she commanded Sir Saber on peril of 
his Ufe to put Bevis to death. Sir Saber said that he would do 
it, and he took him quickly away with him, and rubbed him 
with grease and oil, and put an ugly and unrecognisable 
semblance upon him. And he put a wretched garment of poor 
color about him, and set him in the wild glens of the desert to 
keep swine. Thus was the violent death of the Earl of Hampton. 

3. As for the emperor then, he proceeded to the city with 
his retinue, and a wedding-feast was prepared for him; and when 
the feast was ready, a wedding-mass was celebrated for them. 
And after that they went to enjoy the banquet, and the feast 
was served among them, and revelry and high spirit rose among 
the hosts. And Bevis of Hampton was with the swine near the 
city that day; and one of the sows had a litter of pigs and the 
swine-herds killed part of the pigs and were eating them by a 
fire, and Bevis was eating with them. The swine-herds said: 
*Great is thy cowardice,*) Bevis, to be sharing these pigs with 
US, while [p. 276] thy mother's marriage-f east is being celebrated 
to-day in the Castle of thy father and thy grandf ather. ' Bevis 
left them at that, and went to the gate of the city; and he 
heard the revelry and the lively shouts of the young men 
enjoying the feast. Bevis came to the gate of the city, and 
asked to have it opened. The gate-keeper asked who was there. 
Bevis said that he was Sir Saber's swine-herd. The gate-keeper 
said that he was well deserving of dishonor for asking to enter 
the city. 3) *Wilt thou let me in?' said Bevis. 'I will not', 
said he, *and if I were outside, I would make thee repent of 
Coming to ask admittance'. Bevis said: *If thou wert out here 
with me', said he, *I would make thee repent of not letting me 
in'. The gate-keeper was angry at this, and came to kill Bevis. 
Bevis lifted up the crooked hazel stafE that he had for driving 
the swine, and Struck the gate-keeper a hard blow with it in 
the back of the neck, and the gate-keeper died from it. Bevis 
went in among the hosts, and saw the emperor, and said to 

^) Here, as in the case of Feiice in the ^Guy\ the translation '^neen' 
is harmy appropriate. The wicked princess is nsuany referred to m the 
Middle-Englisn versions of the 'Beyis' as 'lady', or 'countess', and in the 
Anglo-Nonnan as dame. 

*) I take metachuiy of which I know no other instance, to be the same 
in meaning as metacht. 

') Tnat is, for the impudence of his reqnest. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


him in a high, clear voice: *My lord emperor', said he, 
Hreacherous and envious is the deed thou hast done, to kill the 
noble, honored earl without cause for the sake of that slanderous, 
wicked harlot beside thee'. And he said, * Take thy harlot with 
thee to thine own land and city, and leave me my heritage and 
my city; for I am Bevis, the son of the Earl of Hampton'. The 
emperor gave Orders to bind and fetter Bevis. When Bevis 
heard this, he seized his staff bravely and flrmly, and smote the 
emperor three blows with it, so that he broke and shattered the 
tight-bound crown of talismanic stones that was on the emperor's 
head, and shed his blood copiously, and knocked him down ander 
the table. Then the retinae and heavy troop of the emperor 
sprang up to attack Bevis. As for Bevis then, he sprang up 
bravely and swiftly, and killed many of them with his staff, and 
went out of the city; and Sir Saber came to meet him and said: 
'Bevis', said he, *sad is the deed thou hast done, to enter the 
clamorous city, for fear of thy recognition there; and they would 
puti) thee to death, if they knew who thou ai't. And they 
would do the same to me if they knew that thou art alive'. 
Bevis said: 'It is a good deed I have done', said he, 'for it was 
fltting for me to avenge my father and to kill the emperor'. 
When Sir Saber heard this, he took Bevis [p. 2771 with him and 
concealed him in his own Castle. The emperor blamed and re- 
proached the daughter of the King of Scotland, and said that 
she had promised to put Bevis to death, and that she had been 
false to her promise. The lady said: 'I give thee my word', 
said she, 'that I thought he had met his death'. Then the 
daughter of the King of Scotland came out and said to Sir 
Saber: 'False and traitorous man', said she, 'thou saidst thou 
hadst put Bevis to death; and thou shalt die thyself, with thy 
wife and thy son, because of the deed Bevis has done'. And 
Sir Saber was taken af ter that, and his wife and Tirri, his son, 
and they were about to be put to death. When Bevis heard this 
he came out into the lady's presence, and said: 'Yiolent and 
wicked lady, have Sir Saber with his wife and his son released 
in their innocence, and do thy will with me, for it is I who did 
the deed'. Then Bevis was taken, and Sir Saber was released 
with his wife and his son; and the daughter of the King of 
Scotland ordered two knights of her retinue to kill him and to 
bring her proof of his murder. The knights took Bevis with 
them to be killed; and they took off his clothes, and when they 
beheld the fair, happy face of the young lad, pity and heavy 
compassion seized them, and the knights said: 'It is a pity', 
said they, ' f or us to have on our souls the death of this innocent 
lad'. Sir Saber said: 'Noble, compassionate knights', said he, 

^) Literally, 'for fear of thj recognition and that they would pnt, &c.^ 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

302 1^. N. ÄOßlNSOK. 


*(lo what is right: the lad shall go aboard a pagan ship that is 
leaving the harbor, and they will carry him off to the eastem 
part of the world, and there will never be news of him again'. 
And they did so, and the knights brought Bevis's garment to 
the lady after they had cut it in pieces with their weapons 
covered with blood. This was the esQe of Bevis. 

4. As for the boat in which Bevis was put, it did not 
stop until they came to the rieh, prosperous land of Mirmidonda^) 
the great in Greece. And a streng, valiant pagan was king 
over that land, Eirmin by name. And the ship's Company gaye 
Bevis to the long, and Ermin asked for an account of him, who 
he was himself, and what his country was. Bevis said: *I am 
the son of an English earl', said he, 'and my father was killed 
by treachery; and the same would have been done to me, if it 
could have been accomplished'. The king said: 'Believe in my 
gods', said he, 'and I will give thee my daughter to wife, and 
will make thee heir of my kingdom '. Bevis said that he would not 
forsake his own Lord, the Heavenly Father, for the wealth of the 
whole World. As for [p. 278] Bevis then, he was for seven years 
horse-boy to the king. One day sixty knights of Ermin's retinue 
went to perform deeds of horsemanship, and Bevis along with 
them. And a knight said to him: * Bevis', said he, 'dost thou 
know why this day is honored in the land and the fair country 
in which thou wast bom?' Bevis said: *I do not remember why 
to-day is honored, for it is seven years since I left the country 
where I was bom, and seven years more of my life I left behind 
there.' The knight said:- 'It is not so with me', said he; 'I 
remember why the day is honored among you, for last night it 
was the anniversary of the night when the Lord was bom in 
whom thou believest. And it was our fathers who crucifled him, 
and Christmas is the name of this day among you in England'. 
Bevis said: *It is a pity that I am without strength', said he, 
*to take vengeance on you for confessing that it was your 
fathers who caused my Lord to suffer'. The pagan knights 
said: 'If thou hadst the strength, thou wouldst do it', said they; 
'and as it is, we have the strength to do it to thee'. The sixty 
knights coUected to attack Bevis in one onslaught. When Bevis 
saw this, he took the sword from the knight that was nearest 
him, and Struck him with it so that he made two pieces of him. 
And after that he dealt blows among the knights, and he killed 
them all except three men only who escaped by the speed of 
their horses to the king to report the deed. Bevis went into 
his Chamber in great anger because he had not got the satis- 
faction of his desire from the pagans. Those three knights 

^) This name is considerably changed from 'Eimonie, Armony\ of the 
English and French romances. See p. 18, aboye. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


escaped from Bevis with a report to the king, and told him 
that Bevis had slain the knights. The king sent messengers to 
Bevis 2 and the messengers asked Bevis to come with them to 
the king. Bevis raised his head from his pillow, ^^^ ^ ^7^ 
were flaming fiercely in his head with the violence of great 
wrath. And Bevis said: 'If it were knights or men of warfare 
who came with that message, I would not let one of them 
escape alive; but it is not fitting for me to slay the lowly or 
to kill a pack of gillies'. The messengers came to the king 
and reported that Bevis had refosed to come with them. Sisian, 
the daughter of Ermin, said that she wonld go to talk with 
Bevis; and she went, accompanied by a great Company of noble 
ladies, and addressed Bevis in gentle, sweet-voiced words. [p. 279] 
And that stopped Bevis's wrath, and he came to the kin^ with 
the princess, and told Ermin the reason why he had slain the 
knights. The king said: -We will forgive thee for killing the 
knights', said he, ^and we will give thee assorance of peace; 
for we Widerstand now that thou hast love for the King thou 
hast never seen which is greater than thy love for me, for I 
am the king thou hast seen'. Thus was Bevis set free after 
killing the knights. 

5. One day afterwards Ermin was in conncil in the market- 
place of the city, and he saw a knight approaching, with a thin, 
dirty, tired horse nnder him, and he leapt to the ground in 
the king's presence, and greeted him. The king asked news of 
him, and the knight said: 'I have great news', said he, 'namely, 
that a fierce, venomous boar has come to thy land and thy fair 
domain, and that a mnltitude of men and animals have been 
killed by it Conrts and Castles [are] being razed violently to 
the gronnd, and there is not a man of the heavy-sodded earth 
able to fight with the hostile, unfriendly beast; and this is my 
news', said the knight. The king said that he wonld give land 
and domain, and silver and gold and all kinds of possessions to 
the man who wonld overcome that horrible, destmctive beast; 
and he found no man to serve him in his retinae or in his 
heavy army. As for Bevis then, when he was left alone, he 
took armor and weapons and a horse, and went to hunt for 
the venomoos boar. Sisian was in the top of her sunny Chamber 
at that time, and she saw Bevis going out to fight the virulent 
beast, and »isian said: 'Hard is my share in that', said she, 
4or thou art the man who is dearest to me of all the men in 
the World, and it is not fitting for me to teil thee my story 
because of the vast extent of my heritage and my wealth, and I 
do not know what thy rank is or thy patrimony. And yet, if 

^) Perhapfl rather 'coverlet'. I do not know how widely ^tack wonld 
be lued in appucation to bed-dothes. 

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304 F. K. BOBtKSOK, 

the boar kills thee, Bevis, I will seek death at once becanse of 
sorrow for thee', said she. Then Bevis went to the forest where 
the boar was said to be, and he blew a strong, brave blast on 
the end of a hom that he had, and it was not long before he 
saw Coming toward him a greedy, tusked boar, cruel and quarrel- 
some, with black, deep, dark eyes to be seen in his head; and 
great, rough brows over his eyes; and a flerce, bright flame 
issuing strongly and boldly from his nostrils and from his dark- 
yawning, hideous mouth; and tough, hard clods of dirt thrown 
straight as a sword from his feet; and strong, great trees, [p. 280J 
and heavy boulders of rock tom out with great violence, strongly 
and mightily, as he was swiftly sharpening and polishing his 
teeth for that battle and conflict; and hillocks of heavy earth 
and great boulders of rock cast on every side by the ridge of 
his snout and his nose. Bevis saw the boar coming toward him, 
and he stuck spurs vigorously into his horse, and went resolutely 
and eagerly to meet it. And he gave the boar a keen thrust 
with his spear, and drove it into its throat, and the boar made 
little, broken, shattered fragments of the shaft of the spear, 
after chewing it greedily. And Bevis bared his sword resolutely 
when his spear was broken, and he made an ungentle and un- 
loving fight against the boar, so that it feil dead and lifeless 
before him at the end of the combat And after that he Struck 
off its head, and put it on his spear, and mounted his steed, 
and left his sword on the spot where he had overcome the boar, 
and proceeded to the city. And twelve knights of Ermin's 
retinue were keeping the forest that day; and they saw Bevis 
leaving the forest, and the boar's head carried off in his 
possession. The knights said: 'Do you see the sly, Christian 
traitor who has slain the virulent boar? And let us put him 
to death, and take the boar's head with us to the king, and 
say that is was we who killed it, and we shall get whatever 
we ask from the king'. The twelve knights of the forest went 
to Bevis to attack and slay him, and Bevis had no weapon with 
which to defend himself except a man's hand-breadth of the 
hard handle of a javelin, and he killed six of the knights with 
three blows of that wood. The six others escaped to the king 
by the speed of their horses and made complaint of this deed. 
Sisian, Ermin's daughter, was watching the battle while it was 
fought, and she went to her father and told him how the knights 
who kept the forest had played Bevis false, and how he had 
killed six of them with a smaU piece of a spear-shaft And that 
set Bevis free, namely the excuse that Sisian made for him. 

6. Once when Ermin was on the green of his Castle he 
saw a band of knights approaching him with letters under seal; 
and the letters said that Bramon, the Eing of Damascus, was 
Coming to get Sisian, Ermin's daughter, by fair means or fouL 

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Then Ermin asked Sisian whether she would consent [p. 281] to be 
giyen to Bramon, the King of Damascus; Sisian answered that she 
wonld not. *What is the reason?' said the king. *This is my 
reason', said she; 'because I am thy heir, and Ö thou shouldst 
die, the man who was my hosband would be king in this land 
after thee; and if it should be Bramon who was my hosband, 
he would not remain in this land, but would carry his tribute 
into his own land, and this land would be put to shame because 
there would be no king dwelling in it; and that is the reason 
I will not consent to be given to Bramon'. The king said: 
'What eise is to be done?' said he. *Thou shalt do bravely'O 
Said she: ^make a knight of Bovis of Hampton, and his courage 
would be the greater for it; and give him the leadership of thy 
army, and send him before thee into the front of battle, and 
in my opinion he will do a bold deed of braveiy, for I saw 
him kill the virulent boar and the six knights with a hand- 
breadth of a spear-shaft.' Then Ermin made a knight of Bovis, 
and Sisian gave him a shield and a sword and a horse, — 
Arundel the name of the horse, and Morglae the name of the 
sword. Then came the King of Damascus with his great hosts 
to ravage and lay waste Mermidonia. Ermin brou^ht his army 
into one body and went against Bramon. And Bevis went man- 
fully and fiül bravely in the front of the fight, and battalions 
and hundreds feil quickly before him. And he foiight with the 
King of Damascus after killing the phalanx that was defending 
him, and he captured the king in the midst of his retinue, and 
put bonds and fetters upon tum, and brought him in the reins 
of captivity and bondage, and gave him to the king of Mermi- 
donia for safe-keeping. Sir Bevis tumed back then to the hosts 
of Damascus, and began to slaughter them; and he found two 
of Ermin's retinue whom the hosts of Damascus were beheading, 
and released them, and the troop who were beheading them feil 
at his hands. And those two knights foUowed Sir Bevis after 
he had helped them. After winning victory and triumph in that 
battle Bevis retumed to the city of Mermidonia wounded, gashed, 
and battle-scarred. Ermin told Sisian to take Sir Bevis with 
her to her own Chamber to be healed. Thus did Sir Bevis flght 
that battle against the King of Damascus, et reliqua. 

7. As for the King of Mermidonia then, he took as ransom 
all the wealth of the King of Damascus, and the promise to pay 
taxes and tribute all his lif e and to foUow Ermin's counsel in every 
thing. As for [p. 282] Sisian, Ermin's daughter, she took Bevis 
with her to be healed, and seated him by the post of her bed, 
and said to him: 'Sir Bevis', said she, 'I have had until now 

^) For this question and answer cf. p. 310 b, aboTe. 

ZeltMhrtft f. oelt. Philologie VI. 20 

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306 F. N. BOBINSON, 

no Chance to speak with thee, for thou art my choice of a hus- 
band and my flrst love of the men of the world, and it is thou 
whom I desire to have with me as my companion.' Bovis said: 
*It is not fitting for thee to be with me', said he, 'for there is 
not in the entire world a man who would not find his satis- 
faction of a wife in thee; and lady', said he, 'I have no wealth 
or kingdom', said he, *unless I win it by virtue of my strength; 
and it is for that reason I am not worthy to be thy husband,' 
said Bevis. The lady said bitterly and angrily: '0 low-bom 
hireling, and rough, base slave, and wretched, cowardly, wicked 
outlaw, the answer thou hast given me is chnrlish and mean; 
and do thou leave this city, and go away on a sea-voyage as 
thou art wont to do, and I [promise] to put thee to death [if 
thou refuse to go].'^) Bevis said patiently: 'Lady', said he, 
*mayst thou have much honor!*) And yet I am not of low rank, 
for I am the son of a noble earl who was the best in the world 
in his time, and the daughter of the Ejng of Scotland is my 
mother. And the place where I received that insult and that 
reproach without cause, I will leave it instantly; and the steed 
and the sword which thou gavest me for a reward, thou shalt 
have them at once.' Bevis angrily left the tower, and went to 
the Stahle of the horses. The lady said, after her streng anger 
was assuaged: 'Boniface', said she, 'I regret what I said to 
Bevis; and if he leaves this household, my life will not last long 
after him; and do thou go and bring him to me, and I will give 
him his own demand in his dishonor' (i. e. to atone for it). Boni- 
face went to Bevis, and asked him to go to the lady, and pro- 
mised him whatever he might demand from her. Bevis refused to 
go with him. And Bevis had a noble garment of shining, bright- 
embroidered silk, and many fine bars(?)3) of gold and splendid 
precious stones attached and fastened to that beautif ul garment, 
and Bevis gave it to Boniface to reward him for his errand. 
Boniface retumed to the lady, and told her that Bevis had 
refused to come to talk with her; and Boniface said many good 
things about Bevis, and said that it was no lowly man who had 
given him that noble garment, and that it was not fitting to 
insult the man who gave that gift and that reward. The lady 
arose thereupon, and went to Bevis, and said to him: 'Bevis', said 
she, *I am sorry for [p. 283] what I said to thee, and thou shalt 
have thy own demand [to atone] for it; and if it were thy desire to 
marry me, I would be baptized and would believe in the God in 
whom thou believest' Sir Bevis said: 'I will accept thee on 

1) I cannot make anything of the reading: of the MS. Perhaps some 
words are lost. 

*) For the same formula cf. p. 333 a, aboye. In both instanceB it in 
nsed deprecatin^ly, when one Speaker disagrees with another or denies his 
request; cf. 'saving your reyerence'. 

>) The MS. 18 indistinct. 

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those terms', said ha And he took her hand in his, and then 
they kissed each other; and after that Bevis went into the tower 
with her, and treatment and relief were given him so that he 
was well after his sickness. And the two knights whom Bevis 
saved from death before this in the battle were listening to 
that betrothal, and they went to the king and told him the 
news of the betrothal, and told him to put Bevis to death. The 
king Said that he was nnder great Obligation to Bevis, and that 
he wonld not put him to death himself; but he said that he 
would send him where he would meet his death. Then a letter 
was written for Ermin, and this is what was in it, to put Bevis 
to death. And the king told Bevis to go with that letter to 
the King of Damascus. Bevis said: 'My lord', said he, *I am 
not a suitable messenger to go with that letter to Bramon, for 
it is I who killed his retinue, and defeated him in battle, and 
made him captive himself, and took away all his possessions as 
ransom, and put him under tribute to thee.' *None the worse 
[for] that', said Ermin, *and have no fear of anything there; 
and thou art the most faithful to me of living men; and take 
with thee neither thy horse nor thy sword, and do not open the 
letter until thou reachest Bramon, the Eing of Damascus; and 
have under thee a comfortable, easy-riding mula' As for Bevis 
then, he went straight forward on his way, and he was not 
long travelling over the road when he saw a palmer, manly 
and streng, on the road before him eating his dinner, — three 
pigeons^) and a bettle of sweet wine and white bread. Bevis 
greeted the pilgrim, and the pilgrim answered him likewise, and 
offered Bevis part of the dinner. Bevis dismounted, and ate his 
portion of the dinner; and Bevis asked news of the pilgrim, 
what his country was, and on what journey he was bound. The 
pilgrim said: *I am an English knight', said he; *Sir Tirri is 
my name, and I am the son of Sir Saber, and I am in search of 
Bevis of Hampton, for we two are the children of own brothers, 
Bevis and L And my father's whole domain has been taken 
from him except one streng, impregnable tower in which he is 
himself; and I have come to travel through the world in search 
of Bevis of Hampton', said he; *and hast thou a word of news 
about him?' said he. *I have', said Bevis, *for it is not more 
than two nights since I saw him, and the same size and shape is 
upon him and me.' [p. 284j 'I understand by this that thou art 
he', said Tirri. *I am', said Bevis; *and go back to thy father, 
and give him the strength of thy arm, and Bevis will shortly be 
with you.' Sir Tirri said: ^Give me that letter in thy hand to 
read, for often has a messenger been entrusted with the order 
for his own destruction.' Bevis said: 'It seems likely to me'. 

Kölbing's second English yersion mentions 'three curlews'. 


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308 F. N. ROBINSON, 

Said he, 'that thou art no better reader of letters than I, and 
I do not serve a lord whom I would suspect of betraying me(?).'0 
Bovis took leave of Tirri, and Tirri went to England. As for 
Bevis after that, he went on his way, and it was not long before 
he saw the city of Damascns, and it was thirty miles away at 
that time. And it is thus that the city was: seven streng, 
impregnable fortifications around it of hard stone walls, and 
sixty feet between each two walls, and sixty feet of depth in 
the deep, dark, impassable ditches; and between the walls there 
was a swift, tidal stream, and a mad, tempestnons sea coursing 
around it in those broad, great ditches; and broad-bosomed ships, 
and boats filled wlth men, and vessels füll vast, sailing before 
those perilous, rough winds; and a draw-bridge going into that 
city, and a firm, 2) strong pillar of brass supporting it, and ten 
bells clattering and jingling on that bridge, five bells on each 
side of it. And if there should tread upon that bridge as much 
as the weight of the swift, brave birds which is called the wren, 
those bells would strike noisily and clamorously so that the 
loud, complaining call of those signal bells would be heard 
throughout the length of the city. And the valiant youths and 
battle-hardened warriors of the city would respond bravely and 
quickly at the bridge to the call of the bells. And there was a 
splendid, great tower at the end of the bridge nearest to the city, 
and the flgure of a dark, ugly-colored dragon cut on the side of 
that tower, and he had two great shining stones as eyes; and 
[there wasj a broad, great door of brass in the entrance of that 
tower, and it is through that door that entrance was made into 
the city. And there were many stones of crystal and carbuncle 
and füll splendid precious gems skilfully set in gold of Arabia 
in the Windows and the casements «) of that city. As for Bevis 
now, he stuck spurs vigorously into the horse, and set it running on 
the bridge, [p. 285] and the bells sounded loudly and clamorously, 
and the king witn his great retinue hastened to the bridge. 
And the king said: 'There is a hostile force Coming over the 
bridge, or some man of ill purpose.' The king came to the 
place, and Bevis dismounted on the ground in the king's presence, 
and made him an obeisance, and gave the letter into his band; 
and Bramon read the letter. And he said: 'I will do everything 
that this writing says', said he; *for thou art Bevis of Hampton, 
and it is thou who took me captive, and killed my foUowers, 
and got ransom from me, and imposed it upon me to give 
homage and tribute to a man who was lower than myself.' 
And Bramon said: 'Give Bevis food', said he, 'for it is not 

Text and translation both doubtfnl. 
*) On poindighi see the f oot-note at page 903 b. 
') I do not Imow what distinction was made, if any, between seinittir 
and futndeog. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


fitting to treat the retainer of a noble lord with dishonor.' Bevis 
was taken to the king's hall, and food was given him; and they 
were asking each other what death they should inflict upon him. 
Some of them said to bum him at once; others said to crucify 
him with acclaim; others said to drag hun after a horse; others 
to put him in poison for his ponishment. Bevis said: ^That is 
shameful'y said he, Ho put to death one who comes^ with a 
message; and it is this it would be well for you to do, to set 
me outside the city, and to give me equipment of battle, and 
all the hosts of the city to be in battle equipment around me, 
and all of them to be attacking me and smiting me together; 
and it is less cause of shame to you to kill me like that than 
to kill me here.' One of the companies said: 'At the time when 
thou haddest us before in the breadth of the land, thou didst 
slay OUT army; and thou wouldst do the same now, if thou shouldst 
get US out in the fleld.' Then a group of bold warriors feil on 
Bevis's back so that swarms of eager bees would not be quicker 
at the honey-flowers2) than were the bold, proud hosts of 
Damascus at binding and fettering the brave, firm-stepping 
warrior. And after that they put Bevis as a fettered captive 
in a cruel prison for his punishment; and Bevis took a stout 
staff with him into prison. And there was a flowing, ever- 
crashing sea which came twice in a day and a night into that 
prison. And when Bevis sat down the sea was up to his chin, 
and when he stood it was up to his buttocks; and there was a 
streng girdle of iron, as broad as a warrior's neck, bound about 
his middle, and a heavy pUlar of stone attached to that great 
fetter behind Bevis's back. And there came dark, devilish dragons, 
[p. 286] and hostile, venomous snakes, and streng, fierce beasts 
from the comer and from the sides of the prison, and began to 
tear and destroy the warrior. Then did Bevis implore the 
Heavenly Father to save him from that punishment; and he 
remembered the staff that he had taken with him into the 
prison, and he made a bitter, reckless fight against the many 
beasts, until he killed them all with the help of God. And the 
poisonous serpent tore away the flesh and skin of his left eye- 
brow with a bite. As for Bevis then, he was seven years stifled 
in that very streng prison, and this was his living for that 
time: half a small handfuU of paltrys) barley bread every 
other day; and this was his drink, the ever-crashing sea, et 

LiteraUy, 'shonld come\ 

») Literally, 'bee-flowen'. 

*) I take anmann to be for anbhfantif ^weak', hence 'poor', 'paltry'. 
For the spelling anmann cf. GZ. lU, 204; and for the application to bread cf. 
the lines: Arän tana an Disirtj Is üeal 6y 's is anhhfann, O'Daly's satire on 
'The Tribes of Ireland' (ed. O'Donoyan), p.56. 

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310 F. N. EOBnrsoN, 

8. One day when Bevis was in that prison in bodily 
suffering from hunger and confinement, he cried ont to God at 
that time, and said: '0 thou one God Almighty, who didst make 
heaven and earth without effort, and didst separate day and 
night from each other, and dost bring fuU-tide and ebb-tide 
npon the sea, and didst make all things ont of nothing, it is a 
pity thou dost not grant me instant death out of the pain 
and suffering of this prison in which I have been for seven 
years. And thou dost see, Lord, that I have not yet aban- 
doned thy faith, though I have been fifteen years in the land of 
the pagans; and Lord', said he, Hhou knowest that I should 
get wealth and a great kingdom if I would abandon thy faith; 
and Heavenly Father', said he, 'help me when it is thine own 
time'. An angel spoke above bis head, and said: *Bevis', said 
he, *have good courage, and a strong heart, for God has listened 
to thy complaint, and thou shalt soon have help.' Then there 
grew a great light in the prison from the ministration of the 
angel, and sight and perception departed from the dragon, and 
the dragon was killed by Bevis. As for the two knights who 
were keeping the prison, they heard Bevis praying and wor- 
shipping the Lord, and one of them said to the other: *Dost thou 
hear the false, hateful traitor worshipping the traitor whom our 
fathers crucified, and praising him as God? — And I give my 
Word that I will go down there and strike thee a blow with my 
fist on thy dark-yawning, ugly mouth.' [p. 287] The knight went 
fiercely and boldly into the prison, and when he reached Bevis, 
Bevis Struck his sword out of his band in spite of him, and 
smote him on the neck with his fist, and he died. The other 
knight asked: 'How is it between thee and the Christian?' said 
he. Bevis said: *He is wounding me badly, for he is stronger 
than L' The second knight entered the prison to help his com- 
panion, and Bevis Struck him with his sword, and made two 
pieces of him. Bevis prayed and thanked God for that great 
miracle, and he moved himself gently in the midst of his prayer, 
and his fetters feil instantly from him on every side; and he 
stood up on the floor of the prison, and seized the strong rope 
and the firm cord of hemp by which the knights had come 
into the prison, and went up by it to the floor of the hall. 
And he found the door open and free, and a taper buming on 
each side of it in the very middle of the night, and the garrison 
of the Castle all asleep. And Bevis went out to the stable of 
the horses, and with a Single blow of a big, broad beam that 
was at the foot of the bed he killed the sixty lads who were 
keeping the horses, and he took his pick of the horses. And he 
put on strong, indestructible armor; and mounted his steed, and 
went on to the gate of the city, and asked to have it opened 
before him, and said that the Christian had escaped who had 
been their prisoner for seven years. *That is sad', said the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


gate-keeper, 'and follow him qmckly'; and then he let Bevis 
out, for he thonght it likely that all the hosts of the dty were 
beUnd him; and thus Bevis got out of the city without hindrance. 
As for the hosts of the city, not much of the night passed before 
they discovered that Bevis had escaped, and that his keepers 
had been kiUed; and they took their horses and pursued him, 
and overtook him in the morning. A noble kmght of the 
retinue of the King of Damascus was at the head of the host, 
and a very swift horse under him, and Grainnder was the 
knight's name; and Grainnder valued that horse at his own 
weight of gold, and Treinnsiuis was the name of the horse. 
And he overtook Bevis with the swiftness of his horse, and said 
that he would put him to death. Bevis tumed and fought with 
him fiercely, angrily, and bitterly, and gave Grainnder a thrust 
of the spear, and drove it through his body without breaking it, 
and Grainnder died from it. And thereupon Bevis took his horse, 
Treinsiuis, and mounted it. And at that time the King of Damas- 
cus and his hosts overtook [p. 288] Bevis, and he killed countless 
numbers and great troops of them. Then the hosts of Damascus 
surrounded him, and tried to wound him and to kill him. And 
with the help of God Bevis jumped his horse over a great cliff 
of the sea, and there was a swift, tidal stream, and a bay, 
roaring and stormy, on the other side of the rock, and it was 
not possible for any creature in the world to swim it. And 
Bevis's horse quickly sprang into that fierce water i) and swam 
straight through it like a harbor, and crossed the stream swiftly 
and bravely. Twenty-four hours was Bevis with his horse 
Crossing that water; and after Bevis had reached land he feil 
from his horse because of the weakness of his breath^) and the 
greatness of his hunger. And he implored God earnestly and 
fervently to save him from that hunger, and he praised the 
Heavenly Father greatly, and with that there came to him new 
strength. And he took his horse again, and mounted it, and 
went straight forward on the way, and saw [a city] beyond 
him, and proceeded toward it; and on reaching the gate of the 
city he saw a lady, gracious and noble, on the top of the tower 
over the gate of the city; and Bevis greeted her, and asked her 
for food in honor of the Heavenly Father. The lady said: 
'Come in', said she, *and thou shalt have thy All of food and 
drink'. Then Bevis went in, and dismounted in the royal hall, 
and sat at table, and food was put in his presence. And it was 
not long before he saw a bold, horrible giant, and a broad- 
bellied Champion, heavy and strong, approaching him; and the 
giant looked at Bevis and saw Grainnder's horse. And he said 

*) Literally, *into the fierce bosom' (bruinde)? Or is brainde to be 
connected with brann, *wave'. See Meyer^s CotUributions, s.v. 
*) Literally, 'weakneM of his breast'. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

312 F. N. BOBINSON, 

fiercely and angrily: ^That is Treinnsiuis, the horse of Grainnder, 
my own brother; and thou, traitor', said he, 'hast stolen it'. 
Bevis said: 'I did not steal it', said he, 'and yet I killed the 
man who had it, and Struck off Us head violenUy'. When the 
Champion heard that, he aimed a mighty blow at Bevis with a 
horrible, perilous da^ger, and Bevis dropped under the table 
and let the blow go past. And the giant cut a piece as large 
as a warrior's band from the table above Bevis's head. Bevis 
sprang from the board at that, and ran at the giant, and seized 
[p. 289] his dagger in spite of him, and smote the Champion a 
blow with it so that he made two pieces of his body. Thereupon 
a cry was raised in the city, and Bevis mounted his steed; and 
the hosts of the city overtook him, and he slew mnltitudes, and 
got away in spite of them. As for Bevis then, he was making 
a long journey through the eastem world until he came in India 
to the Patriarch of the stream,i) namely, one of the three^) kings 
of India, and it is he who is Pope among them. And Bevis 
remained with him a year as his retainer; and there took place 
in that year no battle with warrior or soldier, Champion or 
battle-phantom, lion or leopard, dragon or the many venomons 
beasts besides, that they did not all fall at his hands in the 
course of that year, and it was an abundance of treasure and 
spoil that he brought to the patriarch in that time. Bevis said 
that he would leave India, and that he wonld be for another 
while travelling straight toward the westem world. The 
Patriarch said: 'Do not go', said he, 'and I will give thee a 
kingdom, and thy choice of a wife of this land; and stay with 
me'. Bevis made his confession to the Pope of India, and told 
him that the daughter of the pagan king was his legal wife. 
The Patriarch said that if she was, it would not be right for him 
to have another woman unless his wife had given herseif iBu-st 
to a pagan; and if so, that it would not be right for him to 
have his wife. As for Bevis then, he tooi: leave of the patriarch, 
and went straight to the west, and did not stop tili he reached 
Rhodes. And he stayed for another year with the Prior of 
Ehodes, and great was the number of pagans who feil at his 
hands in that year, and many Saracens and Jews feil at his 
hands in that year, and he obtained for the prior in that year 
an abundance of spoils and treasures. And the prior offered 
him a great realm, if he would remain with him, and Bevis 
refused it, and made his confession to the prior and told him 
that the daughter of the pagan king was his lawful wife; and 

1) In the Middle English version OCölbing, 11. 1959 ff.): 'Forth a wente 
be the strem, Til a com to Jurisalem; To the patriark a wente cof, And al 
his lif he him schrof . 

*) On this use of the ordinal numeral to denote one of a series or 
gronp cf. RC. XXin, 433; CZ. IV, 369; Archiv t celt Lex. I, 322. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


the same answer was given Um by the prior and the patriarcL 
And after that Bevis went on bis way, and carried off the palm 
for bravery in every land and every country of tbe world to 
wbich be went in tbose two years. 

9. As for Sisian, Ermin's danghter, wben Bevis was sent 
witb tbe letters to the King of Damascus, it seemed to her that 
be was long absent, and she went to her fatber and asked bim 
where Bevis was. Ermin said: *It is sad, lady', said he, *for 
he sent messengers before bim to England, and demanded bis 
domain of the emperor; and the emperor gave Bevis bis daughter 
to wif e, and he is now an earl in England. Moreover, [p. 290] men 
of foreign parts are not to be trusted, for in the end they set out 
for their own country. And I offered bim a great domain if he 
would remain witb me, and he refused me, and went on bis 
way'. As for Sisian now, she was in lamentation for grief 
about Bevis; and yet she did not believe her father's Statements, 
for she thought that Bevis would not play her false. And it 
was not long after that before Ybor,^) the King of Damascus 
sent messengers to ask for Ermin's daughter in marriage. Ermin 
went to bis daughter, and told her that messengers had come 
from the King of Damascus to ask her band. ^And I will give 
thee to bim', said be. Sisian said: 'Fatber', said she, 'I will do 
thy will'. Then Ermin told Ybor's messengers to come for the 
lady at the end of a short period. Wben Sisian heard this, she 
made a beautiful girdle of gold thread and of resplendent silk, 
and wisely and skilfully, by the wisdom of the Greeks, she put 
into that girdle power to prevent any man in the world from 
destroying her virginity so long as that girdle should be upon 
her. And she put it around her inside of her clothing. Then 
Ybor came witb flfteen thousand soldiers to get her, and she 
was given to bim, and their marriage-feast was beld, and the 
horse and sword of Bevis were given bim, — Morglae and 
Airinnel their names. And Ybor hung the sword across bim, 
and mounted the horse; and wben A&innel recognised that it 
was not Bevis who was on her, she ran roughly and violently, 
and carried bim madly and furiously througb deep, black, 
horrible glens, and over rough, precipitous hills, and high, 
dangerous cliffs, and it is a pity that she did not kill bim. And 
after that the horse was put in the Castle soller, and an iron 
lattice around her; and no man dared to touch her from that 
time forth until Bevis returned long afterwards. 

10. As for Bevis of Hampton, after he left Rhodes he did 
not stop until be reached tbe bounds of great Mermidonia in 
the beautiful, blue-watered land of Greece. And some one met 

Yvor in Middle English; Yvori in French. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

314 F. N. BOBINSONy 

him on the road, and Bevis asked him for news of that land, 
and particularly for news of Sisian. The young man said: 
'There is peace, and quiet, and prosperity in thisland', said he, 
'and Sisian has been married for nine years to the king of 
Memroine'.i) Sadly did Bevis receive that news; [p. 291] and he 
did not stop after that until he reached the land of Memrointi,i) 
near the city of Ybor; and a pilgrim met him as he was leaving 
the city, and he asked news of him. The pilgrim said: 'In that 
city yonder is the one woman who is the best in the whole 
World, Sisian the daughter of the King of Mirmidonia, the wife 
of Ybor, King of Memroine, for if all the men in the world 
should go to her at mid-day,^) she would give them food 
and drink and gold and silver. And this is what she says to 
them with every alms: 'Take that in honor of God and for the 
sake of Bevis of Hampton'; and no man understands that word 
from her'. Bevis said: 'Pilgrim', said he, 'give me the loan of 
thy poor clothes', said he, 'and take my knightly garments, 
until I come back '. The pUgrim said he would not do it. Bevis 
said: 'Give me thy poor clotbes', said he, 'and I will give thee 
my knightly garments in retum for them'. They did so. And 
Bevis put on the pilgrim's clothes, and went on his way to the 
city, and saw the beautiful lady, and her head out of a tower- 
window. And this is what she said with a lamenting voice: 
'0 Bevis', said she, 'it is a pity for me that thou art so far 
away, and the virtues of my girdle have departed, and it is 
necessary for me now to do Ybor's will'. Then Bevis greeted 
her, and she answered him and asked him who he was. Bevis 
said: 'I have been joumeying about the world', said he. The 
lady asked him if he had seen a word of news about Bevis of 
Hampton in any place where he had been. Bevis said: 'I have 
seen him, and it is only three nights since then'. And Bevis asked 
alms of the lady, and Sisian said: 'Come in', said she, 'and thou 
shalt have alms; and shalt be prior of the beggars in this city 
to-day '. Bevis went in, and Sisian came to meet him, and took 
him with her into the soller where Airindel was; and when the 
horse saw him and recognised him, she began to neigh and licked 
his band. Bevis opened the lattice, and the horse came out and 
ran through the city. Sisian said: 'That is a pity', said she, 
'for the horse there will never again be caught'. Bevis called 
the horse to him, and she came quickly, and was licking him, 
and he put her in again; and the lady looked at him, and when') 
she had raised the hat of leather from his head, she recognised 

1) I have kept the inconsistencies of the Irish spelling for the land 
which appears in the Middle English 'Beyis' as Mombraunt 

') Either some words are omitted or the verbal noun (fir do dtd) must 
be constmed as taking the place of a clanse in the protasis. Cf. the somewhat 
different constraction of anmuin on p. 358 a. 

') Translating air and omitting 7 before roaithin. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


him, thongh he had lost bis left eye-brow since sbe bad seen bim 
before. Tbe lady said: [p. 2921 ^Thou art Bevis tbyself ', said sbe. 
'I am indeed', said be; and be told ber tbe trntb about every- 
tbing. And Sisian said: * Bevis', said sbe, *go out of tbe city, 
and come at mid-day to tbe king, and teil Mm tbat tbou wert 
in Babylon, and tbat tbe wbole land bas been captored except 
only tbe city of Babylon, and tbat tbere is a great anny around 
it. And say tbat tbe King of Babylon sent tbee to Ybor to 
belp bim out of tbis difflculty, for be is Ybor's own brotber; 
and Ybor will go to bis aid, and will leave tbis city unguarded, 
and tbus we sball get an opportunity to escape'. Tben Bevis 
went out of tbe city, and came into it at mid-day, and went 
into tbe king's presence, and told bim bow Babylon bad been 
taken, all except tbe great city only, — *and I bave come 
secretly to get tbee to belp thine own brotber'. Tbe king 
believed tbat, and coUected bis army in one place, and left tbe 
guarding of tbe city in Charge of a noble knight of bis retinue, 
and set out witb bis bosts. Sisian said: 'Bevis', said sbe, ^we 
are in trouble now; for tbe knigbt wbo was left in cbarge of 
tbe city bas a talismanic stone, and tbere is notbing done in 
tbe city wbicb it does not reveal to bim '. Sisian made a potent 
drink by Greek wisdom, and sent a messenger to tbe knigbt, 
and be came quickly; and sbe gave bim tbe sleeping-potion, and 
be feil asleep tbereupon, and it was not possible to wake bim 
for twenty-four bours. Thus did Sisian find an opportunity J) 
of escape. 

11. As for Bevis tben, be put Sisian bebind Boniface, ber 
cbamberlain from tbe time sbe was a cbild until tbat bour, and 
mounted Airinndel himself, and in tbis way tbey passed out of 
tbe city witbout being noticed. As for Ybor, tbe King of Mem- 
roine, be was not long travelling tbe road wben a pilgrim met 
bim, and Ybor asked news of bim, wbo be was. Tbe pilgrim said: 
'I bave been in Babylon', said be. 'Hast tbou news of tbat 
land?' said tbe king. *Good news', said be, *for tbere is peace 
and quiet and prosperity in tbat land yonder; and it is strong 
above every land, and no land is strong above it.' *That is 
true', said tbe king, *and it is clear to me tbat it was Bevis 
of Hampton wbo came tbere in a pilgrim's guise to deceive us; 
and be bas probably taken tbe queen witb bim, and we must 
turn 2) back by tbe same road.' And [p. 293] tbey did not find 
tbe queen or Boniface in tbe city. And tbey foUowed on their 
track, and overtook tbem, and Bevis turned to meet tbem, and 
killed great bosts and countless numbers of tbem; and tbey 
came to a deep, dark glen, and one narrow wooded patb going 

M LiteraUy 'solitude'. Utate of being aione'. Cf. also p. 362 a. 
*) Perhaps is should oe supplied before impuide. 

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316 P. N. EOBINSON, 

through it. The king turned back at that time with his 
followers for fear that Bevis would kül his foUowers in the 
narrow part of the glen, and Bevis descended to the bottom of 
the glen. And Sisian said: 'Bevis', said she, *get us food, for 
hnnger has overcome us.' Bevis said: '0 queen', said he, 4t is 
not easy for us^) to get food in this wilderness, for men and 
cities are far from us.'2) Sisian said: 'I have heard', said 
she, Hhat brave knights would get food in the wildemesses by 
their skill in handling spears.' Bevis left Sisian and Boniface 
there, and went himself to seek adventure with the spear;3J and 
he came upon a marvellous, wild boar, and he got his choice of 
a cast at him, and he drove a man's hand-breadth of the spear 
through its body, and it died, and he brought a quarter of it 
with him to Sisian. As for the King of Memrointe, he had two 
sharp-toothed lions that he kept, and the strength of a host or 
an army did not avail against them; and he set them on Bevis's 
track, and the lions came to where Sisian was, and Boniface 
rose and f ought with them, and the lions killed him, and devoured 
both him and his horse. Then Bevis came up, and Sisian cried 
out to him to flee from the lions since he had the swift horse; 
and Bevis did not do this, but came to the spot. And the lions 
were licking the lady's feet; and one of them ran at Bevis, and 
Sisian held the other lion by the front paw, and it stayed by 
her without struggling. And Bevis killed the lion that fought 
with him, and called to Sisian [to let] the other lion come out 
against him; and Sisian asked for protection for the lion that 
was with her, but Bevis threatened her and said she must let 
it go. And she let the lion go to Bevis, and Bevis killed the 
second lion, and afterwards dismounted, and made a fire, and 
boiled the boar's flesh, and gave the lady plenty of food and 
pure water. And then he mounted his horse, and left the glen, 
and there was a ridge of a high, very cold mountain to be 
crossed by him. And it was not long for him before he saw 
Coming after him a fierce, warlike, horrible giant, and a rough, 
savage*) Champion, with a stout, broad-topped tree on his 
Shoulder; and not swifter was a wild boar on the way [p. 294] 
than the swift, fierce course that the giant took after Bevis. 
Sisian looked back, and she saw the Champion coming in pursuit 
Sisian said: '0 Bevis', said she, 'I see the Champion of the king 
of Mermeointi Coming toward thee, and I recognize him, and 
armies and hosts are not his equal in battle because of the 

1^ I have Seen no parallel to this use of linaim with gorta. 

*) LiteraUy, *near to us'. 

3) Literally, 'adventure of casting\ 

*) I am douhtful ahout the exact meaning of anaccarrach. It occurs 
above at p. 358 b {dorith si co h-ainminf anacarrach) where it seems to mean 
* rough'. Is it equlyalent to anacrachj 'awkward, wretched*? Cf. also the 
nonn anacaiVf 'distress, affliction'. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


greatness of his stren^h and the skill of Ms band'. Bevis said 
to her: *Dismotmt'; and she did so at once, and Bevis rode 
his horse against the giant; and the giant aimed at Bevis a 
rough, powerful blow, and Bevis avoided the blow, and sprang 
upon the giant under the tree, and put both arms around him, 
and gave him a hard twist, and threw him. And Bevis bound the 
giant securely; and when he was about to strike off his head, 
Sisian asked him to spare the giant's life, and the giant should 
be his retainer from that time forth for the length of his life; 
and thus Bevis gave him bis life. Those three went on their 
way, and came to the sea, and they had no ship. And they 
saw ships on the sea, and Esgobard cried out to them, asking 
for a ship, and they made him no answer. And the giant went 
boldly out into the sea, and put his two hands under the ship 
that was nearest to him; and the crew thought that it was into 
the ship he wished to go, but he did not do that He turned 
the ship upside down, and drowned in the middle of the ocean 
all that were in it, and brought the ship to Bevis. After that 
they went aboard the ship, and began eagerly to sail the sea, 
and they came to a sheltered, secure harbor in Coilin^) in 
England. And a brother of Bevis's father was bishop in that 
city. And the bishop came to meet Bevis, and paid him honor 
and respect. Bevis asked whether there was strife of war or 
of rebellion in England at that time. The bishop said: * There 
is great danger and peril in this land now', said he; *namely, 
two haughty dukes who were in Germany, and they were 
thirty years at war with each other, and their troops and 
armies were killed on both sides in that time. And they made 
deep, impassable wildernesses of their lands and all their terri- 
tories, and neither the emperor nor the pope could make peace 
between them. And finally they themselves went to battle with 
each other, and 6od changed them alike to the form of two 
black, devilish dragons because of the multitude of their sins, 
and they went up on high above the clouds. And one of the 
dragons descended in Eome, and he began [p. 295J to kill the 
Romans and to lay waste the city. And the pope with his clergy 
prayed the Heavenly Father to help them out of that peril, 
and God did that for them: God enfeebled the dragon, and the 
Romans bound it, and put it in a room of a Castle under the 
bridge of Rome, and it is bound there. And the other dragon 
descended upon this land, and it is only seven miles from here; 
and it has laid waste a great part of this realm^ and has killed 
a multitude of men and of cattle, and we are afraid that it 
will make a wildemess of all England. It was not long after 

>) LiteraUy. *and he to be\ 

*) The Middle English romance says ^Cologne', from which Bevis 
proceeds later to England. 

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that when Bevis escaped the attention of the bishop, and went 
out of the city secretly, and the giant along with him; and they 
went to the forest in which the dragon was, and they heaitL 
the terrible cry and the fierce roar of the dragon. And 
Asgobard said: *Not for the wealth of the whole world would 
I stay to meet that angry, hostile beast'; and the giant fled out 
of the forest and left Bevis alone. As for Sir Bevis then, it 
was not long before he saw the black, misshapea dragon 
approaching; and Bevis spurred his steed vigorously to meet it, 
and gave the dragon a keen thrust of the spear and did not 
wound it. And the dragon spouted a flood of green vomit in 
Bevis's eyes, and did not leave him the strength of a woman 
in child-bed. The monster passed by him in that Charge, and 
[Bevisj sprang into a well that was near, for he chose rather 
to be drowned than to be swallowed by the dragon; and after 
he went into the water his strength returned to him mightily 
and powerfuUy. And he went again to meet the beast, and 
gave it a spear-thrust, and did not hurt it. And the dragon 
spouted a second flood about him, and did not leave Bevis the 
strength of a habe; and Bevis sprang into the same well again, 
and was whole and sound on coming out of it. Three times he 
sprang thus into the well after being Struck by the green vomit, 
and he was whole and sound on Coming out. The fourth wave 
that smote upon him was colorless and white, and none the 
weaker was Bevis, for tlie poison of the monster had been ex- 
hausted; and Bevis gave [the dragon] a spear-thrust, and drove 
the spear through it, and beheaded it afterwards, and took its 
head away. As for Asgobard, he proceeded to Coilin, and told 
the bishop that Sir Bevis had been killed by the dragon. And 
the bishop went, and the people of the city, in a procession to 
get Sir Bevis's body; and the bells of the city were all rung in 
honor of Bevis, and [p. 2961 nothing was heard in the city except 
only the sound of the belis and outcry and lamentation. Then 
they saw Bevis coming to meet them, with the dragon's head on 
his spear, and the spear on his Shoulder, and he himself in the 
saddle of his horse. And the people uttered shouts of joy at 
the sight of Bevis, and greatly praised that deed of bravery; 
and they went together into the city, and Bevis was held in 
honor there. Thus far the battle of Bevis against the dragon. 

12. As for Bevis then, he went on his way to France, 
and was there a while, and left Sisian in a streng city, and 
Asgobard to keep and guard her. And Bevis went to carry 
help to Sir Bir,i) his foster-father and uncle, in England. And 
it was not long for Sisian after Bevis's departure before a rieh, 
mighty earl, whose name was Earl Milis, came to ask for her 

^) ObviouBly an error for *Sir Saber'. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


in marriage, after haring given her his love(?); and he asked 
her, and she refused him. Earl Mills said that she shonld be 
his by fair means or foul. Sisian said that she would not be, 
and that she had sufflcient protection about her; and the earl 
asked what protection she had about her. The lady said it was 
Asgobard. Not long after that the giant met the earl, and [the 
earl] brought a letter in his band, and said Bevis had sent him 
a message to bring the giant out on an Island; and that was 
three mües from the city out upon the sea. The giant went 
out to the Island, and Earl MUis to escort him;i) and there 
was a streng castle on the Island, and the earl put — [a line 
and a half unreadable] — back into the same city, and told Sisian 
that the giant was in his prison of confinement. And the earl 
said: * Sisian', said he, *it is necessary now for thee to do my 
will'. Sisian said: 'Thou art my choice of the men of the 
World, if I should get thee as husband; but never shall a man 
who is not my husband enjoy my favour with my consent'. The 
earl said that he would marry her on the morrow. And early 
in the morning the earl married the lady, [and . . .1 the night 
after to lie with the lady. The lady said: 'Earl Milis', said 
she, Hhe work which thou desirest to do is unknown to me until 
this time, and I beg thee to let no man come into the same 
house with us to-night'. The earl said [p. 297] that he would 
not let anyone in, and he sent out those that were within, and 
shut the door, and was taking off his clothes. Sisian sat upright, 
and seized a tough, streng cord of hemp, and made a slip-knot 
upon it and put a tight twist [of it] under Earl Milis's head; 
and there was a streng beam running cross-wise above the floor 
of the Chamber, and Sisian [put] the cord across the beam and 
. drew him up by the neck^ and beat the back of his head against 
the beam strongly and mightily, and strangled him thus. And 
she let him fall, after his life had left him, and then went to 
sleep herseif. As for the foUowers of Earl Milis, the next 
morning they were joking and making sport about the earl as 
was customary with a bridal couple. One of them said that 
it was well pleased the earl was with taming the maiden.^^ 
And another said that it was fitting [for her] to have [. . .] ^) 
and cookery in preparation for the earl, rather than to be asleep 
at that time alter the night's work he had had. The lady 
said: *. . .' said she, *he does not ask cookery of you, for he is 
dead [in] revenge for my insult, and [I pledge my word] that I 
chose rather to die than to be the earl's wife'. His retinue 

1) In one Middle English yersion another man is sent with Ascopart to 
lock him up, and Miles remains behind. 

*) Reading not qnite certain. For miniughudh in this eense cf. EG. 
XIX, 126, n. 5 and 158, n. 11. 

s) MS. indifltinct. 

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uttered (?) ... and cries . . . lamenting their lord, and all [the 
hosts Ol the city] came to the place. And the lady was taken 
by them, and they left her [on the market-place of the city], 
and made . . . a surging, strong-burning [Are] for her, to bum 
her np; and she asked of them as a favor to let her have a 
priest that she might make her confession . . ., and that was 
granted her. Then it was . . . that the giant, Asgobard, and 
he ... in prison, noticed the terrible, blazing nre on the green 
of the Castle, and he thought in his mind that some wrong or 
injustice was being done the lady. And a fierce, strong fit of 
rage seized him . . ., and he broke the chains and fetters, and 
the stone ramparts and the partition-walls of the Castle, and 
went out, and set his face towards the rough surging waves, 
and began to swim strongly and boldly. And he saw a small 
boat in the middle of the water, and a fisherman in her stern 
killing a fish; and the giant went into the boat, and the fisher- 
man did not observe anything until he saw the misshapen 
creature and the rough, ill-boding f. . .] rising [out of the] stormy 
[sea], and coming into the [p. 398] boat; and fear . . . seized the 
nsherman, for he thought that it was ... [of hell]. He leaped 
[. . . and] was drowned. As for Esgobard then, he began to row 
the boat [with his hands . . .], and came to harbor, and ran to 
the city. 


(The nombers refer to pages of the Zeitschrift^ and not (as in the foot-notes) 
to the coliunns of the MS. In the case of the commoner words references 
are not given for eyery instance of their occurrenoe. No attempt is made to 
separate the 'Gny' and the ^Bevis', but it will be observed that the latter 
text begins on page 273.) 

ab, aba, 36, 37, abbot. 

abac, 61, entrailSy bowels. 

abairt 46, deed, feat. 

achar (= athchor), 24, ea^puMon, Compare Meyer, ContribtUiofis ^ pp. 10 

and 146. 
achlan, 26, complaint, lamentation. Cf. Sc. Gaelic achlan, 4ament^ and Meyer, 

' Contributions ', Addenda, p. ü. 
adhar, 105, yovr two7 Cf. adar n-, o%Mr ttoo^ RC. XXVI, 8; adam, my two, 

^ Liyes of Saints from the Book of Lismore ', Glossary, s. y. 
adimns (= ad-dimns?), 41, great pride? 
adnaire, 97, confunon. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


4gmar, 53, warlike, brave. 

aib6il, freqnent in the combinations ^ co firaibeil \ ' co lanaibeil ', 26, 36, 42, etc. 

It appears to mean quick, audden. Cf. Dinneen's Dictionaiy s. t. aib6iL 
äibsech, 84, terrible, 
aicce, neamess; ataice, 73. 
aidid, 25, obeisance, submisnon. 0. Lr. aititiu. 
aig^in, 94, ocean. 
aigper, 83, atr, sky, 

ailim, I fit, suit? 'is maith roail in treallam-sin do Gyi', 88. 
äines, 2d7, pleasure, amtu&nent. 
aingide, 32, 275, wicked, 
ainiarmartach, 96, 286, 297, ill-fated, ül-boding, and so in general destructive. 

Cf. P. M.Mac Sweency, 'Caithreim Conghail Clairinghnigh', p. 123, n. 

Also *Life of Hugh Roe O'Donneir, p. 250, *Battle of Magh Rath', 

p. 272, and 'BatÜe of Ventry', Glossaiy, s. y. 
ainmide, 80, animal; pl. ainmindti, 75. 
ainntreannta, 275, fierce, rough, 
airchinnech, 82, herenagh, a lay chief of ecclesiastical property. Cf. Ancient 

Laws VI, 35. 
äirem 25, reputation. 

airgen, mn; a n-airginaib broide, 281, *tn tht reins of captivity*, 
airigthe, espeeial, particular] d'airightbe, 92. 
ais, aide, back; rogab re ais, 56, lie undertook. 
aisic, 70, giving back, repaying. 
aitlilegha, 62; aithletha, 59; athletha, 47; refined (gold). 
amantnr, amnntnr, 28 b, adventure; 32, spoila, booty (the resnlts of an 

adyentnre). Also the adjective amantrach, 57, adventurous, 
ambrail, 81, admiral, emir. Also in proper names: Ambrail Coscran, 52, and 

by itself Ambrail, 100. 
amgar, toretched-, is amhgar atamaid, 292. 
amlnath, 67, distress. 
anacarrach, 290, 293, rough, distressfid, destructive'i! See the foot-note at 

p. 316. 
anbfesach, 66, ignorant, 
andath, 295, colorless. 

anmaine, 27, weakness, swoon-, anmainde, 288. 
anmainnigim, anmaindighim, 295, enfeeble. 
anmann, 286, poor, paltry, (of bread). See p. 309, n. 
annsacht, 63, affection, 
ara; dat. pl. aradhaibh, 37, servantj follower, 
aradain, 30, bridle, 
&rbach, 38, slaughter. 
ärd-ermach, 275, high-leaping. 
ärd-shnaithcenntas, 51, lofty banner, emblem, 
ärrsaigh, (= arrsaid), 79, 88, old. 

arrthaisc; a n-arrthaisc, against, 32, 88; of friendly approach, 48, 52. 
at, hat; at pill, 291, rough leather hat. 
athaisiugnd, 26, a reviling, reproaching. 

ZelischTlft f. celt. Philologie YI. 21 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

322 F. N. BOBINSON, 

athnadh, 289, apoil, hooty. Cf. O'Cl. athnamh .i. 6d&il. 
attraagh, 66, very pitiful. So also attraath, 1. 

baccach, 61, kmej maimed, 

bai[dh]bh, 289, battU-phafaomy fury. 

bail, 8)3, toillt desire. 

bail, 101, issue, effect, 

balla, 284, waü. 

banais, wedding; fled bainnsi, 71, hanquet (in general?). For tbe latter ose 

cf. 'BatÜe of Magh Eath', p. 14. 
bara, 99, barrow. 
baramail, 95, similarity, resemblance. Cf. 'Giolla an Fhingha' (Ir. Texte 

Soc. I), GloBsary, p. 201. 
b&rc, 284, boat 

barruil? co barruil, 24; probably co barr nile, as emended by Dr. Meyer, 
bascad, 47, destroyingj injuring. 
bata, 57, 71, 285, stick, club. 
becb-los, 285, bee-plantSj (i. e. honey-flowers), 

becni; doriudi becni, 32, 87, madelight of (with tbe preposition do). 
b^dgnimach, 275, 280, ml, injwriou8, 
b^icedacb, 295, cry, acream, 
belleic? 96, aUar? Cf. tbe foot-note. 
k^st, 279, beast; a form in b existing alongside of ^piast'? 
bethadacb, 92, 93, creatwe, 

bhnaim-si = uaim-si, 32; bhuaind = uainn, 47; buaid = uait, 49, etc. 
big-orrlnm, 81, steift and sudden (= bidhg-nrrlum). 
binbe? 290, fwry (MS. binle). 
binn-br^g, 71, sweet and fdtse, 
bisech 26, increase. 
bod 80, 93, tau, 

boinim (= bainim); doboin, 281, 286, took away. 
bord, edge; bord-briste, 42, edge-broken; see tbe foot-note. 
braigbe (also braigbde), 70, hostage, captive; pl. braigdi, 72. 
brainde, 288, toater, tcave? But see p. 311, n. 
brath; co bracb, 97, witb neg., not at aü, on no account. 
breatb, judgmentf hence choice, desire? 95, 280, 282. 
breoite, 61, weak, broken, feeble. 
bronntas (= bronntacbas ?), 73, gift, present. 
bruad; slr-bbröadb, 285, a crashing, smashing? 

broinne, breast; used with reference to tbe breatb, le h-anmainde a brainne, 288. 
büaball, 32, 73, etc., hom, bügle. 
b&an-r6btba, 103, dismantled, tom down (ref erring to a city); btum- used 

as an emphatic prefix. 
buid^l, 2a3, bottU, 
buidertba? 26, disturbed? 
boile, 297, fit (of rage). 

buille, bloWf stroke; glance (of tbe eye), 26; blast (of a hom), 32. 
bun, 45, Support, reinforcemefit. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


buna? 71, bata bona borb-remnr, a stottt^ rough stick. This is apparently 
the genitive of bim, stock, root, just preceding. 

cabnir, 68, help (= cobair). 

cadhla, 287, cord, rope, Cf. le cadhladaibh crnaidbrigbnibb cnaibe, ^Life of 

Hugh Boe', p. 208. For corda crnaidbrighin cnaibi cf. p. 363 a, below. 
caeb, 279, clod, lump, 
caemna, 40, a keeping, guarding. 
caillte, 70, = coillte, gelded? 

cainnteach, 284, clattering, clanging (bells); roaring (sea); 288. 
cair, 97, blame. 

cairt, 49, 78, covenant, pledge; respite 63, 86. 
cairt, gen. cartach, 98, cart. 
caismert, 284, rq>ort, oiUcry. 
caismertach, 284, signtdling, 

caistel, 40; caisteoH, 76, castle. Diminntive caislein, 76. 
caitbim, miist, am obliged to; nsed personally, co caithfidis, 51, and im- 

personally, caithfir, 80. Botb nses occnr also in tbe 'Fierabras'; cf. 

RC. XIX, 884. 
carbnngculns, 59, carlmncle. 
catharda, pertaining to a city; cath catharrda, 48, civil strife; catbair 

catharrda, metropolis^ 72; in a cnidecbtaib catharda, 40? See p. 121, n. 
cathirgail, 34, battk, conflict, 
cathoilicda, 25, catholic, 
causdin? 26. 
c^ide, 85, market-place, 
c^im-digaind, 285, firm-stepping, 
ceinnbert, 35, 69, hdmet, 
cengailte, bound, fastened. It is applied to a crown, 52, 276, 284 ; to a fetter, 

285; to a belmet, 69. 
cennarc, 294, sirife. 

cenn-cael, 290, sharp-peaked, precipitoiis, 
cenn-chorr, 60, round-peaked? 
cep, 76, Stocks (of a prisoner). 
c^tfadacb, sensible ^ discreet] apparently departing from tbis meaning wben 

applied to warriors in battle, as on pp. 68, 104, 280. See the foot-note 

on p. 111. 
cetha, 60, shower, 
cicarach, 280, greedy, 
cicbanach, 284, clanging (bells). Cf. cichnacb, hissifig, in Meyer's Con- 

cing, king; cing Heirmeis, 53; cing Caulog 96; cing o Nubie, 56. 
cipe, 43, troop (of soldiers). 
cir, crestf top; cira na cinnberta, 35. 
ols-ch&in, 281, tax, tribute, 
cl&im, 280, I conqtier, overcome. See clöim in Windisch's Wtb. claiti, pret. 

ptc. 277. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


clärach, gen. claraigh, 297, wood, Cf. Irische Texte 11,1,58, and Aislinge 

Maie Conglinne, p. 166. 
clas-lethan, 79, broad-trenehed (applied to a sword). Cf. Irische Texte IV, 

note to 1. 4735. 
clemnas, 50, alliance, marriage. 
cliamain, 82, son-in-law. 
cluthar, 51, ahelteredj aecure. 
clnthar-daingen, 28, wdl-sheltered. 
cnäih, 297, hemp. 
cofer? 63. See fer. 
cogaint, 280, chewing^ gnawing, 
coigill 60, restraint. 
coilg-dhirech, 279, sword-straight 
coimigthe, 29, foreign; coimhigche, 290. 
coimlim, 61, 73, 275, rufe, smear. 

coinnlenach, 30, 60, shiningj tapering? See the foot-note to p. 112. 
colga, keen, fierce, brave? Applied to a sword, 65; to a warrior, 68. 
com, 26, 42, body^ frame. 
coma, 90, retoot-d, bribe, 

comach (= comhach), 275, a poundingj discomfiture. 
comainm; comainm in Ise, 86, anniveraary. 
comaithns? 37, 49, hostility? 
coman, gen. comain, 273, love. (Also cumann.) 
comartha, 66, appearatice, mark? 
comarthach, marked; decorated (sword) 32 (cf. p. 114, n.), 41, 44; ivounded^ 

scarred, 36, 62, 68, 281 ; disfiguring? (wonnd), 97. 
comhnaidirt, 57, terror. 
comeglach, 41, terrified. 
comfortacht, 41, a Btrength&iiing. 
comgsel, 94, kindred^ consanguinity. 
comlonn-crüaidh, 284, battle-hard. 
comnad, 48, battle, combat 
comosnd, 94, tntce. 
compänach, 97, comrade, companion, 
compas, 59, 93, compaaa, circle. 
comradach, 60, valiant? (= comragach, comracach?) 
comrann, 287, breaking (of a spear). 
comtilgen, 64, sheclding (blood). 

congäirech, noisy^ 35, 53, 284; co congairech, loudly^ with acclaim? 355 b. 
connmail, = cunnmail, q. v. 
constabla, 55, 58, conatabk. 
cor, 94, pledge, aurety, 
corda, 297, cord. 
cortha, 102, tired^ exhaiiated. 
cosc, restraint j prevention; used freqnently of undertaking a combat, fer a 

coisc, 29, 96, 100; fercoisci, 87; fer mo choisc, 103; fer coisgi Colobroin, 

96; and compare also the yerbal forms, coiscidh da ceile, 91; do coiao- 

fedh comrac, 86. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


coscar, 73, havoCf alaughter (in hnnting). Cf. fian-choscar. 

costas, 54, costf expense. 

cothugnd, 68, support. 

cradh, 286, tormentf misery. 

craidhail, 33, 34, 90, proclamation; cf. RC. 19, 266, where it is a yariant 

reading for coingill. See the foot-note to p. 114. 
craidhi; co craidhi? heartily? (with heart\ 99. 
crain, 275, sow. 
crapaillte, 40, 69, 71, ftUertd, 
crapaim, 99, I draw up, contract (the leg$). 
cre, 84, creecL 
crefög, 279, earth^ dirt. 
crithanach, 41, trembling, 
cro; crö catha, 281, phcdanx. 

crobhainech, 68, deadly pale? dropping blood? See p. 146, n. 
cros; tar do crois, 27, against thy prohibition, 
cros-ledartha, 68, cross-tvounded (i. e. marked with crosses^ with acars). See 

p. 148, n. 
cruadach, 60, hard (referring to a sword). 
cruad-chüisech, 273, hardy? iü-fortuned? Cf. also the Sc. Gaelic crnaidh-chiiis, 

'hard case'. There is also another word cnrad-cnisech, q. y. 
cruaid-rigin, 297, hard and tough, 
cruog, 39, needf difficulty. 
caib£hiaclach, 47, 279, weU-tusked. 
cuibrenn, 63, 78, Company^ aodety. 
cnibrigthe; participle of cnibrigim, fetteTf bindf 40. 
cnidecht, 40, Company; dat. cnidechtain, 72. 
cuillsi? 297, cookery? Perhaps it should be read cailisi. The MS. is yeiy 

cuingi, 68 (pl. cuingedha, 29), herOj wartior. 
cairt, pl. cnirtenna, 31, court. On p. 40 it is applied to fortified strong- 

culbnr, 283, pigeon, 
cnma, 50, 295, grief, sorrow. 
cumachta, 59, virttte (of a precious stone). 
comain, 57, 71, 283, bond, Obligation ; idiomatic : tugus-sa a cnmain-sin do-san, 

'I paid him that debt, kept that bargain^ 35; cumain mo gradha, 

*the retum of my love', 26. 
cumann, 66, friendshtpy union. 
cumairce, 52, = comairce. 
cumas, 27, power, authority, 
cnmdach, 52, ornamental. 
camdach, 276, coveringj crown. 

camdach, 83? rim na ro-camdach, cotmt 7wr estimate? See p. 160, n. 
camnad, 41, 51, 52, 80, &c., as^istance, support. 
camnam, 30, = congnam, help, assistance. 
comtanas, 84; camtanos na naem, commufiion of the saints. 
conndais, 273, countess. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

326 F. N. fiOBINSON, 

cunnmail, 92, 94, 9€, a keeping, holding. Also connmail, 45. Compare the 
verbal forms cannmam, 55, Ipl. sbj., cnnnaim, 291, 2sg. imv., and 
docunnaibh, 32, 3 sg. pret. 

cnnntabart, 28, doubt 

cnrad-chuisech, 29, 53, valiant 

cnrata, 41, 65, 79, bravem soldier-like. 

canim, 29, 70, horse, charger. 

daingen bratharda, 66, sworn brotherhood, canjuratio. 

dainnech, 26, strong. 

dän, gift; i n-dan, 103, allotted tOj hcnce in the power of. Cf. RC. XIV,65; 

XXin, 434. 
debenaibh, 25,; for dedblenaib, weak, poor? Cf. O'Dav. dedblen .i. 

deroil. But aee the p. 106, n. 
dSnmus, figurej form; co m-buaidh crotha 7 csemdhenmusa, 21. 
der(?), 97, nir der fair; read derg? he hurt^ toounded, 
d^rcinna, 25, plural formation to d4rc, alms, 
dermaD, 63, 288, 293, very great 
dethcealt, 24, clothing. Cf. Cormac's Gloasary, decealt .i. brat no leine. 

Also ßC. XXII, 414. 
dethfireach, 79, quick^ hasty. 
deththeangthach, 50, well-spoken. 
diblide, 102, wretchedy weak. 
dlchnma 85, sorrow, 

difoglaighthe, 283, impregnable; dighfoghlaigte, 64. 
dig, 284, dike, ditch. 
digeann, 92, plentifui (= di-goinn)? 
dighthi? 70; fias ar n-dighthi? 
dil, 296, enoughf aufficiency. 
dllait, 97, aaddU. 
din, 59, a covering, proiecting? 
din^r, 283, dinner. 
direch; gach n-direch, 289, straight, directly, Cf. Irische Texte 11, 2, 241 

and Silva Gadelica, 1, 256. 
dirindh? = diringhadh? attack (with the preposition ar), 81. 
dirmada, 49, 69, troop$y ai-mieai sg. dirma. 
dith 70 (gen. sg. dithi), destruction, 
diubhnignd, 57, a hurling^ alinging; gen. sg. diuraice, 60. 
diucaire, 40, 66, 92, lamentation. (For diuaire, 34, read diucaire?) 
dinice, 34, &c., duke. 
dioiciacht, 81, dt^edom. 
doaithennta, 44, Btrange^ unrecognisable. 
dobreoite, 75, indeatructible. 
döcha, 67, comp, of döig, probable. 
dochnddh, 65, gloomy, terrible. 
döchnsach, 34, hopeful, confident. 
doedrana, 56, implacable, inseparable. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


dofreastal, 52, 65 a, unserviceablCf destructive. 

doible, 24, compUzint? reaistance? See p. 106, n. 

doim, 91, pooTy wretched, 

doingabala, 61, unconquerable. 

domesta, 101, immeaswabU, 

dorus-b^l, 102, mouth, entrance (pf a cave). 

dreollan, 284, ioren. 

droitced togb&la, 284, drato-bridge. 

dronn, 280, ridgCy baek^ tuft. 

dnaibsech, 42, dark, gloomyi applied to heathen godi, 57. Used as a sub- 

stantiye, black atain (to disguise the face), 74. 
duaitbin, 44, unknown, unrecognisable. 
dnb-, empbatic prefix; dnbh-rnatbar, d7. 
dübuUta, 97, double^ ttoo-fold. 
dn[tb]raic, wish, deaire] ni diiraic linm, 101. 

ed, 29, &c., a whiU] re b-edh 7 re b-athaig. 

6dacb, 278, apparently referring to bed-clothes, coverlet^ 

^dil, 28, spoils, booty^ then succesa (in general). 

edamaige, 35, ambuacade, 

^dfhualann, 46, = äualang. 

6gaintech, 66, loretched, moumfuL 

^gcrnas, 48, weakness, 

eiledrnm, 99, bier. 

Eirristin, 289, Saracen, 

eitech? fir-eitech 7 fairsinge, 86, 45. Perhaps for fir-reitech. See the foot- 

note to p. 117. 
61adach, 68, 104, 105, 277, fugitive. 
eladain, 82, minatrelsy. 
elngad, 48, escape. 
eochnir-imel, 50, edge, border. 
erber, 27, arbor, 

escaid; prim-eocaid, 45, very awifl. 
esog, 92, weasel. 

espairt, 64, vesperSj evening prayer. 
espal, 84, = abstal. 

faenaiB, 104, translation uncertain. See p. 179, n. 

faill, 292, opportunity. 

faithech, 32, 100, nervous, skittiah (of a hone). 

falcmar, 276, profuae. 

falmaire, 283, palmer. 

faltanns, 58, enmity. 

fanamad, 87, mockery. 

farracb, 61, 100, beatingj toounding. 

fathacb, 47, sküful. 

fiabhcnn, 29, falcon. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

328 F. N. E0BIN80N, 

fechsdn; ag fechain, in comparison withy 58. 

fedmanntus, 43, ccmimission, 

feidm; feidm moirseisiTi a task for seven meriy 99; ni fuil feidm agnd a fis 

d^fagail, 38, it will not proß thee, does not concem tkee^ to know i^; 

alBO 64, 91. 
feil-cerdach, 91, treacherow. 
feilm, 36, hdmet, 
fer, nsed as general antecedent of a relative; applied to God, don fhir dochum 

nem 7 talmain, 87. 
fethuide, 73, animalSf game. 
fian-choscar, 38, 53, fiann-alatighter (in hnnting), Cf. Irische Texte, lY, 

Glossaiy, s. v. 
fer? in cofer, 62, 71, meaning mixed für? (Middle English *feir, veir'). See 

p. 141, n. 
fich-miBgnech, 286, hateful, 
figill bratha, 84, = fuigell. Cf. Windiach's Wtb. 
figil, 83, vigiL 

firaib6il, 26, 72, etc., cf. aib6il, above. 
fisigh, fissi, 26, physician? This appears to be the native word fissid, 'wise 

man, seer'; fisice, in the Gaelic Maundeville (CZ. 11,305), is obviously 

a loan-word. 
fobnrtach, 56, vioUnt, aggressive, 
föd, 66, spoty place; a fod fo leith, 98, apart. 
foiginnech, 282, patient 
foilgim; rofhoilgedor, 60, they cut, pierced, 
foill: CO foill, with a verb of waiting, 54, 64, a while, a Utile. 
fomor (fodhmor), 288, giant, monster. 
forborach, 31, excellent, 
fomiata, 45, fietce, violent. 
foslongport, 59, camp. 
fostaigim, 51, levy, collect {a force). 
fothraic[th]i, 87; pl. of fothmgud, baih. 
freagraim, 44, attack {in battle). 
fHtheng, retum; a fritheing, 51, back 
frithir, 70, 282, fierce. 
fuasglad, 281, ransom, 
fuin, 50, 69, end, terminatio7i; co fuin, 98. 
fnindeog, 66, 84, windoio. 
fuindeog, 31, 38, 69, 89, wound. 
fnrar, 59, ready^ prepared. 
fnrais, 43, forest. 

gabaim; gabaim ag, 94, forgive. 
gabal mara, 65, arm of the sea, inlet. Cf. CZ. 11, 305. 
gael (d. pl. gaeltaibh, 94), relative, kinsman. 
gail? a n-gail a sceith, 60? See p. 139, n. 
. gäinne, 46, dart, arrow. 
gall-tnimpa, 52, trumpet 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


gem-aidche, 59, winter night 

geran, 66, lamentation. Adjective geranach, 63, 66. 

g^rarmach? sharp-airmed? co gerarmach, 35. 

gillanrach, 278, = gillanrad, crowd of giUies. 

gitart, 52, apparently gittern, or guitar, 

ginstäil, 29, jouating. 

glac, grip, hold; a n-glaic dilaiti, 296, in the saddle. 

glaede, 28, 79, 288, dagger, knife. 

glaidim, 294, I cry out, shout 

glas, 77, 78, fetter. 

gnü8-gorm, 61, 279, 286, dark-yauming? dark-visaged? See the foot-note on 

p. 140. 
goillim, 25, 63, I cause grief, trouble (with the preposition 'ar'). 
goraad, 29, to sharpen. Cf. cuilg da gonnad, Egan (yRahilly (ITS. III), p. 60. 
grachra? 296. See the foot-note. 
grainemail, 43, ugly, fierce. 
granna, 42, horrible, wicked. 
gras, grace, favor; pl. grasa, 27. 
gredan, 276, revelry, rtjoicing, Cf. Rev. celt. XIX, 140. 
greim, 286, bite, 
grenach, 276, lively^ fnirthful, 
grennaigim, 33, I provoke^ chaUenge, Also the nonn grenn ; greann coguidh, 

71, cJialUnge to hattle, 
grennmur, fierce, terrible'^ 30, 35, 43, 69, 88, 281; referring to blows in battle, 

56; to a spear, 32, 46; to a waming bell, 284. 
gresach, embroidered; glan-gresach, 282. 

grib, 89, fierce, bold; on the development of itsmeaning cf. Stokes, CZ. 1,433. 
grisach, fire, buming embers] do grisaigh, 275, off the fire. 
grod, quick, prompt; grod-urrlum, 287. 
grnagach, 101, hideous, ugly. 
gnaisbertach, 42, bold, perilous, 
güdna, 25, güna, 51, gown. 
gnm, 99, gum, 

gonna ; d. pl. gnnnaib, 46, gun, 
guth, 79, 285, shame, reproach. Cf. 'Battle of Ventry', Glossary, s. v. 

Also its nse in the sense of epithel, P. M. Mac Sweeney, 'Caithreimh 

Conghail', p. 38. 

halla, 79, 102, hall 

iargülta, 282, churlish. 

Jarla, 24, etc. (pl. iarlaigi, 76), earl. 

ibhnis, 24, = oibnes, pleasure, entertainment. 

impir (also impire, 40, &c.), emperor. 

inaister, 98, able to travel. 

ar inchaibh; ar h-inchaibh, 65, at thy disposal; pl. ar bar n-incaibh, 73, in 

your power, protection. 
incleith, co h-incleith, 47, 65, 75, secretly. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

330 F. N. ROBINSONy 

inchamannta, 61, ahle to fight 

inmaige (gen. sg.), 90, time of pregnancy (= inbaid). 

inme, 31, 50, property, rank. Cf. CZ. ü, 262. 

innlaicim, 102, convey^ eonduct; slao the nonn innlucnd, 296. Cf. Stokes in 

Rev. celt. 26, 169. 
intaebha, 289, tnutwarthy, reliable, 

laitis, 291, lattice, 

lam; a laim, 70, &e., in subjection, restraint 

lämach, 24, hurlingj spear-casting. 

lampa; d. pl. lampaib, 52, Utmp. 

Idm-tapad, 274, quick grip, 

lan; lan mura, 93, füll tide. Cf. Battle of Ventry, Glossary, p. 105. 

leac; leac in tempnill, 96, altar? Beading and Interpretation nncertain. Cf. 

the foot-note. 
l^idmech, 57, 69, eager, brave. 
leithoir, 284, = l^ightheoir, reader. 
lige, 291, licking. 

limngad, 280, a polishingy sharpening. 
Ifnaim, I ßl; ro lln gorta sinn, 293. 
lipart, 289, leopard. 
litechns, 86, 89, Charge^ aceuaation. 
log, 284, ditch. 
logaim, 47, I forgive. 
loinderrda, 279, brightf flashing. 
lor-daethan, 28, füll supply, abundance. 
Inaighecht, 94, (= Inaighidhecht?), reward. 
Ingha; is Ingha omm, is Inghaidi orom, 87, I dislike, despise. 

maillsech, 274, 275, maliciouSj wicked. 

mainer, 81, manor. 

mainistir, 37, monastery; pl. mainistrecha, 90. 

mainnechtnaige, 25, negligence. 

maise, 44, honor, glory; robo maith a maisi dö 4, 94. 

marannaib, 59, dat. pl. of muir, sea. 

marcaigecht, 95, horsemanship. 

marged, 77, market. 

maruBgal 25, marshall. Also marasgalacht, 76, commandj office of marshalL 

masla, 282, insult. 

meUa? co mella (co mellad), 24? Reading and translation uncertain; perhaps 

from millim, I destroy, hence conquery surpass. See p. 105, n. 
merge 42, 70, Standard] pl. mergedha, 55. 
merlasaim, flame fiercely, romerlasadnr, 58. 
metachus, 275, cowardice (= metacht)? 
michar, 103, friendly. 
(co) micheille, 67, madly^ foolishly; apparently the gen. of 'michiaU* nsed ad- 

jectivally. This constniction is not uncommon, bat its forther extenaion 

to form an adverb with 'co' is striking. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


micheirdecb, 276, 282, loicked. 

michorugad, 57, iü-treatment 

migii6, 44, sad face^ ill appearance, 

milla, =minla, 26, gentle. 

millad, 66, execution, murder. 

mlninghad, 297, to tarne, hence to deflotoer, See p. 319, n. 

minlech, 69, fietdy meadow, 

misde; note the idiom: ni fedar-sa gur misde a marbadh, 74, ni fedar gnr 

misdi in bnilli do thabairt, 73, I did not know that it was wrong, 

harmfidf etc. 
mi-8hnimach, 64, distressfid. 
mi-thaemannach, 275, unhappy, unfortunate. Cf. Atkinson, Three Shafts of 

Death, Glossary, s. v. mi-thaomach. 
mod, 24, tcorkf handitcork, 
modarda, 25, 279, rough, fierce. 
möidi: ni moidi let, 64; idiom uncertain. 
mothar-dorcha, 80, deep-dark. 
motlach, 80, shaggy. 
mnl, 75, muLe. 
mnnad, 24, in»truction, 
mnrmnr, 25, murmur, 

nellaib 44(?). Doubtless to be read 'co n-edalaib'; see the foot-note. 
nem^illnigthe, 88, immaculate. Cf. 6illnighim; gurob amhlaid ellnighter a 

n-ingina, CZ. I, 84. 
neoch, in relative use, 24. 
neoU, 27, trance^ swoon, 
nidechns, 24, prowess. 
nobla, 37, noble (i. e. the coin). 
nuachorigim, 25, I arrange anew, adom freshly, 
numaigi, 41; translation uncertain. 

ocorach, 102, hungry, 

oigre, 52, heir, 

oirbindech, 24, honoraJble (== airmitnech). 

oirchisecht, 98, pittance^ gifl, 

olina, 48, olive, 

oraige, 70, golden^ gilded. 

ordamuil, 99, regiäar, orderly, 

organ, 52, organ, or perhaps pipea. 

othrala, 24, (perhaps otrala), pl. of othrail, = offrail? offering? Or is it 

rather to be connected with othrola, RC. XIX, 380? 
pailis, pl. pailisi, 274, palisade, enclosure? 
pairc, pl. päircinna, 50, park, field. 
pairt, 99, part. 
pais, 42, suffering^ passion, 
patriarca, 289, patriarch. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

352 F. N. EOBINSON, 

peileir, 94, pillar, 

poinnige, poindige, 30, 277, 284 (of a pillar), 286 (of beasts), strong? stately? 

Cf. the foot-note to p. 111. 
posta, piüar; ina tri postaighibh, 28. 
pras, 284, brass. 

priceduibh, 52; translation nncertain. 
prinnsa, 81, prince, 
prioir, 289, 291, prior. 
prisün, 40, prison. 
proseisiam, 52, 98, 295, procession. 
pnidse, 62, pouch. 
pünt, 81, pound. 

pupul, 97, people, Cf. puplach, public^ RC. XIX, 140. 
pnpnll, 59, 65, tent 

raen, 87, road, way, 

recht, fury*^ buinne roda recbta, 40. 

recht-aigenntach, 32, 45, impulsivej holdj viole7it? Applied to lamentation, 99. 

See the foot-note to p. 113. 
rechtmar, 67, 277, 287, violentj fierce. 
reidech, 294, reconciliation, 

r6itech, piain, open country, See foot-note to p. 117. 
resnn, 26, reason. 
riadad, 47, hanging, eocecuHon. 
ridire, knight, 2^t etc. 
rind-luath, 57, spear-swift. 

da riribh, 71, in eameat; compare the Arch. f. celt. Lex. II, 117. 
r6; CO ro-so, 67, 296, hitherto* 

robarta, 94, 284, tide, storm at sea, Zeufs, GG., p. 864. 
roda, 40; buinne roda rechta, toave of redness of fury? 
rolad, 29, rolling, 
rop, 287, rope. 
rorith, 99, headlong speed. 
ruamanntacht, 278, violencej rage, Cf. da tharb rnamanta ('furious'), *Anc. 

Laws* VI, 626. da räs-tarb ruamanta, *Battle of Mojra*, p. 298. 

sail, 287, beam. 

s4ile, 286, sea, 

Baithche, 285, pl. of saithe, swarm, 

sanntach, 69, keen, eager, 

saraigim, 24, overcome, surpass. 

sathad, 40, 56, blow, stroke. 

scath ; ar a scath, 57, for his sheltcr (i, e. to protect him). It also means in 

the shelter of. For both uses see Meyer's *Battle of Ventry\ Glogsary, 

snb voce, 
scoth-fsebrach, 62, sharp-edged. 
scrisaim: ro scris, 97, glanced aside (of a weapon). 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 


sdim-lebra, 29, 31, Jiavivg lovg hair, long manes? Cf. the modern stiom, 

*hair-lace', *snood' (Cannichael's *Carmina Qadelica' 11,336). 
9d6t, 36, steed, 
sdibard, 24, steward. 
sedal, 38, space, while, 

seghmnr, 280, attent, resolute? (= seadhmnr?) 
seghmur, 46, curiouSj well-wrought? (applied to arrows), 68, noble, fair? 

(applied to England). Cf. abann seaghmar, 'a noble river', Battle of 

Ventry, p. 44. 
seigblSr, 76, jailor, 
seitxech, 52, strong» 
s^la; d. pl. s^laib, 280, secd. 

seomra, 52, 66, Chamber. Also seombradoir, 292, chamberlain. 
sep61, 84, 90, 100, chapd. 
serbis, 25, Service. 
sgarlöid, 51, scarlet. 
Bgethrach, 295, vomit. 
sgripa, 93, scrip, 
sgniger, 27, squire, 
siltecb, 285, flotoing. 
siraide, 100, permanent^ lasting. 
sithe, 60, thrust, 
sitir, 291, neighing, 
slana, 94, surelies. 
slat, 67, a robbing^ plundering, 
slat, rod-, slat a müinti, 24. 

slinn-g^r, 32, 34, 60, sharp-bladed, Cf. 'Caithreim Conghair, pp. 64 and 138. 
sliss-gl6gel, 34, having white sides, 
snaidm retha, 297, slip-knot. 
snas-min, 46, smooth and fine, 
sobreagh, 68, beautiful. 
solas, 56, pleasure, happiness, 
spalmach, 48, wasting away, feeble? 
sp^ir, 59, sphere. 
spisrad, 99, spices. 

spor, ^, 280, spwr. Also dospor, 70, spurred. 
spraicemail, 280, mgorous. 
sraccud, 28, a tearing (of the stroke of an oar); 34, clashing together (in 

sremnaige, 48, fine, filmy ? (= sreabhnaidhe). Cf. Irische Texte IQ, 2, 531. 
8rub-g6r, 46, sharp-tipped? 
snaiti, 279, tired exhaiisted. 
snidigim ar, 86, I make a Charge against 
süil, eye; robui suil agam, 74, I had hope. 

tabaigim, 289, extort, demai^. 

tabür, 53, tabour. Cf. 'Life of Hngh Roe O'Donneir, pp. 34, 216. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

334 F. H. BOBIKSOK, 

UL 47, tiUfä. 

taidlib? 51, for taiblib? taiUi, batOemeni». Vor leferaMCs see tbe foot-note 

top. 13L 
tiimneoU, 21, 62, nooan, tainüng-ß. 
tairthech, 46; le cloehnibh taiithecha UImH? See p. 127, b. 
taise, 27, ncoon, fainting-fit. 
tapsid, 9wift; deth-Upaid, 276, very twift. 
Upra, d. pl. tapraü), 52, tofwr. 
rotaraill, 49, vinted, 
tarn, 48, 54, £18, 103, 292, eome fuBT.). 

tegmail, 53, ttruggU, fighting, Abo tegmalach, 68, contetäiout. 
teinneanech, 41, vioUnt, fierce, 
teimitemail, 88, fiary. 
teithed, 95, 293, fiigkt. 
tonpall, 69, 84, 97, ekurek. 
tesbach (tesfach), 88, heat, 
Ü; mnr aeinti, 78, unth one mind, togdher, 
tiglnicthech, 71, bountiftd. 

tiiine? 282, bar, ingot? Tbe mannscript is not clear. 
tinnlacad, 64, gifl, pre$ent, 
tinntige, 61, fiery, (in mnir tinntigbe). 
toicce, 50, veaUh. 
toictbecb, 26, riek 

toiled, 97, wouid ß, tuü. Cf. alao toUlinn, below. 
toirrtün, 65, 92, Ä< (of »Itep). 
toirtemaU, 281, great, wut, 
toisc, 58, enrand, busineu. 
tor, 102, tawer. 

torad^ fruü; do thoradb, by virtue of, 57. 

torann, 275, tumult (of battle)? eharge? Cf. insUnces cited in R.C.XIK,390. 
toaca, 274, message. 
tostadach, 47, tüent 
trebar-daingen, 78, strongly-defended. 
trelad, 95, armor; trealaidi, 71. 
trelam, 97, gen. trealaim, armor, 
tr^iginns, 85, 90 fasting. 
tr^n-legad, 46, mightüy destroying, razing, 
treisidi, 73, comparative of 'tr6n', sträng, 
trian, 45, Company, detachment. 
troid, 59, Opposition, resistance. 
trom-chonach, 35, great prosperity. 
trom-foidech, 279 (trom-oidig, 44), heavy-sodded. 
tnargaint, 41, attack. 
tnillinn, 54, fits. Cf. 'BaUle of Magb Ratb', p. 56 — 'a toill ind ina aeaaam, 

ni thoillit ina snide'. 
tnnna, 80, tun. 

tnmam, CO, overwhdming, aubjugation. 
turnaim, 60, check, 8ubdue, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



tfis, 58, rarikf precedence. 
tüBca, 91, sooner, 

naill, 290, pitf/j woe. 

nainges, 36, 279, 8tate of being- alone, solüude, uainges imthechta, 292, 

opportunity, to depart? fiiair uainges on espoc, 295. Cf. also the adj. 

naingech, 27, aecret (arbor); 79, a n-eglnis naingigh. In adverbial nse: 

CO h-naingech, solitarüy, without protection, 47, 292. Cf. also CZ 

n, 288 and RC. XIX, 126. 
nille, 76, greatneas, excess, 
uilligi? 46. For fhuiUigi? fuilech, bloodshed? 
uilp^ist, 295, monster, 
uir^drum, 41, very ligkt. 
niresbadh, 31, lack, 

nmal-assaic, 102, foot'Washing. Cf. Iriscbe Texte, IV, 434. 
urbronn, 34, boaom. 

nrlaide (nrlaige), 275, 280, fight, battle. 
nrmaisnech , 34 , boldly , courageously. Cf. Irish Tests Society 1 , 208 for 

other cases. 
orrunta, 100, atrong (of weapons). 
üsc, 275, grease. 

Index of Proper Names. 

(References are not given for eyery repeütion of the commoner names.) 

Guy of Warwick. 

Abacü, 97. 

Afraic, 29, 91 ff., 100 ff. 

Aimbri, 44 ff., 64 äff. 

Aimistir Amunndae, 72 ff., 102 ff. 

Alaxander, 88. 

Alcino? Johannes de Alcino, 83. 

Almaiu, 35, 39 ff., 50 ff. 

Ambrail, 52, 100 ff. 

Amoront, 88. 

Argus, 101. 

Aslog, 104 (Asloce, 105). 

Barbuic, 24, etc. 
Berard, 92 ff. 
Birri, 33 ff. 
Bloinsiflugar, 31. 

Bocigam, 24, 105. 
Britain, 33, 81. 
Bruidis, 35. 
Burguine, 103. 
Caulog, 96. 
Colobron, 97. 

Consantinnobile, 50 ff., 81. 
Comubal, 91. 
Coscras (Coscran), 52 ff. 
Craidhamar, 86. 

Dainial, 97. 
Deolainn, 29. 
Duid, 97. 

Ector mac Prim, 88. 

Digitized by 




Eliman o Tibir (Tighir), 56 ff., 87. 

Eirrigtinech, 53 ff. 

Eiimeis (Heiimeis), 58 ff. 

Enög, 97. 

Eoin Baisdi, 43, 88. 

Eoraip, 26. 

Eront; see Heront. 

Faber, 86. 

Feilis, 24 ff., 81 ff., 90 ff., 98 ff. 
Fraingc, 29, 32, 81. 
Fuardacht, 29. 
Fuindsistair, 80, 96. 

Gailiard, 69 ff. 
Gayer, 29, 45. 
Gibün Marcel, 74. 
Gilmin, 43. 
Gincadh, 37 ff. 
Gormisi, 67 ff., 76 ff. 
Greasmont, 40 ff. 
Gr6g, 29. 
Gyi Bharbnic, passim. 

Heront, 28, etc. 
Hnngaire, 29, 44. 

lamsalem, 85. 

Impir Almainnech 29 ff. 

Impir Gregach, 51 ff. 

lonas, 97. 

lonntas, 86. 

loseph, 97. 

Is4c, 97. 

Inhal, 289. For the spelling cf. Stokes 

in RC. XIX, 387, 391. 
Lasnms, 97. 
Lochlannach, 91, 96. 
Loh6in, 43 ff., 65 ff. 
Lor6n, 39, 65 ff. 
Lnmbaird, 32 ff., 65 ff. 

Maisi, 97. 

Mathamhainn, 57; Mathgamain, 88. 

Milon, 39. 

Mirabala, 57. 

Modniant, 91. 
Morgadnir (Morgad), 54. 
Mnndae; see Aimistir Amnnndae. 
Mnnntani, 76. 

Nnibie, 56. 

Ormoint, 28, Ormon, 34. 

Otnn, Dinice na Pani, 30 ff., 64 ff. 

Pani; see Otnn. 
Ploirinntinn, 78. 
Plondms, 39. 
Plorens, 78. 
Poel, 37 ff. 

Rener, Dinice na Sision, 30, 39 ff. 
Ri int Sidha, 103. 
Risderd o Bhsirhnic, 24. 
Roighnebron, 84, 90 ff., 100 ff. 

Sabdan, in, 51 ff. 
Sadon, 49 (Sadog, 49). 
Salua, 103. 
Saxan, passim. 
Sdragbom, 43. 
Seöirse in Gilla, 74. 
Seön Bocht, 85. 
Seön Saxanach, 87. 
Siccard, 24. 
Sin Seoirse, 51, 70. 
Sisail, 29. 
Sision, 40. 
Sodoni, 86. 
Subhsanna, 97. 

Tirri, 44, 64 ff , 92 fl. 
Tnrcach, 72. 
Ri na Turcach, 52. 
Turgamagnnt, 57 (Terragont, 88). 

Uadiner, 30. 
üighi, 66. 
Uiflin, 75 ff. 
Uri, 28, 36. 
Uront, 28, 36. 

Digitized by 




Beyis of Hampton. 

Alban, 273 ff. 
Almainneeh, 273. 
Arindel, 281, 290. 

Babilon, 292. 

BibnB Hamtmr, passim. 

Biroigi, 278. 

Bonafäs, 282 ff., 292. 

Bramon, 280 ff. 

Coilin, 294. 

DamaiBc, 280 ff. 

Einnin (Ennin), 277 ff. 
Eggobard, 294 ff. (Asgobard, 295). 

Fraingc, 297. 

Grainnder, 287. 

Gr6g, 290. 

Gyi Hamtnir, 273. 

Hamtnir, passim. 

Impir Almainnech, 273 ff. 
India, 289 ff. 

Memroine (Memroint), 290 ff. 
Mermidoine, 277 ff. Mermidonde, 277. 
MiliEi, 296 ff. 
Morglae, 281, 290. 

Papa, in, 295. 

Para, 273. 

Patriarca na h-India, 289. 

Bodns, 289. 
Borna, 296. 

Saber, 273 ff. 
Sazan, passim. 
Sisian, 278 ff. 

Tirri, 283 ff. 
Treümsiüs, 287. 

Ybor, 290. 

Additions and Corrections. 

Since expansions of the MS. contractions haye not been regnlarly 
italicized, it seems desirable to call attention here to occasional departores 
from the practices described on p. 21. These inconsistendes, which it was 
hard to avoid in a long and interrapted period of proof-reading, are in most 
cases unimportant. The MS. form maith$j nsually printed maithut in the 
fint part of the text, is sometimes spelled maithiiia or maitheSf which donbtless 
better represent the actual word. Similarly Uighes and leighua occnr for MS. 
leigh$f and robuailuis (p. 78) is for MS. robuails. Bkiaruaaj and other cases 
of the 1 sg. s-pret, are sometimes normalized (fuani8'[8]a etc.), sometimes 
not. In the verbal norm of mülim the expansion milled or milliud (MS. miü-J) 
is preferable to miUud (p. 95). MS. dö ist sometimes expanded dno and some- 
times dano. In the nom. sg. of tnuinter (regnlarly muirU in the Ms.) the 

ZsltMhxift t oelk. Philologie VI. 22 

Digitized by 



ending might properly have been italicizedi since it is donbtfnl whether the 
form was muinter or muintir. lu the oblique cases I intended to expand 
regnlarly gen. muintire^ iat. acc. muintir^ bat Dr. Stern has called my attention 
to a nnmber of forms in -ere and -er. 

The following misprints and errors are also to be corrected: 

p. 17| 1. 13. For feaatened read feasied. 

19, note. For Fmperor read Emperor. 

21, 1. 10. For 8 read r. 1. 26. For tu read in. 1. 35. For refa4 

read rofe^. 

23, 1. 13. Omit the comma after certain, 

27, 1. 33. For asin n- read asinn. 

28, 1. 33. For et rdiqua the MS. has here and elsewhere 7rl—a. 
37, n. 2. Dia can be the genitive, and do is nnnecessary. 

40, 1. 10. For cimedheibh read cimedhaibh, 

44, 1. 33. For talman read talmain. 

46, 1. 31. For to read do. 

48, 1. 36. For rocrum read rocrom. 

49, 1. 1. Insert [mac] before do derbrathar and translate accordingly (p. 139). 

57, n. 2. For /Jrte read fitibh. 

58, 1. 12. For an doigk read a ndoigh, ^in the hope that*. 

59, 1. 27. For hainm red h'ainm. 

63, 1. 6. For dofhuling read dofhuluing. 

67, 1. 20. Omit the hyphen between na and caf^racA. 

68, 1. 14. For tdth read <et7. 

75, l. 9. a is incorrectly repeated before bainntigema. 

106, l. 2. Insert it before was. n. 2. For it is read Is if. 

108, 1. 35. Insert a comma after that. 

113, n. 3. For fwrthers reference read further referencea. 

117, 1. 22. For eertainly read straightway. 

127, 1. 7. For in 6onis read without gaitiing anything. 

128, 1. 25. For he read anyone. 
143, 1. 12. For 6e read he. 

146, n. 2. For Interrogative read interrogative. 

153, 1. 10 and p. 163, 1. 20. For days read days' and omit the comma. 

157, 1. 4. For attached read attacked. 

174, 1. 36. Strike out the before ßuj/'s. 

Cambridge (Mass.). F. N. Robinson. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 




In my flrst article on this subject (Bd. HI, S. 492) I gave 
reasons for believing — (1) that the chronological datum that 
the Venerable Bede relied on when he assigned the advent of 
Hengist and Horsa to A. D. 449, and wrongly synchronised that 
year with the flrst year of the reign of the Emperor Marcian, 
was formulated in a style in which only the complete yeai-s of 
the interval passed through since the era began were counted, 
the current year being entirely ignored; and (2) that if the 
fonnula conveying this date had been reproduced accurately by 
Bede it would have been found to indicate A. D. 450, in which 
the flrst year of Marcian really was current. I also suggested 
that the difference of 22 between the flgures of the year that 
ought to have been handed down by Bede, namely 450, and 
those of the year actually referred to in the Ixvith chapter of 
the ^Historia Brittonum', namely 428, is due to the use of a 
method of Computing annuary data that was elaborated by 
Marianus Scotus in later times and styled by him ^secundum 
Evangelium', or ^secundum Evangelicam Veritatem ', and I under- 
took to substantiate this opinion and to shew that the method 
of computation referred to was in existence before Bede wrote 
his 'Historia Ecclesiastica'. I hope to fulfll this undertaking 
in the present article. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Computation in fhe Eras of fhe Passion and 
the Incamation 'secundum Evangelicam Veritatem*. 

Cbapter 1. 
In the Cotton Codex Nero C, V. there is a Xllth-centuiy 
transcript of the 'Cronica Cronicarum' of Marianus Scotus which 
ends on folio 159, and, in accord with the System he adopted, 
dates the last annal 'Ann. I. cxxii: A.D. MC Folio 160 recto 
is blank, except for two lines of writing;*) then on folio 160 
verso and 161 redo we find an elaborate table of the Easters 
of the Great Paschal Cycle of DXXXIL years, compnted according 
to Dionysius, that is, in the orthodox manner. *) On the verso 
of the folio mentioned last, however, there is another series of 
Paschal compntations which is of very different origin. First 
of all we get those compntistical criteria of the alleged years 
of the Nativity and the Passion which are always associated 
with Marianns; then come the rnles governing the Paschal com- 
pntations of those ecclesiastics who rejected the Dionysian order 
of yeai*s and connted according to Marianns's. These mies, 
mutaiis mutandisj are identical with those of Dionysins and are 
arranged so as to yield the orthodox dates for Easter Day; 
hence it is not necessary to reprodnce them. The first part of 
this document ennmerates the criteria of the years to which the 
compntist assigned the Annunciation and Nativity, and the 
Passion, as follows: 

Annunttafo'o; Indic^ione xi. Ciclw^ Solaris viii. Cicltt^ xix, 
xvüi. Epacta viL Feria vi. Natinito^; Indictton« xii. Ciclt«^ 
Solaris viii. ciclu^ xix. xvüi. Epacta xvüi. Feria L Passio: 
Iniictione xiüi. Ciclus Solaris xiü. ciclu^ xix. xiü Epacta xii 
Feria vi. 

These lines giye the foUowing names of men: Goffridiu filiüs rotgeri. 
Godeftidos. Otgtaua. Saenniis. Wlnoinus faber. Golduin. Hugo. Herlnninus. 
Senuardns preabyter. Alnericu« Rotgerus. Criapiniis. 

*) Dionysins, caUed 'Exignns' by Abbot Ceolfrid (Bede's 'H. £.' V. xxi. 
p. 341), and by many other writers, was a monk and perhaps an abbot at 
Borne, who modified the Alexandrine Paschal niles and composed the Canon 
by which the Western Chnrch was gnided in the computation of Easter during 
more than a millenniam. He wrote in A. D. 526, Indiction IV., and bis com- 
pntistical method came into nse in A. D. 532. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


These Statements when tabulated and the criteria distributed 
among the Julian years in which they fall appear thus: 


year of 
e Solar 









The Aimnnciatioii 






The NatiTity 






The Passion 






= 25 March,\ „ ^ ^ 
= 25Dec., PC.22. 

= 25 March, A. D. 12. 

The compntations in the first and second colnmns do not 
agree with our way of dating. Orthodox computists added 3 to 
the A. D. to get the Indiction, and 9 to get the year of the 
Solar Cycle. Hence the indictional and soli-cyclic years with 
which Marianus's annus dominicae passionis feil should be xv. 
and xxi., respectively. We must not assume error, however, 
where there may be only difference, and it is quite possible that 
a Xnth-century English computist may have counted the years 
of the Indiction in the same way as the Genoese did, two 
centuries later; and that he may have regarded A D. 28, which 
was the first year of the era of the Passion according to 
Victurius of Aquitaine, as the first year of the Solar Cycle. 
In the third colunin I have made a necessary correction by 
adding 1 to the Golden Number, which does not tally in the 
MS. with its own Epact. The change of Golden Number and 
Epact effected between the Day of the Annunciation and the 
Nativity indicates that the computist began the Paschal year 
on September 1,^) on which day the lunar year, l e,, the Golden 

*) Vide *Victorii Aquitani Cnrsns Paschalis, a. CCCCLVII.', ed. Mommsen, 
'Chronica Minora', i. 1892 (= *M. G. H.», Auctt. Antiquiss. Tomus IX.) pp. 666; 

>) Vide Beda's 'De Temporum Batione', cap. XX. (opud Migne, Patrol. 
Cursus, tom. XC, col. 395C); and cf. the 'Art de Verifier les Dates*, 1.52 
and also St. Amhrose's Epistle De Festo Paschali, apud Bacher, ' De Doctrina 
Temponun (Anty. 1634), p. 477, par. 7, 1. 16. St. Ambrose says that April 
was 'mensis octauns secnndam consnetndinem nostram*. For the following 
centnry compare 'Prosperi Tironis Chronicon', 'Chron. Minor.', I, 466: '(A 
passione) CC3LXXXTTT. [= A. D. 410] Varane t. c. consnle. Roma a Gothis 
Alarico duce capta [sc. YIU. Kai. Septembr.J et ob hoc solus fait Orien- 

Digitized by 



Number, was changed along with the Epact. The year of the 
Solar Cycle was changed on January 1. 

These computistical minutiae are not very interesting, 
perhaps, bat they teach us that Marianus and other computists 
believed that the Cruciflxion of Jesus Christ took place on 
Friday, March 25, moon 15. Their reasons for this threefold 
belief were drawn respectively from the Gospel, from the tra- 
dition of the Roman Church, and from the Jewish Law. We 
are not concerned with the question of the correctness of this 
view, so we need not stay to examine the grounds of Marianus's 
belief. It is quite clear that he assigned the Passion to a year 
whose Sunday Letter and Golden Number were B and XITL, 
respectively, and at the period of Jesus Christ's lifetime this 
conjunction falls out in A. D. 12 alone. Marianus and other 
computists who wished to correct Dionysius also believed, Uke 
the latter, perhaps, that Christ lived to be 33 years and 3 months 
old; hence they necessarily dated the Passion Anno dominicfie 
incarnationis XXXIIIL secundum evangelicam veritatem (a for- 
mula which I shall abbreviate in future and write sec, E, F.). 

Three important considerations result from the recognition 
of the Position of Marianus and his foUowers: (1) It foUows that 
the Western ecclesiastics who originated the computations sec. 
E. V, did not obey purely Alexandrine rules, because since 
A. D. 12 has the Golden Number Xm., which is an embolismic 
year with the Alexandrines (cf. Ztschr. IV, 337), its Paschal 
plenilunium would be deferred in computation by one day, and 
consequently March 25 could not be computed as moon 15. 
(XIIL has 12 days of epact and the lunar regulär of March 1 
is 9; therefore in that lunar year March 1 feil on moon 21 
= 12 + 9, and the Paschal Moon ascended on March 11, 
according to Dionysius, but on March 12 according to the 
foUowers of Theopliilus and Cyril, who assigned moon 15 to 
March 26.) (2) The new method, therefore, embodied results 
arrived at by Dionysian lunar computation, and relied absolutely 
upon their accuracy when calculating the date of the Cruciflxion, 
This new method, consequently, could not have been invented 
long before A. D. 532, when Dionysius's Paschal Cycle offlcially 

talium partinm consnl, qnod et sequenti anno obseruatom est. (A passione) 
CCGLXXXim. Theodosio Aug. im. cons.' 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


commenced. (3) As the year which Marianus and other compu- 
tists made Annas Dominicae Passionis I., sec. E. V., and Annas 
Dominicae Incarnationis XXXIV., sec. K F., was really A. D. 12 
it follows that the nnmerical diSerences between the Agares 
connoting identical years of the Western Solar Cycle in these 
eras are 22 and 11. Moreoyer, the difference between the Agares 
of identical years compated severally in the era of the Passion 
sec. JB. F., and the era of the Passion according to Prosper (and 
others) is 17 years. These three differences, viz. ± 22, ± 11, 
and ± 17, provide the key to nearly all the chronological pazzles 
that haye hitherto rendered the elncidation of Anglo-British 
history in the Vth and VIth centaries impossible. 

Chapter 2. 
Among the most recent remarkff made aboat the carious 
error in which Marianas Scotos participated are those in Prof. 
Bührs 'Chronologie des Mittelalters and der Nenzeit', Berlin, 
1897, S. 202. Prof. Rühl says: 

'Mehrfach hat man im Mittelalter Versuche gemacht die 
Eechnnng des Dionysias za berichtigen. Der wichtigste darunter 
ist der des Marianus Scotus (1028-1082). Dieser Schottenmönch 
argumentierte folgendermafsen. Nach Dionysius wäre Jesus im 
Jahre 34. n. Chr. gestorben. Er starb aber an einem Freitag, 
und, wie Marianus weiter annahm, am 15. Nisan nach jüdischer 
und am 25. März nach römischer Rechnung. Diese Daten trafen 
nun nach seiner Rechnung nicht im 34., sondern im 12. Jahre 
der dionysischen Ära zusammen, und er setzte daher Christi 
Geburt um 22 Jahre früher an, als Dionysius, und legte die 
Jahre der neuen von ihm erfundenen Ära als Änni secundum 
evangelium oder secundum evangelicam veritatem oder einfach 
Änni evangelici seiner Chronik zu Grunde, während er die ge- 
wöhnliche Jahreszahl als Änni secundum Dionysium am Rande 
vermerkte. Marianus wurde ob seiner Erfindung zwar vielfach 
bewundert und belobt, z. B., von Sigebert von Gembloux,i) aber 
Nachfolger fand er nur in England, insbesondere bei Florenz 
von Worcester*) und dessen Fortsetzen!'. 

^) Vide 'M. G. H.' Scriptornm Tomas VI, p. 354. 
') Florence of Worcester died on Jnly 1, 1118. His Annals were edited 
by Benjamin Thorpe and they also appear in ^Monumenta Historica Britan- 

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844 ▲. ANSCOMBE, 

This yiew is the current one among English diplomatist8 
and historians and it is ultimately derivable from William of 
Malmesbury, who, speaking of Marianus's System of chronology, 
says that he 'paucos ant nnllos sententise snse sectatores habuit'.O 
This dictum has had a very onfortunate effect npon chronological 
research. For, not only does Malmesbury's remark appear to 
haye been accepted with regard to the earlier part of the Xllth 
Century, when he was writing, and to haye been applied without 
any reason at all to later times, but it has also preyented in 
some obscure way the putting of the question — Did any com- 
putist use the era of the Passion sec. E. V. before Marianus's 
times? As for Malmesbury's own times the computation exami- 
ned aboye in chap. 1 shews that 'nullos aut paucos sectatores 
habuit' must be received with caution; with regard to later 
times than Malmesbury's a succession of errors extending down 
to the XVIth Century, and still debated at the present day, is 
due to the suryiyal among obscure local historians and annalists 
of chronolcrgical Statements computed sec. E. F.; while with respect 
to earlier times than Marianus's I shall proye that the compu- 
tistical methods elaborated and applied by him were known 
centuries before his time, and I shall shew that they appeared 
in Gaul and in Northumbria almost as soon as the computistical 
methods of Dionysius were established therein, that is to say as 
early as the Vnth Century. 

Chapter 3. 

At the beginning of the Vth Century orthodox Christians 
were Computing the order of the years in three distinct and 
mutually independent ways: yiz. (1) from the Creation; (2) from 

nica', i. 522 sqq. Prof. Rühl's remark that Marianns foond followers in England 
only is not accurate. Compare his own page 203, where a bull of Pope 
Urban 11. is qnoted. It is dated 'secundnm Dionysinm A. D. 1098: secondom 
uero certiorem enangelii probationem 1121*.' Cf. also, 'Helinandi Frigidi 
Montis Monachi Chronicon', aptid Migne, Patrol CursuSy tom. CGXn, col. 976 
an. 1082, and for Helinand's master, Eadulfos Anglicns, ibid. col. 1035. 

>) Vide 'Willelmi Malmesberiensis Monachi De Gestio Begom Anglonun, 
Hbri V.', ed. WiUiam Stubbs, D. D.; *R. B. SS.', no. 90, 1889, p. 345. m, § 292. 
De Mariniano Scotto. 

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the accession of Diocletian;^ and (3) from the Passion of Jesus 
Christ. The method named last derives its sanction from the 
narrative of the Ministry of Jesus as it appears in the synoptic 
Gospels. The SOth year of Eis age is synchronised by Luke 
with the 15th year of the reign of the Emperor Tiberius. If 
we compute from the death of Augustus the 15th of Tiberius 
was current from 19 August, A. D. 28, to 18 August, A. D. 29. 
The consuls of the year 29 were L. Eubellius Geminus and 
C. Fufius Geminus, and Tertullian,^) who wrote at the end of the 
second centuiy, dated the Crucifixion his consulibus. Now, the 
tradition handed down by Tertullian seems to set aside the evi- 
dence of the Fourth Gospel, which is to the effect that the 
Ministry of Christ extended over a period certainly of more than 
two years, and, perhaps, of more than three. The existence of 
this evidence was sure to make itself feit, sooner or later, in 
computations which had for their object the discovery of the 
date of the Passion. I am not acquainted with any disputes 
about this date that may have occured in the lYth Century, 
and Sulpicius Severus of Aquitaine, writing c. 400, says: * Domi- 
nus cruciflxus est Fufio Gemino et Rubellio Gemino Consulibus, 
a quo tempore usque in Stiliconem consulem sunt anni CCCLXXII.'; 
'A Mundi Exordio Libri Duo', ii. xl.») This Statement agrees 
with Tertullian's, and St. Augustine was of the same opinion.^) 

>) In the Paschal Epistle of St. Ambrose, refeired to already (aupra, 
note 4), which was written in A. D. 886-7 the seyeral years known to os as 
A. D. 373, 377, and 360 are styled respecÜTely LXXKVUII^ anno, XCIII^ 
annoj and LXXVI^ anno, 'ex die Imperii Diodetiani'. 

*) Q. Septimins Florens TertulUanns (f 217, aet. 80), says in his book 
'Adnersns Indaeos', cap. yüi.: 'Tiberii xt^ anno passns est Christas anno 

habens quasi xxx. cum pateretor. Passio perfecta est coss. Bubellio 

Gemino et Bnfo Gemino, mense Martio, temporibos Paschae, die YIII Kai. 
Apriliom*. Tertullian preferred Eufo to Fufio. 

*) Lactantins Firmianns (flor. 280-812) says in his 'Institntiones Dininae'. 
IV. X.: 'Tiberii anno xv^, id est duobus Geminis consulibus ante diem X. Kai, 
Aprilium passns est Christus'. In his 'De Mortibus Persecutorum' cap. ii. he 
says 'post diem X. Kai. April. Jesus Christus crudatus est'. 

*) St. Augustine,, bishop of fiippo 395480, dates the Passion as foUows: 
'Mortuus est ergo Christus duobus Geminis coss., YIQ. Kalendas Apriles'; 
'De Ciuitate Dei', XVin. liiij. This calendar date agrees with Tertullian's 
but not with Lactantius's. Idatius, who flourished c. 470, does agree with 
the last named: /Bufo et Rubellione. His Coss. passus est Christus die X. 
Kalendas Aprilis, et resurrexit ym. Kalendas easdem'. Yieturiui, who wrote 

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When we come to Prosper of Aquitaine, however, we find that 
disputes had commenced, and that eSorts were being made to 
wed the synchronism in Luke with the argument derived from 
the Fourth Gospel. Prosper's remarks on this in bis Chronicle 
are very instructive. He says: 

'Quidam ferunt anno XVIII® Tiberii lesum Christum 
passum, et argumentum huius rei ex evangelio adsu- 
munt lohannis in quo post XV. Tiberii Caesaris annum 
triennio Dominus praedicasse intellegatur. Sed quia 
usitatior traditio habet Dominum nostrum XY. anno 
Tiberii Caesaris, duobus Geminis consulibus, crucifixum, 
nos, sine praeiudicio alterius opinionis, successiones 
sequentium consulum a suprascriptis consulibus ordie- 
mur manente adnotatione temporum quae cuiusque 
imperium habuit'.^) 

The new opinion was not adopted by Victurius of Aquitaine, 
who drew up his Great Paschal Cycle in A. D. 457, but at some 
date between that year and the end of the Vnth Century it 
was accepted by the Western Church. Venerable Bede teils us 
that in A. D. 700, at Rome, the difference on Christmas Day 
between the numerals of a year computed in the era of the 
Passion, and those of the same year computed in the era of the 
Incarnation, was 33. Bede's remarks on this subject are worthy 
of great attention. In his 'De ßatione Temporum' there is a 
long chapter, viz. xlvii., devoted to the consideration of the 
question. It is headed 'De Annis Dominicae Incarnationis ' ; v. 
*The Miscellaneous Works of Venerable Bede', in Patres Eccle- 
siae Änglicani, ed. J. A. Giles, D. C. L., 1843, vi. 239. Bede says 

(m) 'Habet enim ni fallor ecclesia fldem Dominum in came 
paulo plus quam XXXIII. annis usque ad sua tempora 
passionis vixisse, quia videlicet XXX. annorum fuerit 

in A. D. 457, giTes another date: 'Passam Dominnm nostnmi Jesnm Christtun 
peractis 5228 annis ab ortu mnndi eadem Chronicornm relatione [sc, Eusebia- 
nornm] monstratnr. Quod gestum inchoante xxix. anno, non potest dubitari . . ., 
Vn. Kai. April, crncifixus est et sepultus; tertia die, hoc est Y. Kai. April., 
dominicft, snrrexit a mortuis'. 

*) * Chronica Minora ', ed. Mommsen, toL i. 

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baptizatus, sicut euangelista Lucas testatur, et tres 
semis annos post baptisma praedicauerit, sicut lohan- 
nes in Euangelio suo, non solum commemorato redeun- 
tis Paschae tempore perdocet, sed et idem in Apoca- 
lypsi sua. . . . Sancta siquidem Romana et Apostolica 
Ecclesia hanc se fldem teuere, et ipsis testatur indi- 
culis quae suis in cereis annuatim [p. 242] scribere 
solet, ubi tempus dominicae passionis in memoriam 

(w) populis reuocans, numerum annorum XXX. semper et 
III. annis minorem quam ab eius incarnatione Diony- 
sius ponat, adnotat. Denique anno ab eius incarna- 
tione iuxta Dionysium DCC». I»., indictione Xnila., 
fratres nostri qui tunc fuere Eomae hoc modo se in 

(o) natali Domini in cereis sanctae Mariae scriptum 
uidisse, et inde descripsisse ref bebaut: Ä Passione 
Domini nostri lesu Christi anni sunt DCLXVIIIL 
(rectius DCLXVin.)'.0 

Bede's testimony to the custom of the Church in bis own time 
is conclusive, and the new ideas which Prosper was unwilling 
to meet with prejudice had therefore become part and parcel of 
Western orthodoxy before the end of the Vllth Century. 

Chapter 4. 

It is not quite clear to me whether by the title of the 
chapter cited just now, namely, 'De Annis Incarnationis', Bede 
meant to refer to the successive years of the Dionysian era. 
He may have had in mind the different years to which the 
Incamation itself is assigned by different computists, or, to be 
more exact, the different years resulting from the several com- 
putations of the dates of the Passion and the Baptism by John, 
The whole chapter is important in the history of chronology, 
and it touches upon the questions connected with the computa- 

^) The date of the yisit of these monks of Jarrow to Rome ia often 
miscompnted. The Christmas Day referred to is said to have faUen in the 
XIVth Indiction; and that hegan either on Sept. 1, Sept. 24, or Decemher 25, 
in A. D. 700 ; so that, in any case, it enveloped the Christmastide of that 
year. Mr. Plummer, howeyer, wrongly assigns their visit to A. D. 701 ; v, 
'Bede', Jntrod. i. xyü.; ii., 14 and 365. 

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tions secundum Evangelicam Veritatem in several ways, and for 
that reason I propose to analyse it. 

Bede teils us (a) that the custom of connting the years 
from the accession of the emperor Diocletian was distasteful to 
Dionysins who preferred to date the series from the Lord's In- 
carnation. (b) that Dionysius assigned the Incarnation to the 
second year of the Paschal Cycle of 532 years, the proof b^ing 
that he made the year 532 the head of tlie first cycle that he 
computei As A. D. 532 was the first year, 531 was the last, 
and the period clearly began one year before the era. (c) the 
nature and origin of this long period are explained; and (c2) 
the fact that it had been nsed previously by Victurius of Aqui- 
taine is mentioned. (e) The Statement already cited as 2» is 
repeated and then, in (f), the compntistical criteria, or charac- 
teristics of the year of the Incarnation according to Dionysins, 
are enumerated in the foUowing words: 'hie secundus annns 
decennouenalis octauus decimus est cycli Innaris, xi. habens 
epactas, y. concnrrentes septimanae dies, lunam Paschae decimam 
quartam, viii. kalendas Apriles*. The connexion between the 
year of the period of DXXXIL years and the year of the era 
having been established there follow four computistic rules the 
appHcation of which depends npon the knowledge of the number 
of the year in the era of the Incarnation. These rules are 
answers to the questions (g) quottts sit annus circuli decennoue- 
nalis; (h) quotus sit annus cycli lunaris; (t) quot sint epactae 
hinares; {k) quot sint adiectiones soUs, L e,, concurrentes septi- 
manae dies. Having fumished these rules Bede goes on to say 
(l) 'His igitur ita se habentibus annum passionis dominicae dili- 
genter inquirere, nee ignota quaerendi uia est, si non computus 
errat alicubi'. After this ironical remark there follow the pas- 
sages given above in the last chapter viz. (m), about the belief 
of the Church respecting the year of the Passion; («), about the 
difference of 33 years between the number of a year in the era 
of the Passion and the number of the same year in the era of 
the Incarnation; and (o), about the custom of giying out waxen 
tablets at Bome, on Christmas Day, with the year of the Pas- 
sion written upon them. Next we get (p) Bede's fixation of the 
Passion to A. D. 34, whereupon the whole Statement of the 
belief of orthodox persons is made in such a way that the casual 
reader would not suspect that Bede was skilful}y forestalling 

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the qaestions and objections, and confating the argnments of 
certain computists who relied upon data not funushed either by 
the Law or the Grospel, and who did not share that belief of 
the Chnrch which regarded A. D. 34 as the true year. 
Bede dates the Passion as follows: 

(a) 'Qnoniam igitnr ut supra memoranimns DXXXTI. an- 
nis circnlns paschalis circnmagitur, his adde xxxiii., 
uel potius xxxiÜL, nt illuni ipsum quo passus est Do- 
minus attingere possis; annum flnnt dlxoi. Ipse est 
ergo annns dominicae passionis et resurrectionis a 
mortuis. Quia sicut DXXXTTT. primo, ita DLXVI. 
tricesimo quarto per uniuersos solis et lunae concordat 
discorsos '. 

Bede giyes no calendar date, of course. The compatistical 
ciiteria of A. D. 34, A. P. 1, are Golden Number XVI^ Epact xy., 
Sunday Letter C. Consequently, a. d. viii, kcd. Äprües in it feil 
on Thursday, moon 18, and not on Friday, moon 15, which is 
the concurrence required by the computation sec. E, V. This is 
noteworthy because Bede indolges at this point in a Uttle play- 
fol Satire at the expense of those computists who relied upon 
the tradition respecting the calendar date of the Crucifixion 
which assigned it to a. d. mii. Kai Apriles. He goes on to say: 

(r) ^Et ideo circulis beati Dionysii apertis si DLXVLwm 
ab incamatione Domini contingens annum, quartam 
decimam lunam in eo, ix. kal. Apriles, quinta feria 
reperiris, et diem Paschae dominicum vi. kal. Apriles 
luna decima septima, age Deo gratias quia quod 
quaerebas, sicuti ipse promisit, te inuenire donauit'. 

Now Bede knew perfectly well that in A. D. 34, and A. D. 566, 
a. d. vi. Kai, April neither feil on Sunday nor on moon 17. Why 
then did he go out of his way to enumerate these criteria and 
invite a search to be made for them in a year in which they 
are not to be found? The reason is because these criteria for- 
med the basis of the arguments of a certain class of computists 
who rejected the Catholic view of the question and sought to 
discover the date of the Passion by wedding the criterion of the 
Gospel, yiz. feria sexta, and the criteria of the Jewish Law, yiz. 
luna XV,, primi tnensis (which they computed by Dionysian rules), 

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to the traditional criterion, viz. viii. Kai April, which had been 
handed down from very early times. Bat computists who trea- 
ted the question in this way were obviously fore-runners of 
Marianns Scotus, for the criteria ennmerated jnst now are exactly 
those that reqnire the concnrrence of Golden Nnmber XHL and 
Sunday Letter B. This concnrrence, as I have said already, 
assigns the Passion to a year which is actually A. D. 12. 

In the next passage (s) Bede declares what the truly Ca- 
tholic person ought to believe respecting the lunar day and the 
day of the week on which the Crncifixion took place; then he 
acknowledges how widely spread was the beUef that the calendar 
day on which Christ suffered was March 25, saying (t) 'Quod 
antem viii Calendarum Aprilium crucifixns, vi. CaL eamndem 
die resnrrexerit multornm late doctomm ecclesiasticorum constat 
sententiä nulgatum'; bnt he clearly regar^s this as an opinion ^\ 
only, and he points ont that it is not the only tradition, for 
Theophilns of Caesarea — 

(w) *antiquns, uiz., nicinusqne apostolicorum temporum 
doctor, in epistola synodica qnam aduersns eos qui 
decima qnarta Inna cum ludaeis Pascha celebrabant, 
una cum caeteris Palaestinae episcopis scripsit ita 
dicit: Et impium non est ut passio dominica, tanti 
sacramenti mysterium, foras limitem excludatur. Passus 
namque Dominus ab xi. Calendas Apriles, qua nocte 
a ludaeis est traditus, et ab vüL Calendas Apriles 
resurrexit. Quomodo tres dies foras terminum ex- 

The last citation, which is made from the spurious acts of the 
Council of Caesarea, would lead one to suppose that Bede had 
in mind at the moment the peculiar schism of the Scoto-British 
Churches, which did exclude March 22, 23, and 24. He gives 
another tradition after quoting these acts, saying: 

(x) *Galli quacunque die viii. Calendas Apriles fuisset, 

quando Christi resurrectio fuisse tradebatur, Pascha 

semper celebrabant'. 

Having shewn that traditions about the calendar date of the 
Crncifixion were not uniform Bede resumes the ironical tone 
adopted in (r) and puts the heterodox computists out of court 
very skilfully in the following words: 

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iy) 'Sin uero annum qualem quaerebas in loco quem 
putabas inuenire non poteris nel chronographorum in- 
curiae, nel tuae potius tarditati culpam adscribe, 
tantnm diligentissime cauens ne chronicorom scripta 
defensando intemerabile Legis uel Euangelii testi- 
monium nidearis impugnare, dicendo Dominum Salua- 
torem uel xv. uel xvi. imperii Tiberii Caesaris, uel 
xxix. uel TEL suae aetatis anno sacrosanctum crucis 
subüsse mysterium, cum Euangelia manifeste signi- 
ficent XV. anno Tiberii Praecursorem Domini praedi- 
care coepisse, ipsumque mox inter alios baptizasse 
Jesum incipientem iam fieri quasi xxx. annorum'. 

Bede, in short, refused to wed the criteria in tbe Gospels and 
in the Law to either of the traditional calendar dates, and he 
shewed that it was not expedient to do so — Ist, because the 
Church presented no uniform tradition with respect to the date; 
2nd, because these criteria do not concur in the year 34, the 
one supported by ecclesiastical authority; and 3rd, because the 
Gospel according to Luke assigns the 30th year of Christ to 
the 15th year of the reign of Tiberius, = A. D. 29. The third 
reason obviously renders it unnecessary to consider whether an 
earlier year, e, g,, A. D. 12, might be that of Christas Passion. 

This analysis of Bede's chapter de annis Incarnationis 
shews that Bede, in A, D. 725, was aware of the existence of a 
heterodox method of calculating the date of the Passion, and 
that he thought it important enough to merit confutation. From 
Bede's arguments we leam, as I have already remarked, that 
this method tumed upon computistical criteria which are identical 
with those relied on by Marianus Scotus, three centuries later. 
Now, the same criteria being given, medieval computists necessarily 
arrived at identical results; hence we need not doubt that the 
heterodox computists who were contemporary with Bede attained 
the same result as Marianus did, i e., they dated the Passion in 
the year that we know by the style and number of A. D. 12. 
This identity of result, by itself, does not permit us to assert 
that Vnth- and Vlüth-century computists were dating' events 
either in the era of the Passion sec. E, V. or in the corresponding 
one of the Incamation; but it does prepare us to find that one 
of these things reaUy was being done. Exact proof of the pro- 

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Position involved depends upon the discovery of the records of 
events connoted by annuary data computed in one er otlier of 
these two eras. Such proo& I will now produce, premising my 
list with the reminder that Marianns Scotns^) was bom in 1028. 

Chapter 5. 

A Table of Proofs of the use of the Compatation sec E. F. 
before the birth of Marianas Scotns. 





Date of MS. 



A.D. or Century 

(where re- 


Gregory*8 * Historia 

Corbie MS., now Paris 
MS. no, 17,655. 





'Annales Oambriae' 

Harley, Cotton, and 
Public Record Of- 
flee MSS. 






*The Saxon Chro- 






Corpus Christi Coli., 



Interpolation inBede's 
* Chronica Minora' 

Munich MS. 

no. 18,628. 





'The Saxon Chro- 

Cotton MS., Otho B. 
XI. (deperd.) 





Ethelwerd's Chro- 

Cotton MS., Otho A. 
X. {deperd.) 





'Annales Xantenses* 

Cotton MS., Tibenua 





Chronological Addi- 
tions to Bede's 

*H. e; 

Harley MS., no. 4978. 




Chronological Addi- 
tions to Bede's 

*H. e; 

Bishop More's MS., 
Cambridge Library, 
KK. V. 16. 



<) The other dates of Marianus^s life are — bis retirement from the 
World, 1052; bis Ordination as monk in the Irish monasteiy of St. Martin at 
Cologne, 1056; bis consecration as priest in 1059, by Sigefrid, abbot of Fulda, 
at Wurtzburg; bis retirement to Mentz from Fulda, where he had lived as 
a reduse, in 1062, and hie death at Mentz in 1082-3, or 1066. Cf. 'Monn- 
menta Historica Britannica*, i. p. 84, Pref.; p. 522, note a; also Waitz, 

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a) The Ohit of St Martin of Tours. The earliest MSS. of 
the 'Historia Francorum' of Gregory of Tours (f 594) date from 
the Vllth, Vlllth and IXth centuries, and »St. Martin's death is 
assigned in all of them to 'anno a passione dominica ccccxii'. 
This is quite wrong and the years indicated, viz. A. D. 412, 
423, 439, 440, and 444, are impossible ones. St Martin died 
after midnight on the Lord's Day, 11 November, 395, and this 
year in the era of the Passion computed sec. E. F. is An. 
CCCLXXXIIIL A Vnth-century computist who had this datnm 
before him might rednce it to A. D. by adding 28, as if it were 
in the era of the Passion according to Prosper. He wonld con- 
seqnently assign the obit to An. 412 (384 + 28). The retention 
here of the passional formula where that of the Incarnation 
shoald appear is not an isolated case (v. infra, § VL xxvi., xxvii.). 
Compare § 1, note l, below. 

b) The Era-year of the 'Ännales Cambriae\ This work 
was compiled in the Xth Century and its author intended 
apparently that the earliest events he calendared should be 
dated from the year of the Saxon Advent. By some accident 
he expressed the year wrongly and equated it with 445. Several 
unsuccessful attempts have been made to account for this. The 
true explanation I believe to be as follows: The year of the 
consulship of Felix and Taurus, to which the Welshmen assigned 
the arrival of Hengist and Horsa, is A. P. 417 according to 
Gospel Verity; this year, if wrongly assigned to the era of the 
Passion computed according to Prosper, and reduced to the 
Dionysian era by adding 28, gives 445 — the year indicated as 
Annus 1 of the 'Annales Cambriae'. Compare § 1, note ii, 

c) The two West- Saxon Chronicles amalgamated in the 
WincJiester Chronicle. The Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle was 
compiled about A. D. 850, and the Parker MS. of it was written 
out in A. D. 892. At the beginning of the record of West-Saxon 
affairs there is a series of errors which is due to the ignorant 
amalgamation of two distinct chronicles. The events in these 

*M. H. G/, Scriptorum TomusV., 484. There are two MSS. in the Bodleian 
Lihrary written hy Robert Losinga, bishop of Hereford, 1079—1095, in which, 
80 it is Said, Marianns's work is abridged and simplified. 

ZeitiehTift f. oelt. Philologie VI. 23 

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354 A. AN8C0MBE, 

chronicles were dated in different eras, one chronicler employing 
the computation I have denoted A, D. L (r. Bd. III, S. 507); the 
other that which I refer to as A, B. sec. E. V, For instance: 
Cerdic and Cynric arrived, we are told, in A. D. I. 495 (= A. D. 
492). They began to reign, according to the Preface, in the 
sixth year after, l e., in A. D. L 500, A. D. 497; but the Annais 
say that they began to reign in A. D. 519. Now, A. D. 519 
[sec, E, F.] = A. D. 497, A. D. I. 500. The explanation of the 
other errors referred to is quite clear, but lengthy; v. § m, 
note ia;., below. 

d) The Obit of Bishop Sexwulf, In the Winchester (Saxon) 
Chronicle the death of Sexwulf is dated A. D. 705. He really 
died in A.D. 691, A. D. I. 694. The computist who was re- 
sponsible for the insertion of this obit in the Winchester Chronicle 
must have had the figures DCXCIÜL before him, and it would 
appear that he supposed that he was dealing with a compn- 
tation in the era of the Passion sec, E, F., for A. P. 694 sec, 
E, F. = A. D. 705, the year he assigned. Compare § V, note xx^ 

e) The Bäte of the Sixth Oeneral Council, In the Xth- 
century Munich MS. of Bede's 'Chronica Minora' the sixth 
General Council of Constantinople is assigned to A. D. 705. It 
was really held in A. D. 680, A. D. I. 683. A. D. I. 683 reduced 
erroneously to the era of the Incarnation sec, E, F. = 705, the 
year given by the Xth-century copyist. Compare § HI, note x^ 

f) The Conversion of King Lucius, In the Winchester 
Chronicle referred to in c and d the Lucius legend appears in 
the annal 167, but in Wheloc's edition of the Saxon Chronicle 
printed in 1643 from the Cotton MS. Otho B, XI,, which was 
written c, 1025, it appears in annal 189. Now A, B, CLXXXVIIIL 
sec. E, V, = A. D. 167. Compare § III, note xii,, below. 

g) The Mission of Birinus, Ethelwerd compiled his 
Chronicle at the end of the tenth Century and he says that 
Birinus began to convert the West Saxons when 'transactus 
est numerus annorum ab aduentu in Brittaniam de Germania 
eorum fere centum uiginti'. Birinus came to Britain in about 
A. D. 634, and 634 minus 120 = about A. D. 514 for the arrival 
of Cerdic. This is correct, if we assign it to the era of the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Incarnation sec. E. F.; for A. D. 492, A. D. I. 495, and A. D. 514 
sec, E. F. mark the same year of grace. Ethelwerd, it is clear, 
made use unwittingly of a date computed in the era of the In- 
carnation sec. E, F., when he deducted the annus of the West- 
Saxon adyent from the date of Birinus's mission. Compare 
§ ni, note xl^ below. 

h) The Date of BryhtheWs Vision. In the 'Annales Xan- 
tenses', which were compiled in the IXth Century, the vision of 
the other world seen by Dryhthelm, the monk of Melrose, is 
assigned to the year 671. Chronologists who rely npon Bede 
give the date as 693. Now 693 sec. E. V. does eqnate A. D. 671, 
hence it would seem that the Compiler of the 'Annales Xantenses' 
had the date 693 before him, and that he mistakenly supposed 
that it was computed according to Gtospel Verity and reduced 
it to the Dionysian era by deducting 22, according to rule. 
Compare § IV. note xvi., below. 

i) The FranTdsh Computations of Ä. B. 852. In a Short 
chronology written in a Continental hand of the Xth Century at 
the end of the Harley Ms. no. 4978 (a copy of Bede's H. E.\ 
the obits of Martin, Clovis and Bemy are assigned respectively 
to A. D. 'ccccxlüij.', *dlvL', and *dlxxvi.'; and the intervaJ 
between the baptism of Clovis and the annus praesens is given 
as 'ccczLanni'. These dates and the accompanying interval are 
misleading. Martin died in 395; Clovis was baptised in 496 and 
died in 511; and Eemy died in 531. Now, as 511 = 'dlvi.', 496 
would be equated by dxli.j and this year pltts 'cccxi.' gives 852 
as the year in which the chronology was compiled. The years 
assigned were arrived at by a succession of errors, as foUows. 
A. D. 395, the year of Martin's death, = A. P. 384 [sec. E. F.]; 
A. P. 384 [secundum Prosper.] = A, D. 412 ; this erroneous date, 
if misstyled A. P., = A.D. 'ccccxlüii.' A.D. 511, the year of 
aovis's death, = A. P. 500 [sec. E.V.]] A.P. 500 [sec. Prower.] 
= A. D. 528; this erroneous date, if misstyled A. P. [sec. Prosper.], 
= A. D. 'dlvi' A. D. 531, the year of Remy's death, = A. P. 520 
[sec. E. F.] ; A. P. 520 [sec. Prosper.] = A. D. 548 ; this erroneous 
date, if misstyled A. P. [sec. Prosper.], = A. D. 'dlxxvi.' Compare 
§ VI. note ot:xvi., below. 

i) The out ofEgfrid of Northumbria. In the Chronological 
Memoranda which were written in the year 737 at the end of 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

356 A. AK8C0MBE, 

the More Ms. of Bede's ^H. E.' we are told that 63 years had 
passed away since Egfrid's death. A. D. 737 minus 63 = A. D. 
674 for Nechtan's victory; but that is 11 years too early, the 
true date being 685. This mistake is well known to all students 
of early English history, and it has never been explained. 
Now, A- D. 685 is annus DCLXXIin. in the era of the Passion 
sec. E, F., and it would appear that the chronologist of A. D. 737 
had the heterodox passional date before him, and that he de- 
ducted it from the annns praesens withont reducing it to the 
Dionysian era. The same explanation appUes to the erroneoos 
date he indicates as that of Egfrid's brother Aelfwin's death. 
Ciompare § VEH. note xxxi.^ below. 

We will now proceed to examine the complications which 
sprang from the existence, side by side, of diSerent methods of 
numbering the Julian year. 

Chapter 6. 

Computists and Compilers of chronicles in early medieval 
times would seem to have been embarrassed very frequently by 
the impossibility of determining the eras in which the data 
they wished to deal with were computed. The figures which 
date an event are clearly no guide by themselves; we must 
know their history and connexion. Such a datum as anno dcaf. 
cannot have an exact meaning for us unless we are told what era 
the annus is computed in. 'Anno dccc^' may be computable in any 
one of the three eras of the Passion, or in any one of the three 
eras of the Incarnation. Even when the class of era is indicated 
we are still at a loss, therefore, unless we are told which parti- 
cular one of its class it belongs to. For instance: anno dominicae 
passionis dccc. may be equated with either 811, 828 or 833. 
Of these 811 may be 17 years or 22 years too early; 828 may 
be + 17 or — 5 years out; and 833 may be 22 years or 5 years 
too late. It follows from this that the numerical vaJue of the 
divergence frequently indicates the stages of error through which 
the computation hos passed. The conversion of the people of 
Kent, for instance, is dated by a certain chronicler in A. D. 580, 
which is 17 years too early: cf. § 11., note v., infra. Now, a 
prochronism of 17 years only occurs regularly when a date in 
the era of the Passion according to Prosper has been wrongly 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



ascribed to the era of the Passion according to Gospel Verity. 
A. P. 569 = A. D. 597, of course, bat if the annalist had been 
dealing with computations in the so-called Gospel era of the 
Passion he might very easily reduce A. P. 569 to the era of 
Dionysius by adding 11 — the regulär of reduction out of the 
Gospel era of the Passion into the vulgär era of the Incarnation. 
This would yield A. D. 580, which datum conyeys the pro- 
chronism referred to. A great number of similar instances could 
be given from various chronicles, though, when the computistical 
difficulties and other circumstances attending upon the compi- 
lation of a chronicle in early times are taken into account the 
small number of errors in some of the best work should excite 
our respectful admiration, Errors are much more numerous 
among the smaller annalists, but they frequently bear distinct 
marks of their origin, and may be said to preserye a strong 
family likeness, upon the whole. In applying my discovery to 
annalistic work done in later times than William of Malmes- 
bury's I shall only take the leading eras and the more generally 
used years into consideration; so, after giving a list of the 
various eras and capita anni with which I intend to deal, I 
will tabulate the errors which may be styled regulär, and which 
are due to ascribing annuary data to the wrong eras when 
reducing them to the era of Dionysius and other computists. 

The Dates of the Capita Anni of yarious Eras. 




Calendar Bäte 










la Fassione se-l 
1 candnm ) 


>25 March 




I 1 

Beedam et al. 

33 <rf34 





[24 September?] 




1 ab Incamatione 1 
1 sccundum 1 

Basdam in Chro- 

24 September 

B.C. 4 






B.C. 23 

In the following scheme I refer to these Systems by their 
distinguishing letters set down in col. 1, and I use certain 
Symbols, viz. (xx) for — is wrongly ascribed to\ ( — ) for — a 
prochronism of; and (+) for — a parachronism of. E, g, the 

Digitized by 



first line in the following table signifles — If a datum given in 
the era of the Passion computed secundum Evangelicam Veritatem 
be wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion computed accor- 
ding to Prosper and others, and be then reduced to the era of 
the Incamation computed according to Dionysius, by adding 28, 
according to rule, we get a parachronism of 17 years. 

I. If a date in a xx b and reduced to d we get + 17. 



b XX c 




.... -17. 



a XX c 




+ 22. 



c XX a 




.... -22. 



d XX a 




+ 11 or 12. 



d XX b 




+ 28 or 29. 



d XX c 




+ 30,31,32,33. 



a XX d . 




.... —11 or 12. 



bxxd . 


, , 


.... -28or29. 



c XX d , 

. . . 

. . . 


. — 30, 31, 32 or 33. 

This table does not exhaust all possible errors but it 
enumerates all those with which it is necessary to deal at 
present. I now give a list of the instances we are about to 
examine, grouping them under their respective numerals. The 
extension of the formulae of error will be found subsequently, 
at the head of each section. 

I. The parachronism of 17 years: 
i. The obit of St. Martin of Tours. 

ii. The era-year of the Xth-century *Annales Cambriae'. 
iii. The obit of Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, 
iiii. The dates of Irish regal obits in the Annais of Ulster. 

II. The prochronism of 17 years: 
V. The mission of St. Augustine to Kent. 

vi. The obit of St. Patrick, 
vii. The obit of St. Columba. 
viii. The obit of St. Gregory the Great. 

in. The parachi'onism of 22 years: 
ix. The West-Saxon invasion of Britain. 
X. The Sixth Synod of Constantinople. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


xi. The mission of Birinus to BritaiiL 
xii. The Saxon Chronicle, TT, and King Lucius, 
xiii. The 24th year of King Merfyn. 
xiiii. The mission of St. Patrick to Ireland. 
xv. The advent of Hengist and Horsa. 

IV. The prochronism of 22 years: 
xvL The Vision of Dryhthelm. 
xvii. The obit of Bishop Asser. 
xviii. The mission of St. Augustine to Kent. 
xix. The accessions of the kings of Kent. 

V. The parachronism of 11 (12) years: 
XX. The obit of Bishop Sexwulf, 
xxi. The obit of St. Patrick, 
xxii. The obit of St. Bride, 
xxiii. The obit of St. Swithhun. 
xxiiii. The obit of St. Ibar. 

VI. The parachronism of 28 years: 
XXV. The obits of Clovis and Eemy. 
xxvi. The charter of Wulfrun. 
xxvii. The fifth year of King Edmund, 
xxviii. The obit of St Patrick. 

VII. The parachronism of 30 (31) years: 
xxix. The accession of Pope Hormisdas. 

XXX. The first note of solar eclipse in the ^Annales Cambriae'. 

VIII. The prochronism of 11 (12) years: 
xxxi. The obits of King Egfrid and his brother Aelfwin. 

xxxii. The obit of Abbess Ethelburga. 
xxxiii. The summons to Bishop Asser. 
xxxiiiL The advent of the Saxons. 

XXXV. The obit of St. Columba. 
xxxvi. The obit of Abbot Adamnan. 
xxxvii. The obit of St. Patrick. 

Google — 

Digitized by VjOOQ 


IX. The prochronism of 28 (29) years: 
xxxviii. The Chronographer of the year '354'. 

xxxix. The advent of the Saxons. 

xl. The mission of St. Patrick to Ireland. 

X. The prochronism of 33 (34) years: 
xli. The birth of St. Patrick. 

xlii. The obit of St. Benedict, 
xliii. The obit of Venerable Bede, 
xliiii. The first Easter celebrated by the Saxons in Britain. 

xlv. The obit of King Cenwulf. 

Chapter 7 (sections I — X). 

I. A Parachronism of 17 years appears when a datum in 
the era of the Passion secundum Evangelicam Veritatem having 
been ascribed by mistake to the era of the Passion seciindum 
Frosperum is then reduced to the Vulgär Era. 

(i.) (a) Arcadi uero et Honori secundo imperii anno sanctus 
Martinus Turonorum episcopus . . . feliciter migrauit 
ad Christum. Transiit autem media nocte quae do- 
minica habebatur, Attico Caesarioque consulibus. 

(b) Explicit über primus continens annos V. D. XC VTL 
qui computantur a principio mundi ad transitom 
Martini episcopi. 

Gregorii Episcopi Turouensis 'Historia Francorum', i. xlviii.; 
Corbie MS. (Paris no. 17,655), acr. saec. VIL Edidit W. Arndt, 
1884, *SS. Rer. Meroving.', tom. I, pp. 55, 56. 

(c) A passione ergo Domini usque transitum Sancti Martini 
anni CCCCXII. computantur. 

Ibid. M. «., and IV. li., X. xxxi.; pp. 149, 188. 

For reasons which will appear presently I regard the 
datum (c) as an Interpolation in Gregory's text. Gregory, I 
believe, gave only one annuary datum for Martin's death^ 
namely A. M. 5597. This may be referred to the mundane era 
used in Gaul and applied by Prosper of Aquitaine and his 
countryman Victurius. In this era the year 5202 = A. D. 1; 
therefore A. M. 5597 falls in A. D. 895—396. The mundane 
year, it must be remembered, was current from September 1 to 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


August 31.1) Now St. Martin's Day is IIL Id. Novembres, 
= November 11, and the ferial letter of that day is g. Con- 
sequently, as Martin died on a Sunday, the Sunday Letter of 
the year must be G. These data concurred in A. D. 395, and 
therefore the year of the world, the A. D. indicated by it, the 
day of the week, and the calendar date of the obit are all in 
harmony. But the consular and imperial years neither agree 
with the other data nor with each other. Atticus and Caesarius 
were consuls in A.D. 397, but the November of that year feil 
in the third, not the second year, of the sons of Theodosius. 
The year connoted by these consuls may have commenced on 
September 1, 396, which does concur with the regnal year, but 
11 November, 396, feil on a Tuesday, not on Sunday. 

The computation in (c) is quite erroneous. Gregory of Tours, 
in his episcopal office, used the Paschal Tables of Victurius of 
Aquitaine, 2) and, of course, knew quite well that November, 
A. K 5597, feil in A. P. 369. The want of agreement between 
the A. P. and the A. M. stamps the passage, wherever it may 
be found, and it occurs in several other MSS. written before the 
Xlth Century, as an Interpolation. A. P. 412 equals either 423, 
439, 440 or 444, which are all equally impossible dates, and 
were certainly not contemplated by Gregory. The true date, as 
I said above, is A. D. 395 which falls in A. P. [1J2] 384, and 
that year, if ascribed by mistake to A. P. [J29] sec. Frosper., and 
reduced to A. D., equates A. D. 412. The interpolator of 
Gregory's work had, no doubt, seen Martin's death assigned to 
A. P. CCCLXXXnil., and supposing that annus to be computable 
in the recognised era of the Passion, that dating from A. D. 29, 
reduced it to A. D. by adding 28, according to rule, and omitted 
to change the style from the era of the Passion to that of the 

The datum A. P. 412 underwent further vicissitudes: (d) in 
the Annais of Waverley 'Annales Monastici' (vide § 1, notem.). 

The mundane year commenced in the West on September 1, together 
with the Indiction, and the consnlar year also, in the Vth Century. Cf. Eühl 
(tt. «., chap. 2) §5: Der Jahresanfang, S. 36; and the extract given above, 
note 4, from Prosper Tiro. 

•) Gregory of Tours used the Paschal Table of Victurius and refers to 
its Easters in his *Historia Francorum', V. xvii. (A. D. 577), and X. xxiii. 
(A. D. 590). 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


which were written in the Xlllth Century, Martin's death is 
assigned to A. D. CCCCI. *A. D.' really Stands for A, P. and 
the fuU style would be A. P. sec. E, F. [IJ^] CGCCL, wMch falls 
with A. D. 412. (e) In the Annais of Connaught {v. § II, note vi.)j 
also written in the Xlllth Century, the date appears as ^a 
passione Domini anno CCCGXVo', where t; (u) Stands by a 
frequently recurring mistake for ii, (f) In the Canterbury 
(Saxon and Latin) Chronicie F, {v. § X, note xlii), written 
e. 1095, the obit is dated *Anno CCCCXLIV;, which equals a 
passione ccccxii. reduced to A. D. by adding 32. (g) In the 
Frankish Chronology (v. § VI, note asm.), written in the Xth 
Century, we find the same preposterous year. 

(ii.) The era-year öf the 'Annales Cambriae' is A.D. 445, 

and various attempts have been made to explain why 

such a year was taken as the epoch. The Compiler 

of these Annais actually intended to count his periods 

fi'om the year of the arrival in Britain of Hengist 

and Horsa, and appears to have supposed that he was 

dealing with the year of the consulship of Felix and 

Taurus, namely, A. D. 428. The parachronism of 

17 years (445 minus 17 = 428) shews quite clearly 

that a datum in the era of the Passion sec. E. V. [12\ 

namely, CCCCXVIL, which falls with A. D. 428, was 

supposed to be computable in the era of the Passion 

sec. Prosper. [291 ^^^ ^^^^ reduced to A. D. by adding 

28, according to rule. 

I do not intend to treat the chronography of the 'Annales 

Cambriae' at large in this paper, but other notes on errors 

present therein may be found below; v. III. xiiii.; VIL xxx.; 

and X. xUiii. 

(iii.) Anno DCCCLVIII. Wlstanus Eboracensis archiepis- 
copus obiit. 

'Annales Wigornienses \ Cotton MS. Caligida A, X, scr. ante 

1320; ed. J. E. Luard in Ännales Monastici, 'R. B. SS.\ 

no. 36 (4), 1869. 

Archbishop Wulfstan died in A. D. 941 = A, P. sec. E. F. 

[1J2] 930. A, P. sec. Prosper. [29] 930 = A. D. DCCCCLVni 

The Omission of one of the C's is due to De dating.^) 

^) Cf. Ztschr. ni. 510, note 1. The most systemaüc instance of De 
dating ü provided by the Annals of St. Yaast's. They commence in A D. 874 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


(iiii.) The dates of the obits of the kings of Ireland duriDg 
the semi-pagan and schismatic periods of Irish history 
— viz. from c. 430 to 461 and onwards to c. 640, 
as they are given in the Annais of Ulster. 

'Annala Uladh', edd. Hennessy & MacCarthy, from xvth and 
zvith-century MSS. 

Date of Obit. 

Yean i 
reigned 1 

igemach 1 


indicated by 


A.D. 1 
in the 1 
nnals of 

ms in the 
nnals of 




3 Lagsid 






An Interregnum 


4 Moircheartach 




533 or 535 


5 Tuathal 






6 Diarmaid 




564 or 571 


7 Feargus and DomhnaU 




565 or 572 


8 Ainmire 




568 or 575 


9 Baetan and Eochaid 






10 Baetan 






11 Aed mac Ainmirech 






12 Aed Slaine and Colman 






13 Aed Uairidhneach 






14 Maelcobha 






15 Suibhne Mend 






16 Domhnall 






In a monograph published in 1893 on *The Date of the Obit 
of St. Gildas of Ehuys' I shewed reasons for accepting theyears 
demonstrably indicated by the ferial signatures in the Annais 
of Tigemach in preference to the years actually assigned by 

with Anno Domini DCCCCLXXIIIL The editor (Pertz, *M. G. H.', Scrip- 
torum Tomns II, p. 196) notes *a Cod. DCCCCLXXITII. et ita deinceps', 
printing the correct arabic nnmerals here (viz. 874) and correctly giving the 
Century thronghont, without further eomment. 

f, ttü., MS. 

•) f, ü., MS. 

3) f. ttii., MS. 

Digitized by 



later writers and annalists. I reprodace from my monograph 
the precedent table giving the annuary data of the regal chrono- 
logy from Logaid to Domhnall mac Aedha, and I insert the 
dates erroneously assigned by the Ulster annalist bat generally 
regarded as correct ones. 

The parachronism of 17 or 18 years in the dates in the 
Annais of Ulster disappears when we reach the obit of Domhnall 
mac Aedha, and the divergence of 3 years there found may be 
merely chronographical, for A. D. 638, with Kai lan. ferid quintä 
= A. D. L 641 (cf, Ztschr. HI, 497). 

IL A Prochronism of 17 years appears when a datum in 
the era of the Passion secundum Prosperum having been wrongly 
ascribed to the era of the Passion secundum Evangelicam Veri- 
iatem is then reduced to the Vulgär Era. 

(v.) Anno DLXXX. S. P. Gregorius misit Britanniam 
. Augustinum. 

'Annales lohannis Asserii sive S. Neoti\ Trinity Coli. Cvnbr. 
MS., No. R. 7. 28, scr, saecl. XII.; ed. Thomas Gale, D. D., in 
'Historiae SS. XV.', Oxon. 1691, p. 143; and by W. H. Steven- 
son, 1904. 
St. Augustine arrived in Kent A. D. 597, = Ä, P. sec 
Prosper. [J29] 569. Ä, P. sec, R F. [12] 569 = 'A. D. DLXXX'. 

(vi.) Anno CCCC . LXXX . VII. Ab initio mundi secundum 

Dionysium V . DC . LX. usque ad transitum S. Patricii 

episcopi; ab Incarnatione vero Domini CCCC.XL.Vin. 

'Annales Bnellienses', or 'Annais of Connaoght', Gotton MS. 

TitusA.XXV., 8cr. ante 1254; ed. C.O'Conor, D.D., in 'Rer. 

Hibernic. SS.*, 1814, vol. n. 

A. D. 448 = A, P sec, R V. [12] 437. Ä, P. sec. Prosper. 

[29] 437 = A. D. 465, which is four years lower than the true 

year. A. D. 465 = Ä. D. sec. R, V. 487 the head-date given 


(vii.) Anno DLXXXIX. Quies Coluimb Cillg nocte Dominica. 

Quies Gregoir Bomae, ut alii dkunt 

(viü.) Anno DXCVI. Quies Gregoir ßomae. 

'Annales Inisfallenses ', Bodley MS., Bmolinson, No. 503, scr. 
ante 1216; ed. O'Conor, u. «., note vi., vol. U. 

The death of Pope Gregory the Great is assigned by some 
early writers to A. D. 606 = A. P sec. Prosper. [29] 578. A. P 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


sec, R F. [12] 578 = A. D. 589, as in the text. St. Gregory 
really died in March, 604/605, and A. D. 604 = A. D. I. 607; 
A. D. 607 = Ä. P. sec. E, V. [1J2] 596, which figures appear in 
the second text. 

The date of Colmnba's obit is more complicated. Ä. P. 
sec. E. V, [12] 589 = A. D. 600, which is really A. D. L, and 
exhibits the parachronism of 17 years already explained. Columba 
died on Whit-Sunday, June 9, 580, A. D. I. 583. 583 = A. P. 
sec. E. V, [12] 572, and this date, wrongly ascribed to the era 
of the Passion according to Prosper, and reduced to A. D., 
= A. D. 600, i. e. A, P. sec. E. V. [12] 589, which figures appear 
in the text 

III. A Parachronism of 22 years (sometimes 21) appears 
when a datum in the era of the Incarnation secundum Evangeli- 
cam Veritatem is wrongly ascribed to the Vulgär Era. 

(ix.) Anno CCCCXCV. Her cuomon twegen aldormen on 
Bretene. Cerdic 7 Cynric his sunu, mid .v. scipum, 
in thone stede the is gecueden Cerdices ora 7 thy 
ücan daege gefuhtun with Walum. 

Anno DVin. Her Cerdic 7 Cynric ofslogon 
senne Brettisc cyning tham was nama Natan Leod^) 
7 .y. thusendu wera mid him, aefter than was thset 
lond wearö nemned Natan leaga oth Cerdices ford. 

Anno DXIX. Her Cerdic 7 Cynric West Sexena 

rice on fengan 7 thy ilcan geare hie fuhton with 

Brettas thaer mon nu nemneth Cerdices ford 7 sith- 

than ricsadan West Sexana cynebearn of than daege. 

The Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle, A, Corpus Christi College 

MS. (Parker's), no.l73, «er. 892; ed. Plummer, 'Two of the 

Saxon Chronicles Paraller, 1892| pp. 14, 16. 

The Pref ace of the Saxon Chronicle informs us that Cerdic 
and his son Cjmric arrived in Britain in A. D. 495 {cf. Ztschr. 
in, 501); that they conquered the West-Saxon land from the 

^) The Word in the Mss. is nndoubtedly Leod, but C, Q and L in the 
Bocalled Hibemo-Saxon Script are mnch alike, and the initial letter of the word, 
perhaps Q, trne has been misread L, The diphthong eo is the representative 
of a more ancient iu, and the way in which the name and the epithet are 
presented is not Engliah. 'Natan Leod' snggests that the annal had a Latin 
original which read Natanus Qi^dw. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Welsh; and that Cerdic began to reign about 6 years after he 
arrived, and reigned for 16 years. The three dates when com- 
puted according to the Preface are 495, 500, and 515 or 516; 
but when computed according to the Annais they are 495, 519 
and 534. The computation of the Annais wonld make it appear 
that Cerdic did not begin to rule over the West^Saxon land 
nntil 24 years after his arrival, and the difflcnlties that spring 
from this divergence have often been pointed out adversely by 
critics of the Chronicle without any Solution of the problem being 
discovered. These difficulties, after all, are chronographical ones, 
and the foUowing table will resolve thenu In it only the dates 
actually given in the Annais are set down in Roman numerals. 


A. D. I. 

A.D. WC. JE. F. 




Cerdic and Cynric arrive at «Cerdices 


ora . 
Stuf and Wihtgar arrive at 'Cerdices 



519 \ 

C. and C. conquer the West-Saxon land 
and begin to nüe (Preface). 


G. and 0. begin to reign and fight with 


the Britons at * Cerdicea ford' (Annala). 



527 1 

»Dxxvn. i 

G. and G. fight against Natan the Gint 

G. and C. fight at ^Gerdices leage'. 




G. and G. conquer Wight and slay many 
men at ^Wihtgares bürg'. 




Gerdic dies in the 16th year of his reign. 
Gynric sncceeds. 

557 1 
560 j 

f560 1 

/ 579 
l 582 

Gynric dies, after a reign of 26 years, 

in A. D. DLX. 

M. Plummer in his Notes, vol. ii. p. 2, remarks: 

*It is a small matter that the Preface puts the invasion 

of Cerdic and Cynric in 494, while the Chronicle places it in 

495; it is more serious that the Preface places the foundation 

of the Kingdom of Wessex six years after their arrival, i, e,, in 

^) 495. In this year two aldermen came to Britain, vis. Gerdic and 
Gynric his son, with fiye ships, at the place which is called Gerdic's ore, and 
the same day they fonght with the Welsh. 508. In this year Gerdic and 

Digitized by 



500, while the Chronicle places it in 519. The length given in 
the Preface to Cynric's reign, 17 years, is a mere graphic error 
for 27; ß reads 26, and the Bede [A.-S.] copy 27; Napier's MS. 
carries the error a step further, reading 7\ 

It must be perfectly clear from the Order of the events in 
the A. D. L — and the A. D. sec. E. V. columns that the Com- 
piler of the Saxon Chronicle derived his matter from two distinct 
soarces which dealt with the same events from different points 
of view and dated them in diSerent eras. Until we reach the 
Vllth Century it is not possible to f eel certain that any annuary 
data in the Chronicle are computed in the vulgär era. So far 
as the table given above is concemed no event, I believe, is 
dated according to Dionysian order. Now, one of the sources 
from which this matter was derived dated events in the era I 
have denominated A. D. L (v. Zeitschr. ni. 497); the other source 
dated them in the era of the Incamation computed according to 
Gospel Verity. As the apparent difference between the t-^o eras 
is one of 19 years it foUows that a regnal period of 19 years' 
duration would end at the same annuary numbers in A. D. I. as 
it began at in A. D. sec. E, V. E. g., a reign of 19 years from 
A. D. I. 515 to A. D. I. 534 would commence in A. D. sec. E. V. 
534. Bearing this in mind, and remembering that Cynric's date, 
namely 560, appears to be reliable, we are compelled to conclude 
that the two Systems converged in the year of his accession, 
namely A. D. L 534, A. D. sec. E. V. 553, and that at least one 
king is missing from the royal list. 

When we examine the chronology of Cynric's life we find 
him ^arriving' in Britain with Cerdic, whose son he is said to 
be, and fighting by his side, in A. D. I. 495. As he died in 
A. D. I. 560, if the date of his *arrivar' is correct he must have 
been over 80 at his death. The same reasoning applies to 
Cerdic if he *arrived' in 495, with a fighting son, and did not die 
tili 534. These dates are not impossible, but they are unlikely. 
Moreover, it is not to be concealed that the Saxon Chronicle in 
some Mss. makes Cynric Cerdic's grandson. Creoda, the step in 

Cynric slew a British king whose name was Natan Qedd, and 5000 men with 
him, after whom that region was called Natan leaga or Cerdic's ford. 519. In 
this year Cerdic and Cynric began to reign over the kingdom of the West- 
Sazons and the same year they fonght with the Brettas at the place that is 
now caUed Cerdic's foi^ 

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the genealogy intervening between Cerdic and Cynric, is omitted 
altogether from the Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle, whether we 
seek his name in the Pref ace ; or in the short genealogies in the 
annals 552, 597, 674, 685, 688; or in the long pedigree in the 
annal 855. But this name does appear as that of the son of 
Cerdic and father of Cynric in the Genealogical Preface to the 
A.-S. Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ascribed to King 
Alfred; v. Mr. Plummer's note, 'Two Chronicles', i. 293. It also 
appears in the annal 855 in three MSS. of the Saxon Chronicle; 
namely, B (scr, c. 1000); C {scr. c. 1060) and D (scr, c. 1075); and 
in the Single leaf of JB, which is known as ß, in the Preface 
itself; v. Mr. Plummer's notes: i. 5(3), 67(4). For these reasons 
I infer that the original Compiler of the Saxon Chronicle did 
not realise that the earliest West-Saxon events he chronicled 
were dated in different eras, and that he made matters easy for 
himself, when he found the two sources converging npon the 
annuayy numbers 534, by cutting ont Creoda from the list of 
kings, and omitting his name from the pedigrees. Later copyists 
and continuators who could not perceive the difflculty experien- 
ced by the original Compiler restored Creoda to the Preface, 
and, at the bidding of the genealogists, no doubt, to the pedigree 
in 855, also. 

Annus CCCCXCV. for Cerdic's 'arrivaP is undoubtedly A* 
D. L, and indicates, as I have already pointed out (v, Zeitschr. 
V. 117), A. D. 492, the year in which King Arthur was defeated 
at Camlan. The date of Cerdic's 'arrivaP in the era of the In- 
camation sec. E, V., viz. DXIV., is boldly given as that of the 
'arrivar of his two nephews. Stuf and Wihtgar. Cerdic's reign 
may be said to have commenced in A. D. I. 500, according to 
the Preface, and in A. D. [sec. K F.] DXIX., according to the 
Annals. A. D. I. DVm. (= A. D. 505) and its equivalent A. D. 
[sec. E, V.] DXXVII. appear as the date of a victory which one 
source declared to have been won over a Briton, who is named 
Natan Leod; but, as I have shewn, Leod = Geod, a by-form of 
Jute, = Giuth, Giut. Hence A. D. 505 and A. D. [sec. E. F.] DXXX. 
(= A. D. 508) mark the years when the Jutes of the mainland 
and the Jutes of Wight, respectively, were reduced to subjection 
by the GeWissas or West-Saxons. The 16th year from A. D. I. 
500, i. e,, A. D. L 515, A. D. [sec. E. F.] DXXXIV., which indicates 
A. D. 512, marks the year of Cerdic's death. In the interval, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


therefore, between A. D. 512 and A. D. I. 534, I do not think we 
need hesitate to insert, or, rather, to restore, Creoda, the son of 
Cerdic and father of Cynric. I would read and date the West- 
Saxon pedigree as follows, where the Roman nmnerals are those 
actually ^ven in the Chronicle: 


Elesa, t492, A. D. L CCCCXCV., A. D. sec. E, V. DXIV. 

Cerdic, +512, A. D. I. 515, A. D. sec. E, F. DXXXIV. 

Creoda, +531, A.D. 1.534. 

Cynric, +557, A.D.I.DLX. 

(x.) Haec est sinodus Constantinopolim celebrata, DCCV. 
anno dominicae Incamationis. 

Baedae 'Chronica Minora', MS. Monacensis, No. 18,628, scr, 
saec, X ; ed. Mommsen, ' Chron. Minor. ' iii. 241. 

^) The West Saxon 'Esla' in the pedigree of King Alfred represents 
the Gothic *Ansila', the name of a brother of the great Hermanaric; vide 
Jomandes (bishop of Ravenna c. 530), *De Bebus Geticis'. The GK)thic 'An- 
sila' Postulates ösüa in the oldest Low-Gennan, and this ylelded the Old- 
Saxon 'Osla' (ösla) and the Anglo-Saxon 'Esla' (isla), Osla or Esla is the 
leader whom the Cambro-Britons called 'Gyllellyawr', i. e., cuUelli magni. 
He is mentioned thrice in the mahinogi of Rhonabwy; and in connexion with 
Badon, which would require us to date bis activity from 450 to 470. He also 
appears, yery curiously, in the Welsh Genealogies; sc. in the Lhuynweney 
MS. scr, c. 1560, and the Peniarth MSS. — 137, Bcr. c. 1541, and 118, scr^ c. 
1590. Vide Archiv, ii. pp. 154, 6, 7. Osla Gyllellvawr's son Mwg Mawr Dreiydd 
is mentioned in two of Llywarch H^n's poems in the Black Book of Carmar- 
then, 9cr, ante 1225; yiz. 'Llym awel Uum brin\ and 'Enwey meibon Llywarch 
hen \ Vide BhfB and Evans's Facsimile, fo. 47, 1. 1, tnug mawr treuit, 1. 6. 
rnugc] and fo. 54 yerso, 1. 5, mug maur treuU. Mwg = an Old-Saxon tMöc, 
Anglo-Saxon tMe&c, <Me&ca'; cf. *Widsid', 1.23, for the last name. Mwg 
Mawr Drefydd was the Opponent of Llywarch H§n and bis sons. His name 
in the poems and genealogies is a punning metaphony exactly parallel with 
that of Fflamddwyn, the etymon of which has nothing to do either with 
'flame' or Ida; cf. Flamborough, Flamstead, and the patronymic Fleming. 
None of the genealogies mentioned just now is older than the XYIth Century, 
but Geoifrey appears to have known the brief they have handed down to us, 
for he makes Osla's grandson Gwynber Dorchawg into a Gwynwas, Gunfasius, 
king of the Orkneys, (d'Orchawg); *H. R. B.* IX, xii. Gwynber = Winfar; 
cf. Bith-far, Here-far, Gundo-far, and also *Winfor-ton', the name of a yillage 
in the Welsh Marches. Osla's great-grandson, Eata Glinmaur, was known by 

ZtlUehHft f. e«lt. Philologie VI. 24 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The Sixth General Council of Constantinople commenced its 
sittings on November 7, A. D. 680, A, D. I 683, A. D. sec. E. V, 
(when wrongly reduced from the A. D. L) DCCV., which Agares 
appear in the text. 

E. Steinmeyer and Eduard Sievers assign this MS. to the 
Xlth Century; v. *Die althochdeutschen Glossen', iv. 566 (Berlin, 
1898); but I rather think their ascription refers to the glosses 
it contains. I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. F. Boll, the 
Keeper of the Munich Library, for the Information that tlüs 
passage is written in the same band as the rest of the MS^ and 
that he believes it is correctly ascribed to the Xth Century by 
Mommsen, u. s,^ and the Munich Catalogue. 

(xL) Impletus uero annus sextus [= A. D. 635] uenit Byri- 
nus episcopus ad occidentales Anglos praedicans eis 
euangelium Christi Transactus est numerus annorum 
ab aduentu in Britanniam de Germania eorum fere 
centum uigintL 

Ethelwerdi Chronicon, ü. yi. ; Cotton MS. Otho A. X (deperd. 
a. 1731) 8er. saecXI,; ed. Sir Henry SaTÜe, apud 'Bemm 
Anglicaram SS. post Bedam', fol. Londin., 1596. Also in 
'Monomenta Historica Britannica^ i. 506A. 

As about 120 years are said to have elapsed in 635 since the 
arrival of the West Angles that event must be dated in 514. 
A. D. sec. E. V. 514 = A. D. L 495, A. D. 492, as explained above 
in note ix. Ethelwerd compiled his Chronicle at the end of the 
Xth Century. 

(xii.) Annus CLXXXIX. Her Eleutherius on Borne onfeng 
biscopdöm . . . to tham Lucius Bretene kyning sende 
stafas . .. &ci) 

The Saxon Chronicle, ed. Wheloc, 1643, firom the Cotton MS. 
Otho B XL, (deperd.) 8cr. c. 1025; v. *Two of the Saxon Chro- 
nicles Parallel \ ed. Plnmmer, 1892, i. 292 ; ii. xxyiii. 

name to Nennins, who wrote in A. D. 837 : see the ahsurd Identification of 
him, in 'H. B.\ cap. Ixi., p. 205, with the father of King Eadbert who died 
in 768. Eata was the victor over Gwrg^ and Peredur, whose mother was 
Llywarch Hdn's consin-german, at Caer Greu, t. e., the City of Cren; ? Craa 
and 80 Crancester, now Cra'ster, in Northnmherland. Vide ' Trioed Arthnr ae 
wyr', no. 27; Peniarth MS. 45 (= Hengwrt 536) ncr. c. 1290, printed by Skene, 
'Four Ancient Books of Wales'. 

^) 189. In this year Eleutherins became bishop of Borne — to whom 
Lncins the king of the Brettas sent letters, etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


A. D. 164 = A. D. I. 167, and this date wrongly reduced to 
A. D. sec, E. V, by adding 22 gives annus CLXXXIX., as in 
the text. 

(xiii.) A primo anno quo Saxones aeneront in Brittanniam 
usque ad annom iiiium Mermini regis supputantur 
anni CCCC.Vnn. (CCCaXXYIIIL MS. Hb) ... ini- 
tium compoti: uiginti tres cycli decemnouennales ab 
incamatione domini usque ad aduentum Patricii in Hi- 
berniam, et ipsi annos efficiunt numero CCCC.XXX.Vni.; 
et ab aduentu Patricii usque ad cyclum deceninouen- 
nalem in quo snmus uiginti duo cycli sunt^ id est, 
CCCCXXI. sunt, duo anni in ogdoade usque in hunc 
annum in quo sumus. 

'Historia Brittonom', cap. xyI., ed. Mommseii) pp. 158, 159; 
Harley MS. no. 3859, 8cr. c. 1100. 

In the Preface to the 'Historia Brittonum' (MS. L, p. 127) 
and in the Computus (ibid. p. 131), we are told that Nennius 
wrote the book in A. D. 858, the 24th year of the reign of Mer- 
fyn. This agrees with the date indicated by the total of the 
flgures giyen in the text, namely 438 plus 421, if they are a 
Dionysian computation; but the tradition of the Harley MS. is 
uncertain. The numerals 'xx.' haye been misplaced therein, and 
I believe we should read the passage thus: ^ . . usque ad annum 
xxiiii«*'" Mermini regis supputantur anni CCCC.VIin.' The acces- 
sion of Merfyn does not appear to be dated accurately in ^ An- 
nales Cambriae', but we may assume that it occurred about 
A. D. 815; consequently his 24th year feil in about 838, which 
is some 20 years earlier than the computation in the Harley 
MS. indicates. The intricacies of these chronological Statements 
have been studied by Prof. Thumeysen, and he has assigned 
the compilation of the 'H. B.' to A. D. 826 (v. Zeitschr. i. 165). 
This year was arrived at by adding 421 years to the date given 
as that of Patrick's mission, yiz. 405. But in the first place 
this date may be computed as A. P. secundum Prosperum [29] ; 
moreover, A. P. 405 plus 421 does not = A. D. 826, but A. P. 826. 
Secondly, Prof. Thurneysen omitted to consider the meaning of 
the phrase *duo anni in ogdoade*. He may have considered it 
superfluous, and Prof. Zimmer also, has assured us that the 
passage has no more to do with the matter than the Lord's 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Prayer.i) I have pointed out (Archiv t c. Lexikogr., L 515) that 
^duo anni in ogdoade' means that the year had the Golden 
Number IT.; but neither 826 nor 858 has this Grolden Number, 
therefore neither is correct. G. N. 11. really connoted at this 
period Paschal years current in 817-818, 836-837, and 855-856. 
If we take the passage as corrected aboye, and add 409 
to the British date of the Coming of the Saxons, namely 428, 
we get A. D. 837, which, as we have just now seen, had G. N. EL 
A. D. 837 = A. D. sec, R V. DCCCLVIIIL, the year actually indi- 
cated in the text, but mistakenly treated as if it were in the 
recapitulation of the Paschal era of DXXXn. years and reduced 
by I to make it agree with the Dionysian order of the years of 
the Incamation. It will be remembered that computists add I 
to the A. D. in order to get the füll tale of decemnovennal years; 
conversely, having the latter datum they deduct L 

(xüü.) Anno VI^. MarcianL Sanctus Patricius monente angelo 
Hibemiam petiit 

' Annales Cambriae', Public Record Office MS., B^ 8cr. c. 1286, 
ed. J. Williams ab Ithel, 1860; 'R. B. SS.', no. 20, p. ixxvL 

St. Patrick's mission to Ireland feil in A. D. 433 = A. D. sec. E. V. 
455. The sixth year of Marcian was current from June, A. D. 
455. It is clear that the identity of the annuary numerals caus- 
ed the Compiler of B, or its prototype, to ignore the difference 
in eras. 

(xv.) Anno XIII®. Leonis Maioris. Aduentus Anglorum Horsi 
et Hengisti tempore Wortigemi regis. 
'Annales Cambriae', u. 8., note xiiii. 

The 13th year of Leo was current from June 26, A. D. 469. 
That year, regarded as A. D. sec. E. V., = A. D. 447, which is the 
year from which the Venerable Bede computed several of his 
intervals in the era of the Saxon Advent (cf. Zeitschr. ÜL 506). 

IV. A Prochronism of 22 years appears when a datum 
actually computed in the Vulgär Era is wrongly ascribed to the 
era of the Incamation secundutn Evangelicam Veritatem and then 
reduced to the Vulgär Era by deducting 22, according to rule 

^) 'Der Computos ist an der Stelle, wo er steht, ausserdem dem Zn- 
sammenhang nach so absnrd, als wenn das Yaternnser dastünde'; 'N. V.', S. 46. 
Dr. Mac Carthy, also, mistakenly says that the terms Ogdoad and Hendecad 
have no Chronographie yalne; Introd. 'Annall. ültt.', iv. li. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


(xvl) An. DCLXXI. Hoc anno quidam in Britannia a morte 
resurgens molta qnae uidit de locis penarum et pur- 
gatorii ignis loco enarrauit. 

'Anuales Xantenses*, ed. Pertz, 'M. G. SS.' ii. 220, 1829; 
Cotton MS. Tiberiua C, XI,, 8cr. saecl. XI. 

Bede gives no definite date, bnt later writers assigned the Vision 
of Dryhthelm to A. D. 693: v. Saxon Chronicles, D, E, scr. c. 1100 
and 1120, respectively. A. D. 693, computed secundum JEvangeli- 
cam Veriiatem, = A. D. 671, as in the text These annals were 
compiled in the IXth Century; Pertz, u.s. 

(xvii.) A. D. DCCCLXXXni. Assero Scireburnensi episcopo 
defancto succedit Suith[h]elmus, qui regis Aelfredi 
eleemosynam ad S. Thomam in Indiam detulit, indeque 
prospere rediit. 

' Florentii Wigorniensis Chronicon', ed. Benjamin Thoipe, Lond., 
1848, i. 98, note 3. Trinity College, Dublin, MS., scr, c. 1130. 

The uncertainty about the date of Asser's obit has given rise 
quite onnecessarily to doubts about the authorship of the*Gesta 
Aelfredi'. Asser attested charters dated A.D. 904 (v. * Cod. Di- 
plomat Aevi Saxonici ', ed. J. M. Kemble, Nos. 437, 1082, 1085), 
and his death is assigned in the 'Annales Cambriae' to ann. 
CCCCLXIV. A. D. 445 (= I.) pUs 464 = A. D. 908. A. D. 1. 908 
= A. D. 905, and this year, styled A. D. sec. K V, by mistake, 
= A. D. 883, the figures given above. 

An identical error occurs in another MS. copy of Florence's 
Chronicle, Thorpe's MS. III. (Bodley MS. no. 297). In this MS. 
Swithhelm's death is dated A. D. 892. This MS. has many addi- 
tions introduced from other chronicles (v. Thorpe, pref ., ii. xii.), 
and A. D. 892 = A. D. sec. E. V. 914. Now A. D. 914 is the true 
date, and it has been wrongly ascribed to the Gospel Era and 
then reduced to A. D. in the regulär way by deducting 22. 

(xviii.) An. DLXXII. (rectius ü.) Augustinus uenit in Angliam. 
'Annales Monasterii Wintoniensis', Cotton MS. Domitian A. 
XIIL, scr. c. 1300; ed. H. R. Lnard, u. «., note nt., vol. ii. 

A. D. 597, the correct date, when reduced by 22 = A. D. 575, 
the figures suggested by the text. This annal is interpolated 
on the margin of the page. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



The accepted 


(xix.) An.DXCm. 

Eadbaldus successit 

. 593 + 22 = 615 


„ Dcxvn. 

ErcombirtnB „ 

617 + 22 = 639 



Egbertus „ 

641 + 22 = 668 


„ DCL. 

Lotharius „ 

650-1-22 = 672 



EdricTUB „ 

661 + 22 = 683 


„ DCLXVm. 

WicbtredüB „ 

668 + 22 = 690 



Edbertus „ 

701 + 22 = 723 


' Annales Monasterii WintoniensiB', u. s., note xviii, These are 
all marginal interpolations. 

The Compiler or interpolator of these Annais appears to have 
had a list of the Eentish kings before him dated per annos 
praeteritos, v. Zeitschr. iii. 500; these dates he mistakßnly ascribed 
to the era of the Incarnation sec. E. F. and reduced them to A. D., 
as he suppösed, by deducting 22. 

V. A Parachronism of 11 (sometimes 12) years appears 
when a datum actually computed in the Vulgär Era is wrongly 
ascribed to the era of the Passion secundum Evangelicam Veri- 
tatem and reduced to the Vulgär Era. 

(xx.) Anno 705. Her Aldferth Northanhymbra cyning forth- 
ferde, 7 Seaxwulf biscop. 

The Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle, A, acr. A. D. 892; ed. 
Plnmmer, u. s,, note ix,, p. 40. 

The Chronicles B (scr. c. 1000), and C {scr. c. 1060) agree with A, 
but Mr. Plummer has shewn, 'Bede', ii. 216, that Bishop Sexwulf 
must have died before 693, because Wilfrid succeeded him in 
692. Now A. D. 691, wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion 
sec. E. V.y and reduced to A. D. according to rule, equals A. D, 
702, A. D. I. 705 — the lyear assigned, in so far as the numerals 
are concerned. 

(xxi.) Ipsa [sc. ecclesia Glastoniensis] quippe multo ante 
beatum Patricium, qui anno Incamationis dominicae 
CCGCLXXn. decessit, in ins ecclesiasticum transiuit . . . 

*Vita Sancti Dunstani', by William of Malmesbnry, ed. W. 
Stubbs, D.D., in 'Memorials of Dunstan'; 'B. B. 8S.\ no. 63, 
1874, p. 251; Bodley MS. EawUnaon Mise. 263, acr. c 1900. 

St. Patrick died in A.D. 461; this year, wrongly regarded as 
A. P. sec. E. V., = A. D. 472, as in the text. It might at first 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


sight be considered stränge that William of Malmesbnry himself 
should be numbered among those who were deceived by the f alse 
chronological views elaborated by Marianus, bat we cannot feel 
sure that the hand of a Glastonbury interpolator may not have 
been at work here. The whole snbject of the connexion of 
Mahnesbury with the Glastonbury literary frauds in the Xnth 
Century has been recently investigated by Mr. W. W. Newell; v. 
Publications of the Modem Language Association of America, 
vol. xviii. (1903), pp. 460-512. Mr. Newell has demonstrated that 
Malmesbury did not make use in his little work 'De Antiquitate 
Glastoniensis Ecclesiae' of the British fables that he condemned 
in his History, and that the libelli4S became by 1192 the frame- 
work over which the necessitous Glastonbury interpolators of 
the xnth and Xlllth centuries spread their literary frauds. 

(xxü) A morte Patricii usque ad obitum sanctae Brigidae 
Ix. anni. 

'Historia Brittonnm*, cap. xvi. p. 158, ed. Mommien, Dtirham 
MS. B, II, 35, D, «er. c. 1150 (et al,). 

A. D. 461, the true date of St Patrices death, plus Ix. = A. D. 
520; but the year of quinia feria to which Tigemach assigned 
St. Bride's death, is A. D. 509. 509, however, if wrongly ascribed 
to the era of the Passion sec, E. F. [12] postulates A. D. 520, the 
sixtieth year from Patrick's death. 

(xxüi.) Anno DCCCLXXTT. Sanctus Swithunus episcopus 
Wyntoniensis obiit. 

'Annales Wigomienses *, v, note iti., supra, 

The Canterbury (bilingual) Chronicle, F, has 861; that year 
wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion sec, K F. [13] equates 
A. D. DCCCLXXII., as in the text. 

(xxiiii.) [a] An. CCCCLXXXVm. El. — Mors Episcopi Ibair. 

[b] An. D. lobar episcopus ob. IX. cal. Mai. aetat[is 
suae anno] CCCCIV. 

[c] An. D. xxii. Lugaidh. St. Ibhar died April 23, aged 
304 years. 

a) AnnalB of Connanght, u. <., note vi. 

b) The Martyrology of Donegal. 

c) Annall. lY.Magg.O 

Cf. 'Annales Inisfalensefl' (Bodley MS. Bawlinaon B, No.503)j ed. 
C.O*Conor, D.D., 'Bemm Hibernicanun Scriptores', Vol. m. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


A. D. CCCCLXXXVm., wrongly ascribed to the era of the Pas- 
sion sec. E. F. [12] and rednced to A. D. again, eqnates A. D. 499 
or 500. 

VL A Parachronißm of either 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32 or 33 
years appears when a datum in the Vnlgar Era is wrongly 
ascribed to an era of the Passion other than that computed 
secundum Veritatem Evangelii, and rednced to A. D. 

(xxv.) Regnante D. N. I. X., anno a passione einsdem Domini 
et Salnatoris DCCCCXC.VI., indictione septima . . . 
Scriptum in mense Octobris, in dominico die, XVIL 
KaL; Inna xxii. [rectius xxv.], indictione VIL 

The Charter of WolMn to the Monastery at Wolyerhampton; 

'Monasticon Anglicannm', ed. 1830; VL pt 3, p. 1443 a. 

The Seventh Indiction of Constantinople in the series cnrrent at 
the period in qnestion began on September I, A. D. 993, A. D. I. 
996. These figures tally with the annuary nnmbers and with 
the Indiction given in the text. It is quite clear, therefore, 
that 'anno a passione Domini' is an error in ascription, thongh 
it may be systematic. A. D. 993, A. D. I. 996, has Sunday Letter 
A, and in the month of October the Ides and the 22nd of the 
month feil on Sunday. XVIL Kai [Novembres], the date in the 
text, feil on Monday, howeyer, but it commenced at vespers on 
Sunday. The Golden Number of A. D. 993, A. D. I. 996, was VI., 
and this has 25 days of epact; consequenüy as the lunar regulär 
of the Kalends of October is 16 the moon of the tables was 
(16 + 25 =) 11 days old, and on the 15th of the month it was 
xxv. days old. All these dates, therefore, are in exact agreement. 
The Seventh Indiction was current in October, A.D. I. 996; 
the Julian Calendar date was changed to the 16th, i. e., XYII. 
Kai., at vespers on Sunday, the Ides; and the lunar calendar 
date, namely xxv,, remained the same tili sunset, when it became 
luna xxvi. The tenth hour, or Vespers, ends at about 3.20 on 
October 15, in the English Midlands, and sunset occurs on that 
day a few minutes after 5. The datal clause, therefore, of the 
Charter of Wulfrfin is unimpeachable, and that is the case whe- 
ther it was appended to that particular charter or, originally, to 
some other. Whether that charter is a fraudulent one I do not 
pretend to say, but this datal clause provides no reason for 
rejecting it. The chartei* to which this clause is now attached 

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may very well have been witnessed on Sonday, October 18, 
A. D. 993, A. D. I. DCCCCXC.VL, in the VHth Indiction, after 
the Julian calendar date had been changed from Idibus to 
^XVn. Kai.', i. e., after 4 P. M., and before sunset^ when luna 
XXV. was extingmshed, i. e., before 5 P. M. 

(xxyi.) [a] Ab Incamatione Domini osque ad transitom Sancti 

Martini, anni CCCCXLIIII. 
\b] Ab I. D. usque ad baptisma Franconun, anni . . . 

[525, margin]. 
[c] Ab hinc usque in presens, anni CCCXI. 
[d\ Ab I. D. usque ad transitum Chlodouei, anni DL VI. 
[e\ Ab I. D. usque ad transitum Sancti Remigii, anni 

\f] A transitu Remigii usque in presens, anni CCL. . . 

[270, margin]. 

Addisons made by the copyist of Bede's 'H. E.' in the Harley 

MS., no. 4978; scr. saeel X., fo. 151b. Ed. Plommer, <Bede\ 

Introd. p. c. 

The Arabic numerals in brackets are written in the outer margin 
of the page in a modern band which seems to me to be the 
same as that which wrote *13 die mense Augusti, A.D. 1724', 
at the top of the first page of the book. The numerals of b 
have disappeared under the paste of the binding; some of f are 
rubbed off the parchment, and it is, of course, quite possible 
that the marginal note is erroneous. b. Clovis was baptised in 
A. D. 496, A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 485. This datum, wrongly ascribed 
to the era of the Passion [29] according to Prosper, and reduced 
twice to A. D., = A. D. 541. Cf, note xxviii. infra, c. 541 plus 
the interval CCCXI. dates the annus praesens in A. D. 852. 
d. The death of Clovis occurred in A. D. 511, A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 
500. A. P. 500 twice reduced to A. D. = DL VI., the year as- 
signed. e. St. Remy died in A. D. 531, A. P. sec, E. V. [12] 520. 
A. P. 520 twice reduced to A. D. by adding 28 = DLXXVI., 
the year assigned. f. A. D. 852 (the annus praesens) minus 
DLXXVI. gives an interval of 276 years, whereas the marginal 
note only gives 270, and the surviving numerals indicate no 
more than 'CCL. . .'. Mr. Plummer (u. s., p. c.) dates the annus 
praesens by adding the interval in c to the true year of the 
baptism of Clovis, viz. 496. But this misconceives the nature of 

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the Problem, inaBmnch ss it assumes that the IXtli-centiiTy 
computist dated the aDnns praesens in the same era as the con- 
yersion and the obits were dated in. A more correct yiew 
wonld, I think, regard the intervals he handed down as falae 
ones; that is to say, they were not intervals between the events» 
bat intervals between years dated in one era and the annns 
praesens dated in another. Mr. Plnmmer's Suggestion that the 
dates seem to be computed in Hhe Julian era, which precedes 
the Christian era by forty-five years', is a mistake, because there 
is no such era. A EXth- Century computist would not coont 
the years of the Incamation from Julius Caesar, and the follow- 
ing table will make his position clear. 


The donble 
redaction, as 

in Harley 

The falae 


s •< 


if A.P.aec. 

no. 4978 




of CloTis . . 



+ 28 + 28=[DXLI.] 


The Death of 




+ 28 + 28= DLVI. 


[ = 852 

The Death of 

plus . . . 

Bemy .... 



+ 28 + 28 = 



St. Martin died in 395 which = A. P. sec. E. F. 384. A. R 384 
ascribed to Prosper's era of the Passion, and reduced to A. D^ 
== 412, a date which crops up again and again — v. note i. 
A. D. 412, wrongly dated a passtone and reduced to A. D. by 
adding 32, = CCCCXLIHL, as in the text 

(xxvii.) A Passione Christi peracti sunt anni DCCCCXLVL; 
ab incarnatione autem eins sunt anni DCCCCLXXVL; 
et quintus [est] annus Eadmundi regis Anglorum. 

'Historia Brittonum^ MS. Vatican, Begivuief no. 1964, «er. 

8aecl XI.f cap. 1.; ed. Mommsen, 'Chron. Minor.' iii. 145. 

This passage has caused a great deal of discussion; v. Mommsen, 
u. s,, p. 117, note 2; and Zimmer, *N. V.', p. 167 seq. In the 
first place 'a passione Christi' is a mistaken ascription identical 
with that considered just now in note xxv. — a document of the 
same Century. Secondly, ^ab incarnatione', etc., appears to me 
to be an addition made by a Continental scribe who did not 

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know when Edmund reigned and who was misled by the erro- 
neoos, thongh perhaps systematic, ascaription ^a passione Christi'. 
This really Stands for the formula ab Incarnatione Christi, and 
'peracti sunt anni 946' indicates that 947 was current: compare my 
remarks on the computation per annos praeteritos in this joumiJ, 
iii. 501, sqq. A. D. 947 was not the flfth year of King Edmund, 
however, and we must understand A. D. I. This assigns Edmund's 
flfth year to A. D. 943-4, and his accession, therefore, to A. D. 939- 
The Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle, which was practically con- 
temporary with Edmund's predecessor, King Athelstan, in the 
portion of it concerned, dates the death of that king a. d. VI. Kai 
Novembres, anno DCCCCXL., and the Old-English year, as I have 
shewn in the Athen(Bum, September 22, 1900, p. 380, commenced 
in the month of September. Consequently, the month of October, 
DCCCCXL., feil in our 939, and the first year of Edmund's 
reign was current from October 27, 939, to October 26, 940. 
His flfth, therefore, in which the Edmundine recension of the 
'H. B.' was made, was current from October 27, A. D. 943 
(A. D. I. 947) to October 26, 944 (A. D. I. 948). I haye shewn in 
the AthenoBum, June 25, 1904, p. 819, that Edmund was crowned 
on November 30, St. Andrew's Day, A. D. 939 — DCCCCXL., 
= A. D. L 943. 

There are two other passages bearing upon this point in 
the Vatican and Paris MSS. of the 'H.B.' 

(6) Regnante Gratiano Equantio Romae Saxones a Gur- 
thigimo suscepti sunt anno CCCXLVII. post passionem 
Christi. A tempore quo aduenerunt primo ad Brytta- 
niam Saxones usque ad primum imperii annum regis 
Eadmundi DC.XLII.; ad hunc in quo nos scribimus 
annos traditione seniorum DCXLYII. didicimus, quippe 
quia isti imperii quintus antedicti regis est annus. 
Cap. xxxi. p. 172, text and note 1. 

(c) ... quando Gratianus Aequantius consul fuit in Koma 
. . . Saxones a Guorthegirno anno post Domini pas- 
sionem CCCXLVIL suscepti sunt, ad hunc quem nunc 
scribimus annum DCJJ^LVII. numeramus. 

Cap. Ivi., p. 201, note 2. 

I have restored the points to the De. dates because they are 
important. They have been ignored in all cases by Zimmer and 

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Mommsen; but Petrie and Hardy, who knew the meaning of 
them, piinted them in many instances. I have already said in 
this Journal (iii. 510*), on the anthority of the last-named scho- 
lars, that such a date as DCJ., in a certain style, does not 
mean 601, but 501. Similarly DC.XLVIL does not mean 647, 
as the two scholars first named supposed, but 547. 

The computations in h and c are obviously based upon the 
Passion datum CCCXLVn. Let us then deduct that interval 
from the Dionysian years we have already computed: 939 and 
944 minus CCCXLVII. = 592 and 597, respectively. But the 
computation in b says 542 and 547, hence DC.XLIL and DCJSXiVn., 
should be DCJXCII. and DCXCVn., respectively, and the secon- 
dary cause of our difflculties becomes apparent The scribe of 
the Vatican MS. misread the Anglo-Saxon l (== C) as L,i) and 
all we have to do to harmonise the computations in a, h, and c, 
is to read DC.XCII. and DCXCVIL, as suggested. The addition 
of these intervals to A. P. CCCXLVII. gives us A. P. 939 and 
A. P. 944 as the first and fifth years, respectively, of the reign 
of Edmund, King of the Angles. They are necessarily years 
computed from the Incamation, and they have been erroneously, 
though perhaps systematically, styled years a Passione. 

(xxviii.) An cccc.lxxx.viij. Quies Patricii XVI. Kai. Aprilis, 
anno a passione Domini. 

'Annales Inisfalenses ', vide supra, note yü. 

In years of the Passion January, February and 24 days of the 
month of March fall at the end of the year, consequently the 
regulär of reduction from A. P. sec. Prosperum to A. D. sec, Dio- 
nysium should be increased by us in those months to 29. Hence 
XVL Kai April, a, p, D, ccccxxx.n. = March 17, 461, which is 
believed to be the correct date of St. Patrick's obit. A. P. 
CCCCXXXII. + 28 = A. P. CCCC.LX. and A. P. CCCC.LX. + 28 
= An. cccc.lxxx.vii]., as given in the text^ the parachronism 
having been doubled, Cf. note xxvi. supra. 

Vn. A Parachronism of 30, 31, or 33 years also occurs 
when data in the Vulgär Era are wrongly ascribed to an era 
of the Passion and are reduced to A. D. again. 

>) Cf. suprüf note 1, p. B6i. 

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(xxix.) Et ueniens sanctissima in aquilonalem plagam Hiber- 

niae, uidelicet in prouincia XJltorum, Brigida illico 

doloribus correpta est et post breue spatium temporis . . . 

aetatis suae anno LXXX., anno aero XXX. post obi- 

tom S. Patricii Archiepiscopi, regnante in Themoria 

regnum Hiberniae Murchiartach mac Erc, cui successit 

in regno Tnathal Moelgarbh^ primo antem anno regni 

Instiniani imperatoris, sedente in sede apostolica papa 

Hormisda, anno quoque ab incamatione Domini 

DXLVrn. (Calendis Februarii) . . . felicissime obiit 

'Quarta Uita Sanctae Brigidae', ascribed to Anmchad, Bishop 

of Kildare (t9d0), bnt no MS. is known to exist; ed. 'Act! SS.\ 

February, tomna 1, 1863, p. 171 F. Cf. Hardy, ^Catalogue*, 

no. 310, i. 108. 

The Bollandists discnss the question Quando ohierit S. Brigida? 
in the viiith chapter of their Preface to the Life, pp. 109, 110. 
Their reply to it is 1 February, 523, and they neglect Tigernach, 
who enters the obit against feria u. and feria ü., marking the 
Caput anni of the January year and the September year, respec- 
tively, current in February, 509. I have already pointed this 
out in my pamphlet on St. Gildas where, also, I shewed that 
Muircheartach reigned from 494 to 515. Now, Justin the Eider 
died on August 1, 527, after his nephew Justinian had been 
associated with him in the empire; and the first year of Hor- 
misdas was current in 514-515. How are we to reconcile all 
these conflicting annuary data with the given year DXLVIIL? 
The Solution of the problem is perfectly easy if the principles 
of computation the acceptance of which I have been urging in 
this paper be bome in mind. A. D. 515, for Muircheartach and 
Hormisdas, if wrongly ascribed to A. P. and reduced, = DXLVIIL, 
and the other data cohere as foUows: 

A. D. 509, the true year of St. Bride's death = A. P. sec. 
KV. 4:98; 

A. P. sec. Prosperum 498 = A. D. 526, 
A. D. 515, if wi'ongly as-| 
cribed to A. P. and 33 > = 
added, 1 

A. D. 515, if wrongly as- 
cribed to A. P. sec, KV.\ = A. D. 526 
and reduced to A. D. 

= A. D. sec. E. V. DXL VIII., 
the year given in the 
Vita as that of Justinian's 

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382 A. AN8C0MBE, 

(m.) Annns [VII]. Dies tenebrosa sicut nox. 

'Annales Cambriae', MS. B, scr. c. 1286; v. supra^ note xiiii. 

The year 7 in these Annais onght to connote A. D. 451, bnt the 
solar eclipse recorded was ondoubtedly the one which occnrred 
on 20 July, A. D. 445. A. D. 445 = A. P. sec. K V, [12] 434, and 
that really was the seventh year, by nnmbers, from the Saxon 
Advent correctly assigned to 428. The year VII. is also syn- 
chronised with 'annns xix. ab initio Leonis Maioris regni', t. e^ 
with A. D. 475-6. Now, I have already shewn above, in note xv., 
that the ISth year of Leo was synchronised with an event that 
happened 41 years before; similarly, here we get his 19th year 
synchronised with A. D. 434 (475 minus 41). The inference that 
may be drawn jnstly from this is that the Compiler of the 'An- 
nales Gambriae' had a note of a solar eclipse dated in the era 
of the Passion sec. E, V. [12] 434, and that he assomed that the 
nnmerals marked a year in the era of Dionysins, with which he 
was familiär, and incorporated the annal in the wrong place. 
Snbseqnent elaborators confosed the matter still worsa 

The 'Art de V6rifler les Dates', in its chapter on the 
chronology of eclipses says; '445. * 20 jnillet ä 5 et demi soir. 
Enrope an Nord-Onest'. This eclipse was recorded by Irish 
annalists as well as British ones, and in the Inisfallen Annais 
(Bodleian MS. Bawlinsan B. 503) we find: 

E. in. Stella crinita appamit. 

Xv. ... ••• ••• 

El. Eclipsis solis in nona hora. 

There are no other annnary dates given here in these Annais, 
but the notice abont the comet and the record of the honr at 
which the eclipse occnrred enable ns to date both eyents with 
relative certainty. According to M. Pingr6 (w. s, p. 297) the 
middle of the eclipse coincided at Paris with 5. 30 P. M., which 
is equated by 4. 54 P. Jf. at Tara; conseqnently the eclipse 
commenced at that place at abont 3 o'c. Now, on Jnly 20, as 
the snn sets in these latitndes at abont 8 o'c., the ecclesiastical 
honrs are of abont 80 minntes dnration; conseqnently, as the 
eclipse began at Tara at abont 3 P. M. it began in the 9th 
honr which was cnrrent between 2. 40 and 4 o'a This tallies 
with what the Irish annalist teils us; bnt the signatnre Kai iv. 

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indicates A. D. 441 as tlie year of the comet, and as this is 
correct we must assign the eclipse to 443. It is mach more 
likely, howeyer, that 4a' is a loisreading of ui than that it is 
the eqaivalent of tin.; in either case, however, the interval 
between the cpsmical events calendared shoald be two years longer 
than it is. 

Idatias, who was wiiting in the second third of the Yth 
centary, and who, no donbt^ saw this comet, says (v. Migne, 
'Patrol/, li. 881; ed. Mommsen, 'M. G. H.', Chron. Minor., II). 

^Cometae sidns apparere incipit mense Decembri, qnod 
per menses aliqnot aisom sabseqaentis in pestilentia 
plagae, qnae fere in toto orbe diffusa est, premisit 

Marcellinus, who wrote c. 530, teils us (v. Migne, *Patrol.', li. 927): 

*Ind. X. Eudoxio et Dioscoro coss. 

Stella quae crinita dicitur per plurimum tempus ap- 

The comet, therefore, which was calendared by the Irish annal- 
ists must have been that of A. D. 441-442, which years began 
f, iiii, and f. v,, respectively. The Signatare of the annal, namely 
*iu.', may be a misreading of ui., bat the solar eclipse of two 
years later recorded in the 'Annales Inisfalenses' and in the 
^ Annales Cambriae' ean be no other than that of A. D. 445, as 
I have suggested already. 

This comet I believe to be the one described by Geoffrey 
of Monmouth in his 'Historia Regum Britanniae', VIII. xiv., 
where it is synchronised with the death of ' Aurelius Ambrosius' 
and the accession of Uthyr. It must be remembered that Cat 
Guoloph, the battle resulting from the contention between Am- 
brosius and Guitolinus, is dated 12 years after Guorthigim's 
reign. Whether *post regnum Guorthigimi' (*H. B.' cap. Ixvi.) 
means from the death of Gwrtheym, I cannot teil; bat as he 
was ruling in A. D. 428 it is clear that the strife between Am- 
brosius and Guitolin occurred post A. D. 439.*) 

^) Other attemptfl to date this comet in the early years of the Vlth 
centary may be fonnd in Pingr6*8 'Cometographie, on Trait6 historiqne et 
th6oriqne des Com^tes*, Paris, 1783. 

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Vm A Proehronism of 11 (sometimes 12) years appears 
when a datam in the era of the Passion secundum Evangelieam 
Veritatem is wrongly ascribed to the Vulgär Era. 

(xxxL) [a] Baptizanit Panlinns ante annos . . . CXL 

[h] Eclypsis ante annos LXXm. 

[c] Penda moritnr ante annos ..... LXXIX. 

[d] Pugna Ecgfridi ante annos TiXIli. 

[ej [Pugna] Aelfanini ante annos yüL . . [LXXI.] 

[f] Angli in Britannia ante annos. . . . CCXCIL 

'Chronological Fragment', Hon HR of Bede*s 'H. E.', $er. 737. 
ed. Sweet, in <The Oldert English Terts'; £. £. T. Sodetj^s 
Pnblication, no. 83, p. 149. 

The text of this Northnmbrian Fragment is given by Sweet, 
and also in 'M. H. B.' It follows in the More MS. immediately 
after a fragment of yerse composed by Caedmon, and it is written 
in a band that may well be the same, it is said, as that of the 
'Historia' itself. The MS. was fully described by Henry Brad- 
shaw in voL 2 of 'Facsimiles of MSS. and Inscriptions', edited 
by K A- Bond and K M. Thompson (Lond. 1873-1883) for the 
Pala^graphical Society. The Plate no. 140 in that work repro- 
duces the song composed by Caedmon, a list of Northnmbrian 
kings down to 737 (bat not mentioning Eadberct^ who succeeded 
in that year), and a few computations, given above, of intervals 
that had elapsed since certain events of historical importance 
had taken place. The strong resemblance of the handwriting 
of the More MS. to that of the Kalendai* and Mai*tyrology of 
St. Wilbrord, now in the Biblioth^que Nationale, Paris, fands 
latins, no. 10,837, which certainly belongs to the flrst half of 
the Vmth Century, led Mr. Bradshaw to believe that the MS. 
may have been written at Eptemach, or at some snch Anglo- 
Saxon colony on the continent of Enrope. The fact that certain 
mistakes were made by the author of the Ghronological Frag- 
ment in calcolating some of the intervals he dealt with has led 
to the otherwise unfonnded supposition that at least some of the 
notes were made later than A. D. 737. It was certainly written 
in that year, however; vide 'Monumenta Historica Britannica', 
Preface, L 173, and Znpitza, ^lieber den Hymnus C»dmons', in 
the Ztschr. f. d. Alterthumy neue Folge, Bd. X. 

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In a, 737 minus 'CXL* dates Edwin's baptism in 626, i) 
i. e., 'in anno CLXXX. ab aduentu Anglorum*, as Bede, 'H. E.', 
n. xiiiL, p. 118, says correctly though he erroneously assigned it 
to the year 627 : cf, Zeitschr. ECE. 506. b tallies with what we 
know. In c 737 minus 'LXXIX.' assigns Penda's death to 658, 
which is quite correct if we style it A. D. L, and remember that 
the year of the Incarnation began, in Bede's time, on September 
24.2) penda was slain on November 15, A. D. 654— DCLV. = 
A. D. I. 658. In d, the discrepancy between the Fragment and 
the chronology of Venerable Bede has never been accounted for. 
737 minus *LXin.' = A.D. 674 for Egfrid's death. Bat we 
know that he died in 685, in battle against the Picts. Similarly 
'ante annos VIII. ' gives A. D. 666 for Elfwin's death, which is 
equally stränge, becanse the battle on the Trent between the 
Mercians and the Northnmbrians, in which he feil, took place 
in the 9th year of Egfrid, l e., in 678-9. As Egfrid feil eight 
years after, it is clear that he reigned plus 8 plus 7 years, i. e., 
more than 15 years. Now, that is just what Tigemach says«) 
viz. 'xvmo anno regni sni consummato'; while Bede says *xvmo* 
anno'; 'H. K' IV. xxvi., p. 297. It is possible that Bede connted 
Egfrid's years from the date of his coronation, and that the 
anthority used by Tigemach counted from Egfrid's accession. 

The reason for the prochronism of 11 years appears to me 
to be this : A. D. 685, the actual year of Egfrid's overthrow, = 
A. P. sec. E. r. [12] DCLXXnn., and A. D. 678, the actual year 
of Elfwin's death, = A. P. sec. E. F. [12] DCLXVI. (from January 1 

>) The recognition of this fact wonld have helped Mr. Plnmmer to clear 
np the difficnlties pointed ont by Dr. Bright in connexion with Edwin^s 'delay* 
to obey the voice of Panlinns, becanse it would have helped to shew that 
Bede was in error in dating Panlinns's consecration in 625. 

') Bede teUs ns in his *De Ratione Tempornm' (Opera, vi. 244) that — 
'Incipinnt indictiones ab Yin. Eal. Octobr. [=: 24 Sept] ibidemqne terminantor'. 
In the 'H. £.', Y. xy. (p. 316), he says that Adaionan died 'ante expletnm 
anni circnlnm', and Adamnan's day is September 23. Hence the annalistic 
year commenced in Bede's time in some monasteries on the same day as the 
Indiction. Cf, The AthmoBum, Sept. 22, 1900, p. 380. 

*) 'The Annais of Tigemach ', edited from four fragments of the Xnth 
and XlVth centnries by Dr. Whitley Stokes ; vide Beyne Celtiqne : a) to An- 
toninns, tome xvi., 1895, pp. 875-419; h) to A. D. 360, tome xvii., 1896, pp. 6-33; 
c) from A. D. 489 to A. D. 766, ibid., pp. 119-263; and d) from A. D. 975 to 
A. D. 1088, ibid., pp. 337-420. 

Zeltachrirfc f. oalt. PhUologi« VI. 25 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

386 A. A17SC0MBE, 

to March 24). Now, 674 and 666 are the numbers that result 
from the reduction of 737 by 63 and 71, the intervals indicated 
in the Chronological Fragment. This Solution of the difficulty 
shews that in A. D. 737 there were compntations styled in the 
era of the Incarnation (as in c), and also in the era of the Passion 
sec. E, F. (as in d) which were independent of Bede's chronology. 

In /; 737 minus *CCXCII.' =- A. D. 445 for the year of the 
arrival of Hengist and Horsa. This, as we have seen, supra^ 
note ii., is the era-year of the 'Annales Cambriae', and, as I have 
explained already, it is the erroneous equation of A. P. sec E, F. 
[13] CCCCXVn. = A. D. 428. 

It is obvious that the Compiler of the Chronological Frag- 
ment written out in A. D. 737 had before him two events dated 
in the era of the Passion computed secundum Veritatem Evangelii. 
The first of these, that in d, namely, he deducted f orthwith from 
the annus praesens withont reducing it to the Dionysian era. 
The result is the prochronism of 11 years which has hitherto 
proved so puzzling. The other heterodox passional datum, that 
in f, he erroneously assigned to the era of the Passion computed 
according to Prosper and reduced the date to the Dionysian era 
by adding 28. He then deducted this false date from the annus 
praesens and the result is the parachronism of 17 years in the 
date of the Saxon Advent which we have just considered. 

(xxxii.) An. DCLXIV. Deo dilecta mater Bercinganensis mo- 
nasterii ^Ethelburga, prima eiusdem coenobii abbatissa, 
. . . V^ Iduum Octobrium die carnis ergastulo est 

An. DCLXXV. Porro ^Ethelburgae sancti Erconwaldi 
sorori successit Hildelith ad quam sanctus Aldelmus 
scripsit librum De Virginitate. 

Florence, ii. 8., note xvii., vol. 1, 26, 83. 

The death of Ethelberga, Abbess of Barking, is dated by Flo- 
rence October 11, 664, and the succession of Hildilid in 664 and 
also in 675. Now A. P. DCLXIV. sec. E. F. [Ui] = A. D. 675. 
As Ethelburga's successor Hildilid did not die before 709 the 
later date is more likely to be the true one; cf, Plummer's 'Bede', 
ii. 218, 219. The mistake made by Florence in connexion with 
Ethelberga's obit is identical with that which he made about 
Asser; vide note xvii. supra. 

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[xxxiii.] An. DCCCLXXn. Asserum etiam [Aelfredus rex] de 
occiduis et ultimis Britanniae finibus e monasterio 
Sancti Dewii aduocauit. 

Florence o£ Worceeter, v. supra, note »tnt. 

[A, P. sec. E. VJ DCCCLXXIL = A. D. 883. According to Asser's 
own report he came to England about A. D. 884; r. 'Annales de 
Rebus Gestis Aelfredi ', ' Monumenta Historica Britannica \ i. p. 487, 
C, and compare note xvii, supra. The wayering of Florence 
when dealing with the dates of Asser's life has excited unfounded 
and unnecessary suspicions respecting the genuineness of the 
'Annales de R G. Aelfredi'. 

(xxxiiii.) Aduentus Anglorum in Angliam . . . anno ab Incama- 
tione CCCCJXXK.Vin. Gurtheimo existente rege Bri- 

'Annales Cambriae', Cotton MS. Domitian A L, MS. C, 9cr, c, 

1290, ed. Williams, p. xl. 

A. D. 449, the date handed down by Venerable Bede, when 
reduced to ± P. sec. E, V. [12] = CCCaXXX,VIIL, as in the text. 

(xxxv.) An. DLXVin. Kl. Columchül^ in nocte Dominica, 
etatis SU? anno Ixxvii, quievit in XPO. 

'Annales Buellienses^ v, 9upra, note vi. 

A. D. sec. E. V. DLXVIIL = A. D. 579 when computed correctly ; 
but there is an occasional error in this class of reduction, 12 
instead of 11 being sometimes added or taken away. Hence 
A. P. [12] 568 equals A. D. 580, and in that year not only did 
June 9, the day of St. Columba's death, fall on Sunday, but also, 
as Tigernach reports, on Whitsunday: cf. Ztschr. f. celt. PhiloL, 
iv. 336. The question of difference in the date of celebration of 
Easter which is due to schismatic calculaton does not affect us 
here. By Dionysian computation the lunations of the Sundays 
which feil within the Paschal period in A. D. 580 are as follows : 

March April 

Sundays: 24 31 7 14 21 

lunation: xxii. xxix. vi. xiü xx. 

The Scoto-British Churches would not keep Easter earlier than 


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388 A. AN8C0MBE, 

March 25, nor on an older moon than xx.: therefore in 580 the 
Irish and the Britons could not possibly have kept Easter in 
the month of March. In April there were only two Sundays 
available — either the 14th or the 21st. If the moon of the 
schismatic tables were one day older than the moon of the 
orthodox tables the Irish and the Britons would have kept 
Easter on April 14, moon xiiii. Tigernach's Statement implies 
that they kept it on April 21, which tallies with Whitsunday 
on June 9, and I know of only one reason for doubting his report 
— viz. the possibility of what Dr. MacCarthy calls 'proleptic 
attribution'.i) By this phrase is meant the attribution of Dio- 
nysian methods of Paschal computation to a period anterior to 
the times of Dionysius, or, as in the British Churches, to the 
date when his method was adopted. But Tigernach says: *K iüi. 
Quies Coluimcille in nocte Dominica Pentecostes V. id. luni*. — 
and it is almost certain that he did not know the true year of 
Columba's death. For *K üii.' marks an E-year, whereas Sunday, 
June 9, necessarily falls with F. Consequently it cannot be 
right to suggest that Tigemach discovered that June 9 feil on 
Whitsunday by analysing the computistical position. Even if 
we Substitute vii. for *iiii.' we make no advance, because in 
B-years June 9 does not fall on Sunday. The only F-years in 
the last quarter of the VIth Century are 580, 586, and 597, and 
the only one of these in which Whitsunday could possibly fall 
on June 9 is 580. Computation of the lunations by Dionysian 
methods will shew that in 586 the schismatic computation must 
have agreed with the orthodox one in chosing June 2; while in 
597 it is probable that Whitsunday feil on May 26 in the 
schismatic Churches. 

(xxxvi.) Kl. — Adamnan ab&cw lae et sapiens quieuit in Christo. 
'Annales Inisfalenses', v. supra, note vii. 

This annal must be dated An. DCXCIIL, but Adamnan died on 
September 23, 704. It is clear, therefore, that the Compiler of 
the 'Annales Inisfalenses' has taken a datum computed in the 
era of the Passion sec. E. V. and treated it as if it were A. D., 
whereas he ought to have added 11 to the numerals. 

') Introd. to Annals of Ulster, IV., ci., 1. 5. 

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(xxxvii.) An. cccc.lxxx.vii. Ab initio mundi secundum Dionysium 
V.DC.LX. usque ad transitum Sancti Patricii episcopi ; 
ab incamatione vero Domini CCCC.XL.VIII. 

*Aimales Buellienses*, v^supra, note vi. 

St. Patrick died 17 March, 460-1. A. D. 460 = A. P. sec. R F. [1J2] 
448 wrongly computed: these are the figures given in the text 
as ab ine. Bni. A. P. sec. E. V. 448, wrongly ascribed to the era 
of the Passion [^9], = A. D. 476; and 476 wrongly ascribed to 
the era of the Passion sec. E. V. [12], and again reduced to A. D., 
gives cccc.lxxx.vii., the head-date in the text. 

§ IX. A Prochronism of 28 or 29 years appears when a 
datum in the era of the Passion [29] according to Prosper is 
erroneously styled A. D. 

(xxxviii.) The work of the ' Chronographer of the year 354 
is of such great importance that it is singnlar that neither 
Dr. Mommsen nor any other scholar who has dealt with it has 
put the question — What does 'CCCLIIII.' in the title of the 
work mean? We are told that we owe it to Filocalus, who 
wrote under Pope Damasus; but Damasus was not consecrated 
until 366. The work itself is always cited as if it had been 
written in the year of the Incarnation 354, according to Diony- 
sius, but it is impossible for a IVth-century datum to have that 
meaning. That the title does at least precede the Vllth Century 
is clear from the reference to one of the objects of the compi- 
lation which was made by Columbanus in his ' Epistola ad Patres 
Synodi cuiusdam Gallicanae super quaestione Paschae congre- 
gatae'; {apud Migne, *Patrologia Latina', tom. Ixxx. col. 266.), as 
foUows: — 

*Sed conflteor ... quod plus credo traditioni patriae 
meae iuxta Do[cum],i) et calculum LXXXIV. annorum 

' Secundns ordo Catholicornm Hiberniae Presbyterorum . . . a Dauide 
episcopo et Gilla et a Doco Brittonibus missam acceperunt'; v. 'Conncils & 
Ecclesiastical Documenta ', edd. Haddan & Stubbs, vol. ii. part 2, pp. 292-4. 
It is the custom to alter 'Doco' here, into Cadoco; but that is not judicious 
and the important confinnation of the 'Catalogus' by Columbanus's letter has 
been overlooked. This Do[cus] may have been the Dochu who is mentioned 
in the Life of St. Cadoc (ed. Bees, cap. xyiii. p. 48), and who was one of the 
senior judges of Britannia along with David, Teilau, Eeneder, Maidoc and 

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et Anatolium i) . . . Pascha celebrare, quam iuxta Vic- 
toriom, . . . qoi post tempore Domini Martini et Domini 
Hieronymi et Papae Damasi post centum et tres annos 
sub Hilaro scripsit'. 

Prof. Mommsen ref erred to this passage in hiß second edi- 
tion of the book (* Chronica Minora', L p. 34), saying: — 

' Chronographum a. 354 adlegari a S. Colnmbano in 
epistola secunda, scripta a. 603, contendunt Duchesnius 
('Liber Pontificalis*, 1. p. xxxiv.) et Kruschius (* Neues 
Archiv ', ix. 147). Scilicet cum ibi memoretur Victorias 
[as above] g. p. t d. M, et d, H, et P. B, post c. et t. a. 
s. H. conscripsit, ea computatio cum Yictorius canonem 
elaboraverit a. 457, ducit ad a. 354 in quo finit Chro- 
nographus — neque id aliqua probabilitate caret 
quamquam Damaso a Columbano computatio illa non 
magis tribuitur quam Martino vel Hieronymo; neque 
recte tribui potest cum corpus id de quo agitur ante 
scriptum sit quam is papa factus est, neque usquam 
in eo nomen est*. 

Prof. Mommsen, it is clear, regarded 'CCCLIIIL' as a date in the 
era of the Incarnation computed according to Dionysius. 

Dr. Bruno Krusch in his essay on 'Die Einführung des 
griechischen Paschalritus im Abendlande', ref erred to by Momm- 
sen, quotes the words of Columbanus (beginning after 'iuxta Do-', 
however), and then says: 'Merkwürdig ist hier die Erwähnung 
des Papstes Damasus von welchem 103 Jahre bis auf Victurius 
gezählt werden. Für Damasus also das Jahr 354 statuiert, in 
welchem bekanntlich unter seinem Einflüsse die römische Chrono- 
graphie des Filocalus redigiert wurde'. This is a great mistake: 

other ecclesiastics, in a dispute between Arthur (t492) and Cadoc himself. 
The spelling 'Dochu' is significant of Norman influence; cf, ^Chenth' for Kent, 
in Domesday Book. The Annais of Ulster date Dochu's death — 'A. D. 
cccclzxiii. Quies Docci episcopi sancti Britonum abbatis'. For ^ A. D.^ we must 
read A. P., and A. P. 473 = either 484 or 501, accordingly as we understand 
sec. E. F. or sec. Froaper. 

^) The Paschal Tables of pseudo-Anatolius have been analysed and 
explained from two different points of view in the English Historical Eeyiew, 
Joly and October, 1895. 

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in A. D. 854, as Mommsen observed, Damasus was not Pope, and 
St Martin was nnknown; while Jerome, if we may accept the 
chronology of Dupin, was only nine or ten years old. 

The datom in the title of this ancient docoment is really 
computed in the era of the Passion [29], and must be reduced 
to A. D. by adding 28. This enables us to date the work of 
Filocalns in A. D. 382. Several circumstances will be found to 
group themselves quite naturally aronnd this year. It is the 
flrst of the cycle of LXXXIV. annorum per Septem duodecenni- 
taies, which commences — *Kal. lanuar., feria septima, luna 
prima . . .' It is the year in which Jerome went to Eome, with 
other supporters of Panlinns of Antioch, to take part in the 
Council conyened by Damasus in order to compose the schism 
respecting the patriarchal succession in the latter Church. It 
was in the preceding year that Jerome had prepared the 'One 
Hundred Year's List of Easters', computed by Theophilus of 
Alexandria, for the Latin Churches, and this Paschal List com- 
menced with the Easter of 380. Those Italian and Gaulish 
bishops who resented Greek interference, on receiving this One 
Hundred Year*s list would immediately foresee the need to have 
a Paschal list of their own, so that they might produce it in 
cases of emergency when the Alexandrian Easter Day did not 
tally with the Roman one. The result was the compüation we 
know, which presents the data of the cycle of LXXXIV. stretch- 
ing back for hundreds of years. The numerals CCCLIIII. 
f ormed part of the title as early as A. D. 603 at least, as I said 
above; for Columbanus's mistake i) consisted, like that of Duchesne 
and Mommsen, in regarding them as a date in the era of the 
Incamation according to Dionysius. Columbanus then deducted 
them from 457, the year in which Victurius compiled his Great 
Paschal Cycle, the result being the interval of 103 years he 
cites. Columbanus's object in referring to the Chronographer of 
'CCCLIin.' was to exalt the age, and consequently the authority 
of the Paschal method of LXXXIV., in so far as its Julian- and 
lunar-calendar limits of Easter are concemed. 

^) It is clear tbat we must assnine that Colambanus had become ac- 
qnainted in Ganl before A. D. 603 with the Dionysian method of compntation 
which St. Angnstine introduced into England in 597, and St. Cummian, in 
Ireland, snpported in 681. 

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(xxxix.) Saxones ad Britanmam yenenint Feiice et Tauro coss. 
qaadringentesiiüo anno ab incarnatione domini lesn 

'Historia Brittonnm', Harley MS. no. 3859, cap. Ixvi. Ed. 

Momiusen, 'Chronica Minora', iii. p. 209. 

This is a computation in the era of the Passion according to 
Prosper's view. A. P. [J29] CCCC. = A. D. 428, which is quite 

(xl.) A natiuitate domini usque ad aduentum Patricii ad 
Scottos CCCCV. anni sunt. 

'Historia Brittonom', u. «., cap. zvL, p. 158. 

This, like xxxix., is a computation made a pctssione. A. P. [J^9J 
CCCCV. = A. D. 438. 

§ X. A Prochronism of 33 or 34 years appears when a 
datum in the era of the Passion computed seeundum Evangelium 
is wrongly ascribed to the era of the Incamation, similarly 
computed, and then reduced to the Vulgär Era. 

(xlL) K uL Constantinus a ducibus Constantis fratris sui 
in hello ocdsus est [sc. A. D. 340]. Patricius nunc 
natus est 

K. u. Patricius in Hibemiam ductus est. 

'The Annals of Tigemach', ed. Whitley Stokes, Beme CeUique, 
tome XYÜ., 1896, p. 30. Bodleian MS. Batolinson B 502, scr. 

sawi, xn. 

The first K occurs after a bissextile sequence which runs thus: 
w., UM. t. ii, iii,, u. At this period, therefore, K ui necessarily 
indicates A. D. 342. The second K foUows the sequence iüi., 
vi. vii. i. ii, iiiL, and indicates A. D. 358. These dates are much 
too early and it would appear that they represent the accepted 
dates of Patrick's birth and capture, namely, 374 and 390, in the 
foUowing way. A. D. 374 = A. P. sec. R V. [12] 363. A. D. 363 
sec. E. F. = A. D. 341 or 2. Similarly A. D. 390 = A. P. sec. E. V. 
379. A. D. 379 sec. E. V. = A. D. 357 or 358. 

It mnst not be concealed that Prosper Tiro, like Victnriiu, computed 
the era of the Passion from a year that was actually A. D. 28. 

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(xlii.) Anno DIX. Her scs. Benedictus se abbud, ealra mu- 
neca faeder, ferde to heonenan.!) 

'Canterbuiy (Latin and Saxon) Ghronicle, F, Cotton MS. 
Domitian A VIII. , 8cr. e. 1100; v. Plummer, *Two Chronicles', 
ii. xxxvi. 

Anno DIX. Benedictes abbas migranit ad dommum 
xii. kl. ApriL in sancfo sabbato pasch^. 

'ChroniconBreyiusculnm' {inedit) Cotton MS. Nero A. VIIL, 
8cr. saec. XII. 

According to Dom Mabillon Benedict of Nursia died on March 21, 
543. This date feU in A. P. see. E. V. [12] DXXXL, which, being 
wrongly ascribed to A. D. sec. E. V. and reduced to the vulgär 
era, gives DIX., as in the texts. 

The paschal dates in the second text are merely compu- 
tistical. They may have been elaborated by the Compiler of 
this little chronicle after he had analysed the position presented 
by the erroneous annus and the calendar date of the obit; for 
Easter Day did fall on March 22, in A. D. 509. 

(xliii.) Kai. u. Beda hie natus est. Hoc tempore Martinas 
Papa floruit. 

Kl. — [= A. D. 690] In hoc anno Beda scripsit librum 
de Temporibus. 

' The Annalfl of Tigemach ', «. «., note xlL 

Pope Martin reigned from 649 to 655 — an impossible period 
for Bede's birth. The *Liber de Temporibus' was written in 
A. D. 725, hence in dating it in 690 the prochronism has swoUen 
to 35 years. 

(xliiii.) An. CCXXI. Primum Pascha apud Saxones celebratur. 

'Annales Cambriae', v. supra^ note il. 

A D. 445 + CCXXlo = A. D. DCLXV., which is absurd. For 
LCLXK we must read DcLXV. = 565 (v. Ztschr. f. celt Philol, 
iii. 440, note 1). This datum results from wrongly ascribing 
A. P. sec. E. r. [12] DLXXXVII., i. e. A. D. 598, to the era of the 
Incarnation sec. E. V., and reducing it to the vulgär era by 
deducting 22, according to rule. A. P. sec. E. F. DcLXXXVIL, i. e., 

*) I. e. — In this year the holy abbot Benedict, the father of aU monks, 
migrated to heaven. 

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A. D. 598, is the correct year, because, as Ethelbert was not 
baptised until June 2, 597, the first Easter generally celebrated 
in Ms kingdom mnst have been that of the following year. 

(xlv.) Anno DCCCL. Cenewlfus rex Wessezonum ocdditur, 
cui Brig[t]ricus successit 

The AnnalB of Worcester, v. supra, note tii. 

Cenwulf was slain in A. D. 784 = A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 772-3. 
This datum wrongly ascribed to A. D. sec, E, V., and reduced to 
A. D., gives DCCL., which, being wiitten DCCCL or BcCCL., 
was misunderstood by the Compiler of the Worcester Annais 
and caused the greatest confusion in bis chronicle; cf. footnote 1 
p. 361, supra, 

Hornsey, Middlesex. A. Anscombb. 

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1. Cymr. cli/r. 

Das cymr. dir Adj. 'hell, klar, heiter, rein' läfst sich nicht 
als eine Entlehnung aus dem engl, clear betrachten, denn nach 
Sil van Evans, Geiriadur Cymraeg 802 b begegnet es bereits bei 
Dafydd ab Gwilym, zu so früher Zeit aber, in der zweiten Hälfte 
des 14. Jahrhunderts, hatte das englische Wort jedenfalls noch 
nicht seine heutige Aussprache mit langem i. Man hat zweifellos 
damals und noch geraume Zeit später das mengl. der aus afranz. 
anglonorm. der mit geschlossenem ? gesprochen, vgl. Kluge, 
Pauls Grundrifs d. germ. Philol. 1^, 969 und Luick, Unters, z. 
engl. Lautgesch. 180 f. Demgemäfs haben denn auch die 
brittischen Sprachen das engl, dear vielmehr in den von jenem 
dir stark abweichenden Formen cymr. daer * clear, bright, sMning, 
splendid', das gleichfalls schon Dafydd ab Gwilym und noch 
ältere Quellen aufweisen (S. Evans a. a. 0. 785b), und corn. 
deyr der *bright, clear' (R. Williams, Lex. Comu-britann. 60a) 
herübergenommen, sowie das Bretonische sein sklear 'clair, limpide', 
mbret. sdaer aus dem französischen dair unter EinfluTs